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Western Asia in the Second Millennium B.C. 

SCALE 1 : 7,000,000 trmi; 





500 Miles 












Under the General Editorship of 
The Rev. C. F. BURNEY, D.Litt. 

St. Mark's Gospel. With Introduction and Notes. 

Edited by the Ven. W. C. Allen, M.A., Rector of Chorley, 
and Archdeacon of Blackburn. Js. 6d. net. 

'Archdeacon Allen has succeeded in writing another exposition of the earliest 
Gospel on entirely independent lines, and it will take high rank as one of those 
Commentaries that the keen student of the Gospels cannot afford to do without. 
— Methodist Recorder. 

The Book of Wisdom. With Introduction and Notes. 

Edited by the Rev. A. T. S. Goodrich, M.A., Late Rector of 
Winterbourne, Bristol, ior. 6d. net. 

' Mr. Goodrick's Preface at once arrests attention. Here is evidently a scholar 
taking his task seriously. He knows the literature, writes in terse, trenchant 
style, and has reached original conclusions. The expectation roused is not 
disappointed in the rest of the book.' — Guardian. 







A NEW commentary upon one of the books of the Old 
Testament seems to call for a few words in justification 
of its appearance, and for an indication of the special 
features which it aims at offering. The Book of Judges 
is not a book which has suffered from neglect on the part 
of scholars in the past : indeed, the last thirty years have 
witnessed the accession of much valuable work devoted 
to its elucidation. The Commentary by Professor Moore 
(1895) — to cite but a single example — is, by general 
consent, one of the most thorough and scholarly volumes 
even of so eminent a series as the International Critical 
Commentary. Biblical science, however, does not stand 
still. We are — or should be — daily widening the basis 
of our research. Fresh knowledge of the languages, 
literature, and antiquities of the peoples who were kindred 
to Israel, by race or by environment, is constantly being 
brought within reach ; and the Old Testament scholar 
who would keep abreast of the possibilities of Biblical 
interpretation must spread his nets wide if he is to gather 
in the available material for his studies. 

For myself, I can say with truth that such first-hand 
acquaintance with the Babylonian and Assyrian language 
and literature as I have been able to acquire during the 
past fourteen years or so, has revolutionized my outlook 
upon Old Testament studies. The possibilities for fresh 
investigation offered within this sphere, together with an 
instinctive preference for study of the Biblical sources 
themselves, prior to consultation of that which has been 
written about them by other scholars, have, I hope, im- 
parted some measure of originality to my work ; though 


originality, as an end in itself, was not what I was 
striving after. I have, so far as I was able, made myself 
acquainted with the work of my predecessors in the same 
field ; and I trust that I have regularly discharged the 
duty incumbent upon every scholar by making due 
acknowledgment to them whenever I have cited their 
opinion. An apparent exception to this rule may be 
found in the introductory discussions on the composition 
and sources of the various narratives contained in the 
book ; but here I have always worked out my own con- 
clusions and argued them in detail, and anything like 
a regular citation of my agreement with, or divergency 
from, other scholars must have led to undue prolixity, 
and would only have tended to confuse the reader. 

I trust that the somewhat lengthy § 6 of my Intro- 
duction, on ' External information bearing on the period 
of Judges,' may not be deemed superfluous to the pur- 
pose of the commentary. The Book of Judges occupies 
a position on the borderland between history and legend. 
In order to place our feet on firm ground, and gain as 
much as may be for veritable history, it is most important 
to examine the external sources, so far as they are acces- 
sible, which bear upon the condition of Cana'an and its 
inhabitants at and before the period covered by the book. 
It is important also — in view of the frequent reference 
made in the commentary to Babylonian influence and 
analogy — to understand how it was that such influence 
had permeated Cana'an to so large an extent at this early 
period. Throughout my work I have had in view, not 
merely the elucidation of the text of Judges, but as 
thorough an investigation as I could make of the early 
period of Israel's residence in Cana'an for which Judges 
forms our principal text-book. My volume, therefore, 
may perhaps be described as a collection of material for 
this early history rather than as a commentary pure and 
simple ; and if this view is taken of it I shall be content. 

Since the basis of correct exegesis of the Old Testa- 


ment consists in a sound philological knowledge of 
Hebrew, and such knowledge is mainly advanced through 
comparative study of the cognate Semitic languages, con- 
siderable attention is devoted in the notes to questions of 
comparative philology. In discussions which fall under 
this head I have adopted the plan of transliterating both 
the Hebrew words and those from cognate languages 
which are brought into comparison with them, in order 
that the Hebrew student who is unacquainted with the 
cognate languages may be able, to some extent at least, 
to appreciate the argument. A table explaining the 
method of transliteration is given on pp. xxxi f., and an 
index of the transliterated forms will be found at the end 
of the volume. The use of Hebrew and other Semitic 
types has been minimized as far as possible, in the hope 
that the commentary may prove useful, not merely to 
Hebrew scholars, but to the larger class of Biblical 
students who are ignorant of the language. Whenever a 
quotation is made in the original it is accompanied by a 

Among the notes on the text there will be found some 
which are of very considerable length, e.g. those on the 
Ashera (p. 195), the Ephod (p. 236), the representation 
of Samson as a Nazirite (p. 342), the line of the Midian- 
ites' flight, and the site of Abel-meholah (p. 219), as 
well as some of the other geographical notes, and many 
of the textual notes upon the Song of Deborah. Notes 
such as these have been expanded without compunc- 
tion, because I believed that I had new light to throw 
upon very difficult problems ; and readers who are really 
desirous of getting to the bottom of such problems will 
not, I think, quarrel with me upon this score. 

It is possible that one of the Additional Notes — that 
on the use of writing in the time of the Judges, and the 
antiquity of the Alphabetic Script (p. 253) — may be 
thought to hang upon rather a slight peg in the reference 
to writing in ch. 8 11 , so far as the necessities of the com- 


mentary are concerned ; but the many-sided interest of the 
subject and the manner in which it has entered into recent 
discussions (some of them not untinged with controversial 
bias) seemed to call for an explicit statement of the 
facts, and of such deductions from them as appear to be 
justified. The notes on ' Yahweh or Yahu originally an 
Amorite Deity' (p. 243), and 'Early identification of 
Yahweh with the Moon-god' (p. 249), form integral parts 
of my theory as to the Ashera ; and I am unaware of 
any source of information which brings together the facts 
which I was desirous of marshalling. 

Among those to whom I owe thanks for assistance 
rendered in the preparation of this commentary, there 
are two whose help has been of a very special character. 
Dr. Driver read through the whole of my new transla- 
tion of the text of Judges (which I completed before 
beginning to write the notes upon it), and made many 
suggestions which materially improved it. He also saw, 
in one form or another, all or most of what I have written 
on chs. 1-8 ; and since he was without stint accessible 
to all who desired to consult him, I was accustomed 
constantly to discuss points of difficulty with him, and 
many of my conclusions and theories embodied in the 
commentary have, needless to say, much profited through 
his advice and revision. Dr. C. J. Ball has undertaken 
the heavy task of reading the whole of my proof-sheets 
and discussing them personally with me. All that my 
book owes to him it is impossible for me adequately to 
estimate ; a small part of it may be seen in the number 
of fresh suggestions which he has allowed me to include 
ifi my notes.* 

When all has been said, however, my debt to these 
two scholars for actual co-operation in the work put into 
my book is but a tithe of what I and the book owe 
to them in a wider sense. Enjoying as I did the close 
friendship of Dr. Driver from the year that I came up 
* Cf. pp. 114, 119, 122, 129, 144, 148, 250, 325, 421, 476 f. 


to Oxford as an undergraduate until the year of his 
death, I cannot but feel that most of what I have learned 
in method and thoroughness of scholarship is due to 
his teaching and example. Under Dr. Ball I began as 
a schoolboy to study the elements of Hebrew ; under 
him some twenty years later I began to grapple with- 
Assyriology, and the marvellous gifts which he possesses 
as a teacher caused the early stages of a study which 
might otherwise have seemed tedious and repellent to 
appear in the light of an easy and fascinating pastime. 

I have also to express my grateful thanks to Professor 
L. W. King for much advice upon matters connected 
with Babylonian studies. He has read, in particular, 
§ 6 of my Introduction and all my Additional Notes 
which deal with the influence of Babylonian civilization 
upon Cana'an ; and my confidence in the lines which 
I have taken in dealing with this side of my subject has 
been greatly strengthened by his approval and support. 
Professor R. W. Rogers of Drew Theological Seminary, 
Madison, New Jersey, whose regular visits for research 
in the Bodleian Library have made him as much a son 
of Oxford as of the United States, was in residence here 
during the greater part of the years 191 3- 14. During 
our long friendship we have grown accustomed to discuss 
the Biblical questions in which our common interests lie ; 
and I owe much to his judicial mind and expert know- 
ledge of Assyriology. 

With my wife I have talked over many of the points, 
both small and great, which have arisen in the course of 
my researches ; and the book owes not a little to her 
quick apprehension, sound common sense, and unerring 
feeling for style and lucidity. 

Finally, I must thank the Trustees of the British 
Museum for permission to reproduce the seal-cylinder 
impressions figured in Plate III., and the two reliefs 
from the Report on excavations at Carchemish, edited 
by Dr. D. G. Hogarth, which appear in Plate V. ; 


M. Leroux, the publisher of Delaporte's Catalogue des 
Cylindres orientaux . . . de la Bibliotheque Nationale, for 
a similar permission in the case of the seal-cylinder 
impressions given in Plate II. ; the Committee of the 
Palestine Exploration Fund for kindly allowing me to 
make the sketch-map of the district round Gibe'ah 
(opposite p. 465) upon the basis of their large survey- 
map ; and the British Academy for permission to make 
use of the map of Western Asia which has been prepared 
for my Schweich Lectures. 

C. F. B. 

Easter 1918. 


I WISH to call attention to the new Addenda (pp. 
cxxix ff.), in which I have endeavoured, so far as is 
possible, to bring Hittite questions up to date by inser- 
tion of references to new discussions which were not 
available when the First Edition was published. 

C. F. B. 

Christmas 19 19. 



ADDENDA, ........ xiii 




§ i. Title, Scope, and Place in the Canon, . . xxxiii 

§ 2. Structure, ...... xxxiv 

§ 3. The Old Narratives, ..... xxxvii 

§ 4. The Editors, . . . . . xli 

§ 5. Chronology, ... ... 1 

§ 6. External Information bearing on the Period of 

Judges, ....... lv 

§ 7. The Permanent Religious Value of Judges, . cxviii 

§ 8. Hebrew Text and Ancient Versions, . . cxxii 



External Evidence for the Use of the Terms 
'Cana'an' and 'The Land of the Amorite,' 

Sedek as a Divine Name, ..... 

The Meaning of the Name Kiriath-Arba', 

The Conquest of the Negeb, .... 

The original Form of J's Account of the Settlement 
of the Tribes of Israel in Cana'an, . 

A Detailed Examination of the Rhythm of the Song 
of Deborah, . .... 

The Climactic Parallelism of the Song of Deborah, . 

The Language of the Song of Deborah, 

Yahweh or Yahu originally an Amorite Deity, 








Early Identification of Yahweh with the Moon-God, 249 

The Use of Writing among the Israelites at the Time 

of the Judges, ...... 253 

Human Sacrifice among the Israelites, . . . 329 

The Women's Festival of Judges ii 40 , . . . 332 

The Mythical Elements in the Story of Samson, . 391 

The Origin of the Levites, ..... 436 




I. General Index, ...... 503 

II. Index of Grammatical and Philological Observa- 
tions, -,..... 520 

III. Index of Foreign Terms: — 

Hebrew (including Cana'anite), l . . . 522 

Babylonian and Assyrian (including Sumerian), 524 

Aramaic (including Syriac), .... 525 

Arabic, ... .... 526 

Greek, ....... 527 

Latin, ....... 527 

IV. Index of Passages from other Books discussed, . 527 

MAPS :— 

Western Asia in the Second Millennium B.C., . Frontispiece 
The District round Gibe'ah, . . . to face p. 465 

Palestine {five Maps), .... End of Volume 


p. 17. Ch. i 17 . Against the identification of Sephath with Sebaita 
(Esbeita), cf. Lawrence in PEF. Annual^ iii. (1914-15), p. 91, who 
points out that the site Esbeita cannot have existed before the 
Christian era. 

p. 29. Footnote*. The disappearance of the k in ^pX 'Akzib = ez- 

Zib is highly remarkable. Kampffmeyer {ZDPV. xv. p. 31) suggests 
that, as a first stage, k may have been weakened into h (as in 
Mikmash = modern Muhmas) and then into X, the first syllable being 
eventually treated as though it were the Ar. Article (cf. ed-Damiyyeh 
for 'Adam, er-Restan for Arethusa, etc.). 

p. 62. Note on 'the Hittites . . . mount Lebanon.' Meyer, IN. 
pp. 332 ff., defends the f^ text in Judg 3 3 , Josh. 1 1 3 , which places 
the Hivvites in the Lebanon district, and proposes to substitute 
i"Yn ' Horites,' on the authority of (5i in Gen. 34 2 , Josh. 9 7 , passages 

which, as they stand in $?, place the Hivvites in central Cana'an 
(Shechem and Gibe' on). The introduction of the Horites into these 
latter passages is opposed by Kit, GVL 2 i. p. $7, n\ upon good 

p. 69. Footnote on ""IDK. The common biliteral element DAR, 
TAR, etc., underlying a series of triliteral roots has been noted and 
further illustrated by Ball, Semitic and Sumerian (Hiiprecht Anni- 
versary Volume, pp. 41 f.). 

p. 88. Ch. 4 7 . The root-meaning of Heb. ndhal is stated by BDB. 
to be unknown. It seems obvious that the root ?H) must be allied 
to ??n in the sense 'to pierce,' and that ndhal therefore properly 
denotes a cutting or boring : ef. especially Job 28 4 , if ndhal is there 
rightly understood as meaning a mine-shaft. Other instances of 
allied J"B and V doubled verbs (i.e. of the same biliteral differently 
triliteralized) are *)0J 'to drip,' and New Heb. *)D£3 whence HBO 

T • 

'drop'; 1D3 'to weave' and "pD 'to intertwine'; f£0 and f*¥Q 'to 
break in pieces' ; n¥2 and ni"l¥ 'to shine, be brilliant' ; 3p3 and 22p 
4 to curse.' Similarly, 3"B and X% nSJ and ma 'to breathe'; J>BJ 
4 to break in pieces,' and p3 'to be dispersed' (by breaking); pO 
and p¥ 'to shine, blossom' ; "Ip3 and lip 'to bore, dig.' 



p. 95. Add to the list of authorities, P. Haupt, Die Schlacht von 
Taanach, pp. 193-225 of Studien zur semit. Philol. u. Religionsgesch. 
Julius Wellhausen . . . gewidmet, 1914. (He treats the text of Judg. 5 
with the greatest freedom, subjecting it to a drastic rearrangement.) 

p. 96. On the analogy to Hebrew poetry offered by the old Anglo- 
Saxon poetry, and by Piers Ploughman, cf. Gray, Forms of Hebrew 
Poetry (191 5), pp. 128 ff. 

p. 158. The extreme variation in the number of unstressed syllables 
which may accompany a stressed syllable in Hebrew poetry, accord- 
ing to our theory, is well illustrated by the passage from Piers 
Ploughman quoted by Gray, Forms of Hebrew Poetry, p. 130 : — 

1 On Good Friday I fynde | a felon was y-saved, 
That had lyved al his life | with lesynges and with thefte ; 
And for he beknede to the cros, | and to Christ shrof him, 
He was sonner y-saved | than seint Johan the Baptist ; 
And or Adam or Ysaye | or any of the prophetes, 
That hadde y-leyen with Lucifer | many longe yeres, 
A robbere was y-raunsoned | rather than thei alle, 
Withouten any penaunce of purgatorie | to perpetual blisse.' 

Here we find not merely ^ ^ ^ — ^ ('and for he beknede,' 'that 
hadde y-leyen'), but even ^^^^^ — ^ ('withouten any penaunce'). 
The resemblance is rather striking between the line 

' Withouten any penaunce of purgatorie | to perpetual blisse ' 

and v. Qh of the Song of Deborah, 

hammithnaddabkim bdd?n I barrakhu Yahwdh. 

p. 210. Ch. 7 5 - 6 . Mez, ZATW. xxi. (1901), pp. 198-200, notes the 
tact that Ar. karda, which is formally identical with Heb. kdrd 'bend 
down ' (used in our passage in the description of one form of drink- 
ing), has the meaning 'drink with the muzzle in the water,' i.e. by 
sucking the water in, as is done by ruminants, and animals such as 
the horse and ass, in contrast to Ar. walaga 'lap with the tongue' 
(equivalent in meaning to Heb. lakak), the method of drinking prac- 
tised by the dog, as well as by the wolf and other beasts of prey. 
His conclusion is that ' those that bent down (WO) upon their knees 
to drink water' put their mouths into' the water like cattle ; whereas 
the lappers (D^pp^n) were those who flung the water into their 
mouths with their hands — this being (in his opinion) the nearest 
approach to lapping, the actual practice of which is impossible for 
a human being. These latter, he thinks, were chosen on account of 
this dog-like or wolf-like characteristic as betokening their fitness for 
the enterprise ; and he seeks to fortify this inference by quotation of 
two Ar. proverbs which compare a razzia with the licking of a wolf, 
i.e. in respect of its lightning -rapidity, as appears from another 


proverb, c more swiftly than a dog licks its nose.' Mez's arguments 
are reproduced, with additional remarks, by M c Pherson, JAOS. xxii. 
(1901), pp. 70-75; and the two articles are cited as authoritative in 
Gesenius-Buhl, Handworterbuch™ (191 5) s.v. JTD. BDB., s.v. JTD, 
compares the Ar. verb, and offers (with a query) the suggestion that 
it may bear a derivative sense, the ground-meaning being ' kneel to 

Objection may be made to the identification of Heb. kard in our 
passage with Ar. kard a on several grounds. 

1. The phrase JYinB^ W\1 bv JH^ "1BW ' who bendeth down upon 
his knees to drink ' is very different from the Ar. usage of kard a, in 

which the verb is always followed by the prep. J 'in' — 'drink with 

the muzzle in the water, or, in a vessel' (cf. the Dictionaries of 
Freytag, Lane, Kazimirski). M c Pherson, who perceives this difficulty, 
thinks that V3"Q 7V may be a later scribal expansion, ITO* 1 1B>K 
D^D JYlllBv meaning 'who drinks putting his mouth to the water.' 
Such an English rendering would seem to require an original 
JJ*"I3 nn^ I^K the Heb. sentence as given by M c Pherson meaning 

- t v : • v -: > 

rather ' who puts his mouth in the water as regards drinking.' But, 
if )TO really has the meaning of the Ar. verb, lYlJIEv is obviously 
redundant ; whereas, on the other hand, the omission of D^EQ, which 

is demanded on the analogy of the Ar. *U.J^ J, appears to be fatal 
to the theory. It cannot be doubted that the expression V3*ll bv STO" 1 
is original, and has the meaning which it possesses elsewhere 
(1 Kgs. 8 34 , 2 Kgs. i 13 , Ezr. 9 5 ). 

2. The philological analogue of Heb. kard appears to be the Ar. 
rakda (as rightly recognized by Ges., Thes. y Ges.-Buhl, though not 
by BDB.), with transposition of radicals (cf., probably, the converse 
transposition in Ar. karda, which is surely to be compared with 
Heb. rakd , and not with kard as in BDB.). If, however, karda 
bears a derived sense ' kneel to drink,' we are faced by the pheno- 
menon that the root with more primitive meaning has undergone 
transposition, whereas the presumably later derived form has not. 
Again, if the point of connexion between Heb. kard and Ar. karda 
is that the latter properly means 'kneel to drink' (BDB.), such a 
posture is true of the camel only, but not of the ox, sheep, goat, 
horse, ass, or of the wild ruminants. We must suppose, therefore, 
that karda got its specialized sense through observation of the 
camel only ; but of this there seems to be no trace in Ar. Such a 
sense as 'bow the head or neck' (true for the other animals 
mentioned) would be expressed by another verb. 

3. Mez's theory, in postulating that Heb. kard denotes the putting 
the mouth into the water, is obliged to assume that the lappers, in 
contrast, put their hands to their mouths (retaining, therefore, 


DiTD N DT3, in the position which it occupies in $J). But no 
amount of special pleading can make it appear that the scooping of 
water into the mouth with the hand has any resemblance to lapping 
'as the dog lappeth.' 

If these arguments are sound, the resemblance between Heb. kard 
and Ar. kard a is probably merely fortuitous ; and the comparison 
with kard a should be expunged from Heb. Lexicons, or at any rate 
marked as highly precarious. 

p. 214. Note on ch. 7 15 . In explaining Heb. sibhrd, 'its elucida- 
tion,' by comparison of Bab. sabru, sabrdtu, it is of course not in- 
tended to affirm that sebher is actually the formal equivalent of 
sabru, i.e. a Shaph'el from a so-called triliteral form ("TO), since such 
a form would naturally exhibit a H'y nominal termination. What is 
affirmed is that there are in Heb. originally-biliteral forms which 
have been triliteralized by prefixed W in the sense ' make,' which is 
the preformative employed in this sense in the Shaph'el. This has 
already been pointed out by Ball in his article Semitic and Sumerian 
in the Hi iprecht Anniversary Volume, pp. 54 f. "D"^ ' to make the 
action of seeing" 1 is precisely on the analogy of 23"^ 'to make the 
action of reclining] from root KAB ■« S3 in *]DD ' to bend, bow down ' 

(cf. also 11\ PJB3) ; fa® 'to weigh,' properly 'to make light' (cf. hb\>), 
i.e. 'to heave, lift.' We may add the ordinary Heb. "13"t^ (not 
included in Ball's list) ' to make the action of breaking 1 (cf. Ar. bara 
' to fashion by cutting] Heb. "HB, Bab. pardru ' to break or shatter'). 
The distinction between 12W, properly ' make + see' or 'make + 
bright' (cf. V "Q 'to make bright,' Bab. bardru 'to be bright'; 
"I3~tj> ' to make bright,' or, internally, ' to show brightness '),* and the 
ordinary Heb. "D&?, properly ' make + break,' is the same as exists 
between Bab. ka-pdru 'to be bright or brighten,' Pi'el kuppuru, 
Heb. 133 properly 'to make bright, purge,' so 'to atone' (cf. the 

evidence adduced by the present writer in ET. xxii. pp. 325 ff.), and 
Bab. ka-pdru ' to cut.' The identity in form combined with diversity 
in meaning is explained by the fact that there is a Sumerian BAR, 
PAR with the idea of 'brightness' (standing in syllabaries for baru 
'to see,' bardru 'to shine,' namdru 'to be bright,' n£ru 'light,' etc.), 
and another Sumerian BAR, PAR which is distinct (at least as known 
to us) in meaning, and carries the idea of 'breaking, splitting,' etc. 
(standing in syllabaries as the equivalent of pardru 'to break,' 
kapdru 'to cut,' paldku 'to divide,' hasdsu 'to cogitate — animam 
dividere] pardsu 'to decide,' etc.). 

* For the connexion between seeing and brightness, cf. Heb. 11 K 'to be bright" 
= Bab. atndru 'to see' (a relation in form like that between Heb. 1)2 Bab. 
namdru, both ' to shine '). When a man sees clearly again after faintness, his 
eyes are said to become bright : cf. 1 Sam. 14 2 7-8», Ps. 13 3 (%} 4 ). 


p. 221. Discussion of I Kgs. 4 12 . The writer, having independently 
suggested that the words 'which is in proximity to Sarethan' have 
been accidentally transposed and should properly refer to 'Abel- 
meholah,' now notices that the same conjecture has been put forward 
with a query by Prof. Moore m/BL. xiii. (1894), p. 79, n 9 . 

pp. 253 ff. Since the printing of Addit. note on 'The use of writing, 
etc' there has appeared a valuable article by J. H. Breasted entitled 
The Physical Processes of Writing in the Early Orient and their 
Relation to the Origin of the Alphabet, in AfSL. xxxii. (July 1916), 
pp. 230-249. Breasted deals, on pp. 241 fT., with Assyrian Reliefs 
depicting scribes writing cuneiform on a clay tablet (cf. our Addit. 
note, p. 255), and he regards the second scribe, who is occasionally 
present, using pen, ink, and scroll, as an Aramaean (cf. our Addit. 
note, p. 256, footnote', Description of the Plates, p. 495). 

p. 255. Footnote*. The form of the stylus used for writing cunei- 
form, and the method of using it, have been discussed by P. Zehnpfund, 
Ueber babylonisch-assyrische Tafelschreibung, in Actes du 8 e Congres 
International des Orientalistes tenu en 1889 a Stockholm et a Chris- 
tiania (1893), pp. 265-272 ; J. de Morgan, Note sur Procedes techniques 
en Usage chez les Scribes babyloniens in Recueil de Travaux, xxvii. 
(1905), pp. 240 f. ; A. T. Clay, Documents from the Temple Archives 
of Nippur (1906), pp. 17-20; L. Messerschmidt, Zur Technik des 
Tontafelschreibens in OLZ. (1906), cols. 185-196, 304-312, 372-380. 
The fact that the wedges were made by impression merely, without 
drawing, which is emphasized by the present writer, is confirmed by 
Clay : ' To produce long horizontal wedges for the purpose of filling 
out lines, as was frequently done, it is not necessary to draw the stylus 
over the soft clay. By simply lowering the handle it is possible to 
make a wedge as long as the stylus ' (p. 20). 

p. 332. Addendum to Additional Note on the Womerts Festii dl of 
Judg. 11 40 . The conclusion that the myth of Demeter and Kore is 
to be connected, in its origin, with the myth of Istar and Tammuz 
may be substantiated by the following facts : — 

(1) The brilliant discovery of Ball {PSBA. xvi., 1894, pp. 195 fT.) 
that the Sumerian name of Tammuz, DUMU.ZI* (Bab. Dtfuzu, 
Duzu |) is identical with the Turkish domitz 'pig,' and that there is 
thus an ' original identity of the god with the wild boar that slays him 
in the developed legend,' is confirmed, quite independently and along 

* Usually explained to mean ' Son of life,' or as an abbreviation of DUMU.- 
ZI.ABZU, 'True son of the deep water.' It is possible that one or the other of 
these meanings may have been read into the name after its original signification 
had been forgotten. 

% On the evolution of the name-forms in Sumerian and Semitic, cf. Zimmern, 
Der Bab. Gott Tamuz, pp. 703 f. 



totally different lines, by Robertson Smith's scarcely less brilliant 
conjecture that the pig was originally regarded as the theriomorphic 
representative of the deity. ' My own belief,' says this latter writer, 
* is that the piacular sacrifice of swine at Cyprus on April 2 repre- 
sents the death of the god himself, not an act of vengeance for his 
death. . . . Adonis, in short, is the Swine-god, and in this, as in 
many other cases, the sacred victim has been changed by false inter- 
pretation into the enemy of the god' {Religion of the Se?nites? p. 392, 
n l ; id. 2 p. 41 1, » 4 ). Among the Greeks ' the pig is the victim speci- 
ally consecrated to the powers of the lower world' (Farnell, The Cults 
of the Greek States, iii. p. 32). The ceremonial of the Thesmophoria, 
celebrated by women in the cult of Demeter and Persephone, is 
especially noteworthy in this connexion. Lucian's scholiast states 
that ' At the Thesmophoria it is the fashion to throw living pigs into 
the underground sanctuaries . . . and certain women called dvrXijTplai 
descend and bring up the decaying remnants and place them on the 
altars : and people believe that the man who takes (part of them) and 
mixes them up with his grain for sowing will have an abundant harvest. 
And they say that there are serpents down below about the vaults, 
which eat the greater part of the food thrown down' (quoted from 
Farnell, op. cit. p. 89 ; cf. also Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the 
Study of Greek Religion? ch. iv.). Here it is questioned whether the 
swine were regarded merely as gifts to the earth-goddess, or as incar- 
nations of the divinities themselves. The former view is taken by 
Frazer {Spirits of the Corn, ii. pp. 16 ff.) ; while Farnell regards the 
evidence as insufficient to establish it, and supposes that 'as these 
goddesses may be supposed to have partaken of the swine's flesh that 
was thrown down to them, the remnant would be regarded as charged 
with part of their divinity, and would be valuable objects to show 
(? strew) over the fields. But no Greek legend or ritual reveals any 
sense of the identity between Demeter and the pig' {op. cit pp. 90 f.). 
We may remark, however, that, at any rate from the Semitic side, 
the method of sacrifice — the throwing down of the living animal — is 
wholly in favour of the theriomorphic conception. The slaying of the 
victim by a method which avoided bloodshed, or which might be 
interpreted as an act of self-immolation, suggests that it was a totem- 
animal too sacred to be slaughtered by any individual worshipper 
(cf. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites? pp. 418 ff.).* The 
term peyapov, or fxdyapov, which is used to describe the underground 
caves {ra fxeyapa) into which the pigs were thrown, and also the 
adytum of the temple at Delphi where the oracular responses were 

* The reference in Isa. 65 4 , 66 17 to the eating of swine's flesh by the renegade 
Palestinian Jews or Samaritans, probably in early post-exilic times, reprobates 
the practice not simply because the animal was regarded as unclean upon arbi- 
trary or sanitary grounds, but as a definite act of idolatry; and there can be little 
doubt that the allusion is to the ceremonial partaking of the flesh of the totem- 
animal in Tammuz-ritual. Cf. Cheyne, Prophecies of Isaiah, ad loc. 


received, seems to be distinct from the Homeric term peyapou, which 
denotes a large chamber, hall, or palace, and has been supposed with 
considerable probability to be the Phoen. and Heb. m e 'dra, Ar. 
mugdra, 'cave,' with y for rough V in transliteration, as in ra£a=n?y, 
etc.* ; and, if this is so, the Semitic connexions of the rites of which 
we are speaking receive further substantiation. 

(2) One of the titles most frequently applied to Tammuz in 
Sumerian dirges is AMA.USUMGAL.ANNA. This means lit. 
'Mother, great serpent, heaven,' z>. 'the divine Mother who is the 
great serpent.' j Tammuz is also occasionally equated with the 
goddess KA.DI. Now KA.DI (as has been noted by Jensen, KB. 
vi. 1, p. 565) is stated in iv. 2 R. 30, No. 2, Obv. 18 and Rev. 6 to be a 
deity of tfce Underworld; according to v. R. 31, 30 she is identical 
with the divine Serpent (ilu siru) ; from a text published by Scheil 
(Textes Elam.-Semit., i e sdrie, p. 91, 1. 23) we gather that the Serpent 
is the 'child' {miru), or, it maybe, the 'messenger' (sipru) of KA.DI ; 
while, according to v. R. 46, 29, the constellation of the Serpent repre- 
sents the goddess Ereskigal, the counterpart of the Greek Persephone 
as mistress of the Underworld. For the Greeks also, however, the 
serpent is the incarnation of the earth-goddess Ge, the prototype of 
Demeter (cf. Farnell, op. cit. pp. 9 f.); and, as is clear from the 
passage relating to the Thesmophoria which we have already quoted, 
' this animal that was once the incarnation of the earth-spirit remains 
the familiar representative of the chthonian goddesses of the Olympian 
period' (Farnell, op. cit. p. 91). Further comment is needless. 

p. 340. Note on Sor'ah. The city Sa-ar-ha, mentioned in the T.A. 
Letters, together with A-ia-lu-na, i.e. Aijalon (Kn. 273), can hardly be 
other than the Biblical Sor'ah. It may be questioned, in view of the 
concurrence of the vocalization of Sa-ar-ha with the modern Sar'ah, 
whether the Biblical form ought not likewise to be vocalized not 
njH¥ but HJHV Sarah. Cf. (5r 2,apaa. 

t : t t : - 

p. 351. Note on ch. 14 6 . To the parallels adduced for the method 
employed by Samson in rending the lion, add the duplicated figure 
rending a lion on the seal-cylinder impression figured in Revue 
d Assyriologie, xxx. (1916), Plate 1, fig. 6. 

p. 359. Since the footnote dealing with the ftovyov ta-myth was 
written, there has appeared an article on the subject by A. E. Shipley 
in Journal of Philology, xxxiv. (191 5), pp. 97-105. 

p. 408. J. Halevy, REJ. xxi. (1890), pp. 207-217, treats the narrative 

* Cf. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites? p. 200 ; Lagarde, Symmicta, 
ii. p. 91 ; Muss-Arnolt, Semitic Words in Greek and Latin, in Trans, of the 
American Philol. Assoc, xxiii. (1892), p. 73; Boisacq, Diet. £tym. de la Langue 
Grecque, p. 617. 

X Cf. Zimmern, Der Bab. Gott Tamuz. p. 7, n 2 ; Langdon, Tammuz and 
Ishtar, pp. 114 ff. 


of Judg. 17, 18 as a single document, and regards it as probably the 
work of a Judaean patriot and convinced partisan of the Temple at 
Jerusalem, who aimed at defaming the rival Israelite sanctuaries of 
Bethel (Micah's temple) and Dan by imputing to them a discreditable 
origin — both of them owed their origin to a theft ; whereas the site 
of the Temple at Jerusalem was honestly purchased by David at a 
high price (2 Sam. 24 27 ). Halevy's arguments are ingenious but not 

J. A. Bewer (The Composition of Judges, Chaps. 17, 18, in AJSL. 
xxix. (191 3- 14), pp. 261-283) attacks the critical theories of compila- 
tion or of interpolation in this narrative, maintaining that ' the story 
is a unity throughout with very few redactional touches (17 6 , i8 lab ^, 
and possibly i8 29B P" b ). His arguments do not lead the present editor 
to modify his conclusions, as expressed in pp. 442 ff., in any respect. 

The credit must, however, be given to Bewer of recognizing the 
Levite's name in D5P "0 Nim f 17 7 , which he emends DBh]T|21 K-liTI 

'and he was a son of Gershom' — thus anticipating the suggestion 
made independently by the present writer in his note ad loc. Bewer 
also favours the emendation f'nxn for flXH which has been adopted 
ini8 39 . 

p. 430. Footnote % on Nephtoah = Lifta. Another instance of the 
change of n to / in a modern Ar. name as compared with its ancient 
equivalent is seen in Shunem = Solem. On the loss of the final h 
after a long vowel cf. Kampffmeyer, ZDP V. xv. p. 26, who cites the 
similar disappearance of the V in nb^^X (Josh. 13 50 ) by the side of 
the normal ybfiK>K. 

p. 442. Chs. i9 1 -2i 2i . To the authorities named add J. A. Bewer, 
The Composition of Judges, Chap. 19, in AJSL. xxx. (1914-15), pp. 81- 
93 ; The Composition of 'Judges 20, 21, id. pp. 149-165. The narrative 
is regarded as 'derived from one old, in the main reliable, source, 
which was worked over by a late theocratic editor. It is not impro- 
bable that a still later annotator, imbued with the same spirit as the 
editor, inserted a few characteristic interpolations.' 

p. 462. Ch. 19 9 note on 'the day hath waned, etc' The connexion 
of Heb. HQ") with Bab. rabii or rapu ' to sink ' (of the sun setting) 
has been affirmed (since the printing of our note) by Haupt in AJSL. 
xxxiii. (Oct. 1916), p. 48. Haupt also connects r^phdHm with rapii 
as meaning 'those who have "sunk" into their unseen abode' (as 
is done by the present writer in note on 'Teraphim,' p. 421, after the 
suggestion of Ball), though he denies connexion between r^phcCim 
and T e raphim. Since Haupt makes no reference to Ball's remarks 
in Proc. Brit Acad. vii. p. 16 (a paper read before the British 
Academy on June 3, 191 5, and published shortly afterwards), we must 
assume that the two scholars have independently reached similar 


p. 486. Ch. 20 45 . Note on 'the crag of Rimmon.' The ordinary 
identification with Rammon, three and a half miles east of Bethel, is 
opposed by W. F. Birch {PEF. Qy. St., 1879, PP- 127-129), who makes 
a strong point of the use of se'ld ' crag ' or ' cliff' as denoting ' a rock 
more or less perpendicular ' (cf. 2 Chr. 25 12 , Jer. 51 26 , Ps. 141 6 ). He 
states that there is no such cliff at Rammon, which Stanley {Sinai 
and Palestine, p. 214) describes as 'a white chalky height,' and Rob. 
{BR? \. p. 440) as 'a conical chalky hill'; and maintains that this 
want is a fatal defect in the identification of this site with ' the crag 
of Rimmon.' All that is left, therefore, in favour of the identification 
is the identity of name : but modern place-names indicating the 
presence of a pomegranate tree {Rummdneh) or group of such trees 
{Rummdn), happen to be extremely common in Palestine (the pre- 
sent writer has counted eighteen such in 5 WP. Great Map) ; thus 
by itself identity of name argues nothing. 

The claims of Rammon to be the site mentioned in our narrative 
were investigated by Finn {Byeways in Palestine, 1868, pp. 205 ff.), 
who visited the spot in order to inquire for a cavern which might be 
capable of containing six hundred men for four months. He saw 
four (not large) caverns, and was told of two others ; and his con- 
clusion was that 'all the refugees might sleep in these places if 
there was no village at the time, which seems probable.' On Finn's 
return from Rammon, the guide told him of a vast cavern in the 
Wady Suwenit capable of holding many hundred men, near which 
there is a watercourse half-way down the precipice (cf. p. 208). This 
cave, which is known as Mugaret el-Ga'y, has been carefully investi- 
gated and described by H. B. Rawnsley {PEF. Qy. St., 1879, PP« 
1 1 8- 1 26). It occupies a precipitous position on the south-west side 
of the Wady Suwenit, and is near a spring which affords an adequate 
supply of water. There is a current tradition in Geba' that the cave 
will hold six hundred men, and the main entrance-cave is said to 
afford shelter for sixteen flocks of one hundred sheep each. Rawnsley 
thought that six hundred men might hide there in case of emergency ; 
while three hundred could find ample lodging. 

This is the site which Birch (in the article above mentioned) 
advocates as the real ' crag of Rimmon.' If he is correct, we have 
an explanation of the question raised by ch. 20 43 , why the pursuit 
of the Benjaminites ceased when they had reached a point to the 
east of Geba c , viz. the fact that at this point they would disappear 
over the side of the Wady Suwenit, and reach their refuge. It cer- 
tainly seems improbable that, when the fugitives could reach such a 
stronghold as this at a comparatively short distance (four or five 
miles) from Gibe'ah, and were at any rate in its immediate neigh- 
bourhood when they came ' east of Geba c ,' they should have travelled 
double the distance in order to reach Rammon, which can in no way 
be compared as a defensive position. 


i. Texts and Versions 

f§ . . The Hebrew consonantal text, as represented by all 

MSS. and printed editions. 

iflfl . . The same as supplied with vowels and accents by 

the Massoretes. Ordinarily, P? represents the 
Massoretic text, unless the reading in question 
depends upon vowels or accents, when iftfl is 
Variation in reading between ?§ and |H is represented 
in the usual way, viz. by 

Kt. . . K'tkibk, the 'written,' i.e. consonantal, text. 

ly*re . . The ' read ' text, i.e. the emendation of the Massoretes. 

(fix t , The Greek (Septuagint) version (ed. Swete, 1887). 

Different MSS. are represented by (Hr A (Alex- 
andrinus, edd. Brooke and M c Lean, 1897) ; <& B 
(Vaticanus), etc. (Hi L = the recension of Lucian as 
edited by Lagarde (cf. p. cxxvi.). 

'A. . . The Greek version of Aquila ; 

2. „ „ Symmachus ; 

0. „ „ Theodotion ; 

cited from Field, Origenis Hexaplorum quae 
super sunt (1875). 

3L . . The Old Latin (pre-Hieronymian) version, fragments of 

which have been collected and edited by Sabatier 
{Bibliorum . . . Latinae Versiones, vol. i. 175 1), 
and Vercellone ( Variae Lectiones Vulg. Lat. Bibl., 
vol. ii. 1864). 3L L = Codex Lugdunensis (ed. Ul. 
Robert, 1 881 -1900), as cited by Kit. BH. 

& h , . The Syro-hexaplar version (ed. Lagarde, Bibliothecae 

Syriacae, 1892). 

& p . . The Syriac (PeshitU) version. 

1& . . The Targum of Jonathan on the Prophets (ed. Lagarde, 

Prophetae Ckaldaice,\%72 ; Praetorius, Das Targum 
zum Buck der Richter, 1900). This Targum is 
sometimes cited as © J . %° = the Targum of Onkelos 
on the Pentateuch. 



U . . The Latin version of Jerome (Vulgate). 

Ar. . . The Arabic version (based on io p ). 

Copt . . The Coptic version. 

A.V. . . The Authorized version. 

R.V, . . The Revised version. 

O.T. . . Old Testament. 

2. Sources. 

D . . The Deuteronomist. 

D 2 .A later hand influenced by the former. 

E ♦ . The Elohistic narrative in the Hexateuch, Judg., and 

i Sam. 

E 2 . , Later work by a member {or members) of the Elohistic 


H . . The Law of Holiness in Leviticus. 

J , . The Jehovistic {or Yahwistic) narrative in the Hexa- 
teuch, Judg. and I Sam. 

JE . . The combined narrative of J and E — a symbol used 

when it is not possible, or not necessary, to dis- 
tinguish the sources. 

R D . . The Deuteronomic redactors of Kgs. and of JE in 


R E2 . . Redactor of the school of E 2 , the principal editor of 

Judg. (cf. pp. xli fif.). 

R JE . . Redactor of J and E in the Hexateuch, Judg., and 

i Sam. 

R p , . Redactors of the Priestly school (influenced by the 

Hexateuchal document P) of Judg. and Kgs. 

P . . The Priestly document in the Hexateuch. 

X , . An unknown 1 source in Judg. 20, 21 (cf. p. 457 f.). 

3. Authorities. 

[See also the literature cited at the head of the various sections of the Com- 
mentary. The works there mentioned are cited, within the section to which 
they refer, by the authors' names only.] 

AJSL. — The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Litera- 
tures (vols i.-xi., entitled Hefaaica, 1884-95). 

AJTh. — American Journal of Theology (1897 ff.). 

Bach. — J. BACHMANN, Das Buch der Richter (1868). 
Vol. i. on chs. 1-5 is all that ever appeared. 

Baethgen, Beitriige.—Y . Baethgen, Beitrdge zur Semitischen Reli- 
gionsgeschichte (1888). 

BDB.— F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs, A Hebrew and 
English Lexicon of the Old Testament (1 891 -1906). 

Ber— E. Bertheau, Das Buch der Richter und Ruth (2nd ed., 
1883) : Kurzgef. Exeget. Handbuch zum A.T. 


Black— J. S. Black, The Book of Judges (1892): The Smaller 
Cambridge Bible for Schools, Containing suggestions by W. 
Robertson Smith (RSm). 

Bochart, Hierozoicon. — S. Bochartus, Hierozoicon; sive Bipertitum 
Opus de Am'malibus Sacrae Scrip turae, cum notis E. F. C. Rosen- 
muller (1793-6). 

Bohl, KH. — F. Bohl, Kanaander und Hebrder: U?itersuchungen 
zur Vorgeschichte des Volkstums und der Religion Israels auf 
dem Boden Kanaans (191 1). 

Br. — R. E. Brunnow, A Classified List of all Simple and Co?npou7id 
Cuneiform Ideograms (1887-9). 

Breasted, AR. — J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt (5 vols., 

Hist. Eg. — A History of Egypt (1906). 

Bu., [Comm.]. — K. Budde, Das Buch der Richter (1897)/ Kurzer 
Hand-Commentar zum A.T. herausg. von K. Marti. 

RS. — Die Biicher Richter und Samuel, ihre Quellen und ihr 

Auf bau (1890). 

Buhl, Geogr. — F. Buhl, Geographie des Alten Paldsiina (1896). 

Burch. — M. Burchardt, Die Altkanaanaischen Fremdworte und 
Eigennamen in Aegyptischen (1909-10). 

Camb. Bib. — The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges. 

CH. — J. Estlin Carpenter and G. Harford-Battersby, The 
Hexateuch according to the Revised Version . . . with Introduc- 
tion, Notes, etc. (1900). 

CH. J , CH. E , etc., refer to the lists of Words and Phrases 
characteristic of J, E, etc., as contained in vol. i. pp. 185 fif. In 
such references the number following is the number in the list 

CIS. — Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum (1881 ff.). 

Le Clerc — J. Clericus, Veteris Testamenti Libri Historici (1708). 

Cooke — G. A. Cooke, The Book of Judges (191 3): Cambridge Bible. 

Often cited as Cooke, Comm. in the notes on chs. 4 and 5, when 

supplementary to, or divergent from, the monograph noticed on 

p. 78. 

NSI. — A Text-book of North- Semitic Inscriptions (1903). 

Cor. — C. Cornill, Introduction to the Canonical Books of the Old 

Testament, trans, by G. H. Box (1907). 
COT. — E. Schrader, The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old 

Testament, 2nd ed., trans, by O. C. Whitehouse (1885-88). 
CT. — Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, etc., in the British 

Museum ( 1 896 ff. ). 
Davidson, Syntax.— A. B. Davidson, Hebrew Syntax (1894). 
DB.—A Dictionary of the Bible, ed. by J. Hastings (1898- 1902). 


Delitzsch, Paradies — Fried. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradiest 

Eine Biblisch-Assyriologische Studie (1881). 
Prolegomena. — Prolegomena eines Neuen Hebr.-Aram. Worter- 

buchs zum AT. (1886). 

■ HWB. — Assyrisches Handivorterbuch (1896). 

Doom.— A. VAN DOORNINCK, Bijdrage tot de Tekstkritiek van 

Richteren, i.-xvi. (1879). 
Dozy — R. Dozy, Supplement aux Dictionnaires Arabes (1881). 
Driver, Tenses* — S. R. DRIVER, A Treatise on the Use of the Hebrew 

Tenses (3rd ed., 1892). 
LOT? — An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament 

(9th ed., 1914). 
NUTS. 2 — Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the 

Books of Samuel (2nd ed., 19 13). 
Schweich Lectures.— Modern Research as illustrating the Bible 

{Schweich Lectures, 1908). 
EB. — Encyclopaedia Biblica, ed. by T. K. Cheyne and J. Sutherland 

Black (1899- 1903). 
Ehr.— A. B. Ehrlich, Randglossen zur Hebrdischen Bibel (vol 3, 

ET— Expository Times (1889 ff.). 
Ew., HI, — H. Ewald, The History of Israel (Eng. trans, of vols. 

i.-v., 1869-74)- 

DAB.— Die Dichter des Alien Bundes (2nd ed., 1854-67). 

Field, Hex. — F. Field, Origenis Hexaplorum quae supersunt (1875). 
Frankenberg — W. Frankenberg, Die Composition des Deuteronom. 

Richterbuches {Richter ii. 6 — xvi.) nebst einer Kritik von Richter 

xvii.-xxi. (1895). 
Garstang, Hittites. — J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites (1910). 

Ges., Thes. — W. Gesenius, Thesaurus Philologicus Criticus Ling. 
Hebr. et Chald. Veteris Testamenti (1826-58). 

G.-K. — Gesenius 3 Hebrew Grammar as edited a7id enlarged by the late 

E. Kautzsch, 2nd English ed. revised in accordance with the 

28th German ed. (1909) by A. E. Cowley (1910). 
Gra. — H. Gratz, Emendationes in Plerosque Sacrae Scripturae 

Veteris Testamenti Libros, ed. G. Bacher : (fasc. tert. 1894). 
Gress. — H. Gressmann, Die Anfange Israels (191 2- 14), Part 1. 2 of 

Die Schriften des Alten Testaments, edited by various scholars. 
Hall, NE. — H. R. Hall, The Ancie?it History of the Near East (1913). 
Holzinger — H. Holzinger, Richter 2 6 -i6 31 untersucht, as quoted 

from the manuscript by Budde in his Commentary. 
Hommel, AHT. — F. Hommel, The Ancient Hebrew Tradition as 

illustrated by the Monuments, trans, by E. M c Clure and L. 

Crossle (1897). 


Hommel, Grundriss. — Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des 
A I ten Orients (1904). 

Houb.— C. F. Houbigantius, Notae Criticae in Universos Veteris 
Testamenti Libros (1777). 

HP. — R. Holmes and J. Parsons, Vetus Testamentum Graecum 
cum Variis Lectionibus (1798- 1827). 

ICC. — The International Critical Commentary. 

J A OS. —Journal of the American Oriental Society (1851 ft.). 

Jastrow, RBA. — M. Jastrow, jr., Die Religion Babyloniens und 
Assyriens (1905-12). 

RBBA. — Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia 

and Assyria ( 1 9 1 1 ). 

J BL.— Journal of Biblical Literature and Exegesis (1890 ff.). 

Jensen, Kosmologie. — P. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier 

Jos.— Flavius Josephus {Opera ed. Niese, 1888-94). 

Ant. —Antiquitates Judaicae. 

BJ. — De Bello Judaico. 

C.Ap. — Contra Apionem. 

JQR— Jewish Quarterly Review (1888 ff.). 

JTS. — Journal of Theological Studies (1900 ff.). 

KAT. Z — H. Zimmern and H. WlNCKLER, Die Keilinschriften und 
das Alte Testament (1903). 

Published as the 3rd ed, of E. Schrader's work which bears 
the same title (see under COT), though really an entirely new 
work in plan and contents. 

KB. — Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek : Sammlung von Assyrischen und 
Babylonischen Texten in Umschrift und Ubersetzung, ed. E. 
Schrader in collaboration with various scholars (vols, i.-vi. 2(1), 

Ke. — C. F. Keil and F. Delitzsch, Biblical Commentary on the 
Old Testament— vol. iv., Joshua, Judges, Ruth, ed. by Keil, trans, 
by J. Martin (1865). 

Kennicott — B. Kennicott, Vetus Testamentum Hebraicum cum 
Variis Lectionibus, 2 vols. (1776-80). 

Kent — C. F. Kent, Narratives of the Begi?mings of Hebrew History 


Kimchi— Rabbi David Kimchi (a.d. 1 160-1235), Commentary on 
Judges as printed in Buxtorf's Rabbinic Bible. 

King, Hammurabi. — L. W. King, Letters and Inscriptions of Ham- 
murabi ( 1 898- 1 900). 

Chron. — Chronicles concerning Early Babylonian Kings (1907) 

Sum. and Akk. — A History of Sumer and Akkad (1910). 

Bab.— A History of Babylon (191 5). 


Kit. — R. Kittel, Das Buck Richter (Die Heilige Schrift des A. 7"., 
ed. E. Kautzsch, 3rd ed. 1909, pp. 340-377). 

BH. — Bib Ha Hebraica (Liber Judicum, 1905). 

HH. — A History of the Hebrews, trans, by J. Taylor (1895-6). 

GVI? — Geschichte des Volkes Israel (2nd ed., 1909-12). 

Kn[udtzon] — Die el-Amarna-Tafeln, mit Einleitung und Erldute- 
rungen, herausgegeben von J. A. Kntjdtzon : Anmerkungen und 
Register, bearbeitet von O. Weber und E. Ebeling (1907-15). 

Konig, Syntax. — F. E. Konig, Historisch-comparative Syntax der 
Hebrdischen Sprache : Schlusstheil des Historisch-kritischen 
Lehrgebdudes des Hebrdischen (1897). 

Kue., Ond. — A. Kuenen, Historisch-krilisch Onderzoek naar het 
Ontstaan en de Verzameling van de Boeken des Ouden Verbonds 
(2nd ed., 1885-89) ; German Trans. (1890-92). 

La. — M. J. Lagrange, Le Livre des Juges (1903). 

ERS. 2 — Etudes sur les Religions Semitiques (2nd ed. 1905). 

Lane — E. W. Lane, An Arabic-English Lexicon (1863-93). 

Levi ben-Gershon — Rabbi Levi the son of Gershon (a.d. 1288- 1344), 
Commentary on Judges as printed in Buxtorf s Rabbinic Bible. 

Maspero, Melees. — G. Maspero, Les Premieres Melees des Peuples 
(Part 11. of Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de V Orient Classique\ 

MDOG. — Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft (1898 ff.). 

Meyer, IN. — E. Meyer, Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstdmme 


GA. 2 — Geschichte des Altertums (2nd ed., vol. i., 1907-9). 

Mo., [Comm.]. — G. F. Moore, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary 

on Judges (International Ciitical Com?nentary), 2nd ed., 1903. 
SBOT. — The Book of Judges ; Critical Edition of the Hebrew 

Text, 1900/ A New English Translation, 1898 (The Sacred 

Books of the Old Testament). 
Miiller, AE. — W. Max Muller, Asien und Europa nach Altdgyp- 

tischen Denkmdlern (1893). 

Muss-Arnolt, Diet. — W. Muss-Arnolt, A Concise Dictionary of the 
Assyrian Language (1894- 1905). 

MVAG. — Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft (1896 ff.). 
NHTK.—C. F. Burney, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of 
Kings (1903). 

NHTS. 2 — See under Driver. 

No.— W. NOWACK, Richter, Ruth u. Biicher Samuelis (1902) ; Hand- 
kommentar zum A. T. herausg. von W. Nowack. 

Oet. — S. Oettli, Das Deuteronomium und die Biicher Josua und 
Richter (1893) .• Kurzgefasster Kommentar, edd. H. Strack and 
O. Zockler. 


OLZ. — Orientalistische Litter atur-Zeitung (1878 ff). 

Oort — Textus Hcbraici Emendationes quibus in Vetere Testamento 

Neerlandice vertendo usi sunt A. Kuenen, I. Hooykaas, W. H. 

Kosters, H. Oort, ed. H. Oort (1900). 

OS. — Onomastica Sacra, ed. P. de Lagarde (1887). This contains 
the ' Name-lists ' of Eusebius and Jerome. 

OTLAE.—K. Jeremias, The Old Testament in the Light of the 
Ancient East, trans, by C. L. Beaumont, ed. by C. H. W. Johns 


PEF. — Palestine Exploratio7i Fund (founded 1865). 
Qy. St. — Quarterly Statement (1869 ff.). 

Petrie, Hist. Eg.—W. M. Flinders Petrie, A History of Egypt. 
Vol. 1. Dynasties i-xvi (1894) ; Vol. 2. Dynasties xvii-xviii 
(1896); Vol. 3. Dynasties xix-xxx (1905). 

PSBA. — Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology (1878 ff.). 

L-v. R. — H, C. Rawlinson, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western 

Asia, i.-v. (1861-84, iv. 2 , 1 891). 
Rashi — Rabbi Shelomo Yishaki (a.d. 1040-1105), Commentary 

on Judges as printed in Buxtorf s Rabbinic Bible. 
RB.— Revue Biblique (1892 ff.). 
REf. — Revue des Etudes fuives (1880 ff.). 
Reuss — E. REUSS, La Bible : Traduction Nouvelle avec Introductions 

et Com?ne?n 'aires (1874). 

Riehm, HIVB. 2 — E. K. RiEHM, Handworterbuch des Biblischen 

Alterthums (2nd ed. 1893-4). 
Rob., BR. 3 — E. Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine and the 

Adjacent Regions : a fournal of Travels in the Years 1838 and 

1852 (3rd ed., 1867). 
Rogers, CP. — R. W. ROGERS, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testa- 
ment (19 1 2).. 
HBA. 6 — A History of Babylonia and Assyria (6th ed., 

Ros. — E. F. C. ROSENMULLER, Scholia in Vetus Testamentum — 

fudices et Ruth (1835). 
de Rossi — J. B. DE Rossi, Variae Lectiones Vetcris Testainenti. 

4 vols. (1784-8). 
RSm. — W. Robertson Smith, as cited by Black, q.v. 

Sayce, HCM.—h. H. Sayce, The ' Higher Criticism' and the Verdict 

of the Monuments (1894). 
Archaeology. — The Archaeology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions 

SBOT.—The Sacred Books of the Old Testa?ne?if, edited by various 

scholars, under the editorial direction of P. Haupt. 


Smith, HG. — G. A. Smith, The Historical Geography of the Holy 

Land{\^Xh ed., 1906). 
Smith, DB. 2 — A Dictionary of the Bible, edited by Sir W. Smith 

and J. M. Fuller (2nd ed. of vol. i., 1893). 
Stade, GVI. 2 — B. Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel (2nd ed., 

Stu. — G. L. Studer, Das Buch der Richter grammatisch und his- 

torisch erklart (2nd ed., 1842)., 

SWP. — Survey of Western Palestine. 

Great Map. — Map of Western Palestine in 26 Sheets, from 

Survey conducted for the Palestine Exploratio?i Fund by Lieu- 
tenants C. R. Conder and H. H. Kitchener, R.E., during the 
Years 1872-77. Scale One Inch to a Mile (1897). 

Name Lists. — Arabic and English Name Lists to above (1881). 

Mem. — Memoirs to above in 3 vols. (188 1-3). 

T.A. Letters. — The letters in cuneiform discovered at Tell el- 

TB. — Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zmn Alien Testaments, 

ed. H. Gressmann in collaboration with A. Ungnad and H. Ranke 

Thomson, LB. — W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book (ed. of 

Vincent, Canaan. — H. Vincent, Canaan dapres V Exploration 

Recente (1907). 

Wellh., Comp? — J. Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuchs 
und der Historischen Biicher des Alten Testaments (3rd ed., 

TBS. — Der Text der Biicher Samuelis (1871). 

Prolego7nena. — Prolego?nena to the History of Israel (trans, by 

J. S. Black and A. Menzies, 1885). 

Westm. Comm. — Westminster Coinmentaries. 

Winckler, GI. — H. Winckler, Geschichte Israels (1895 -1900). 

KT.—Keilinschtiftliches Textbuch zum A.T. (1892). 

AF. — Altorie?italische Forschungen (1893- 1906). 

When cited for the T.A. Letters the reference is to KB. vol. v. 
ZA. — Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und Verwandte Gebiete (1886 ff.). 
ZA T W. — Zeitschrift fur die A Ittestamentliche Wissenschaft ( 1 88 1 ff. ). 

ZDMG. — Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 
(1846 m). 

ZDPV.—Zeitsch?ift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins (1878 ff.). 



Ar., . 

Eg., • 
New Heb., 
Syr., . 

4. Other Abbreviations and Signs. 

. Arabic. 

. Assyrian. 
. Babylonian. 
. Egyptian. 

. New Hebrew, the language of the Mishna, etc. 
. Syriac. 

. et aliter or et alii. 

. "lE'lJI 'and the rest'; used when a Heb. quota- 
tion is incomplete. 
. Sign of abbreviation in Heb. words. 

The sign + after a series of Biblical references means that all 
occurrences in the O.T. of the word or phrase in question have been 

Biblical references are given in accordance with the numeration of 
chapter and verse in the English versions. When this varies in the 
Hebrew, the variation is usually noted : thus, Hos. 14 2 , 2^ 3 . 

The first and second halves of a verse are specified as, e.g., v}\ 
v. lh , the guide to such division being the Heb. accent Athnah, which 
halves the verse. When it is necessary to refer to quarter-verses, 
these are specified as, e.g. v. Ua , v. u P, v. : \ 7/. lb 0, the dividing factor 
being usually the accent Zdkeph, which commonly halves the Athnah- 
and 6"z7/^-clauses. 

In the translation of the Hebrew text the following signs are 

employed as indications of correction : — 

Emendations are placed between r "*. 
Additions are placed between <^ y. 
Excisions are indicated by [ ]. 

Italics are used in the ordinary way to mark emphasis ; and not, 
as in A.V., R.V., as an indication that the words so marked are not 
represented in the original. 

A small superlinear figure attached to the title of a work (e.g. 
Driver, Tenses 3 ) denotes the edition to which reference is made. 


Q I\ /A xj XV_>* 

* > 




<_> b 



OJ t 



^D t 

^ d 





* d 


u, w 

J * 



J * 

cr s 

(j^ § 

u° 9 

J=> d 

t t 


b 2 

t * 



and Aramaic. 














w, V 




as in Hebrew 






































Long. Short, Half -vowels. 


. a, e,o 

W. Aramaic}**' "» ^ *> h °' °' * a ' e > ij °' u d ' *» d or 

Syriac . . a, i y H a, e 

Arabic . . d, i, ti a, i, u, and modifications to 

e and 0. where usual. 

Babylonian d, $, i, H a, e, i, u 

In Hebrew place- and personal names the familiar forms of 
A.V. and R.V. are usually retained ; except that V is always repre- 
sented by s and not z, certain letters are marked by diacritic points 
(thus n = h, LD = t, D = s, \> — k), and V is regularly marked by c , except 

where it already stands as g (i.e. g= c) through the influence of (5r, as 

in niy = ra C a ) Gaza). X is occasionally represented by \ The divine 

name Hirr 1 is regularly represented by Yahweh. 


§ 1. Title, Scope, and Place in the Oanon. 

The title of the Book is in Jf D^Sl^, SophHim, whence comes 
our English title ' Judges.' The principal versions render 

(& KPITAI ; U Liber Judicum, Hebraice Sophetim ; ,£ P ]jLi3 j„£LCO 

}j \<^ • A^Ij^lL °|^Ak)5 ♦ ^ >] ; m>] ^xJLt^J 'The book of the 
Judges of the children of Israel, which is called in Hebrew 

The title SophHim is doubtless derived from ch. 2 16ff -, which is 
due to the main editor (R E ' 2 ; cf. § 4), who employs the term ' Judges,' 
not in the sense in which we are accustomed to use it in English of 
officials who decide legal cases and act as arbitrators between man 
and man, but with the meaning ' Vindicators,' or ''Deliverers' from 
the power of foreign oppressors.' 55 ' There exist, however, passages 
in the Book, not due to this editor, in which the term is used in 
the more general sense of ' Arbitrators ' or ' Magistrates ' (cf. further, 
on this distinction in usage, p. 1, footnote). In this latter sense, the 
Carthaginian title sufes (suffes), plur. sufetes (i.e. ftip'lt^ D^ESi^^ 

as cited by Livy and other Latin writers, has been aptly compared. 
On the occurrence of the term in Phoenician inscriptions, cf. Cooke, 
NSL pp. 115 f.j 

The Book of Judges deals with the period during which the 
tribes of Israel were still struggling to maintain their footing in 
Cana'an, before they had attained such an amount of cohesion among 
themselves as entitled them to rank as a nation rather than as a 
collection of separate units, and enabled them to establish their 
independence against the foreign races by whom they were sur- 
rounded. During this period we repeatedly find one or more of 
the tribes falling under the foreign yoke for a time, until the upris- 
ing of some one of sufficient personality to revive and unite the 

' In some passages Heb. M6s\cC ' Saviour' is used by the editor as an alternative 
title (cf. ch. 3 9 - 15 ); and we also find tlie verb hdsia* 'to save' similarly used as a 
synonym of ' to judge.' 

X Jensen (ZA. iv.. 1889, pp. 278 ff.) quotes evidence in proof that in Assyr. sdpitu 
was used to denote the commander of a host. Cf. KAT* pp. 647, 650. 




scattered energy of the clans, and thus to enable them to shake 
themselves free. Such leaders (the B&phHim^ 'Judges'), after the 
success of their efforts, seem generally to have continued to hold a 
position of authority which, though doubtless merely local and 
uninvested with the prerogatives of the kingship of later times, yet 
represents a stage of development preparatory to the monarchy ; 
just as their partial success in uniting the tribes to take common 
action against the foe is a stage towards the later unity which made 
possible the ideal of a nation organically combined under the rule of 
one king. 

Of the three divisions of the Hebrew Canon — the Law, the 
Prophets, and the KHMbhim, ' Writings ' (Hagiographa) — the Book 
of Judges finds its place among the Prophets. This second divi- 
sion is sub-divided into two parts, each of which is reckoned as 
containing four books — ' the Former Prophets,' consisting of Joshua', 
Judges, Samuel, and Kings; and 'the Latter Prophets,' comprising 
Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and c the Twelve.' 

The justification of this inclusion of Judges among the Prophets 
is found, as in the case of the other books assigned to ' the Former 
Prophets,' in the fact that the mere compilation of an historical 
record was not the purpose with which the book was put into 
shape, but rather the inculcation of the religious truths which were 
to be deduced from Israel's past history. It is abundantly evident 
that the ancient narratives (for the most part) which form the basis 
of the history, and also — and especially — the editorial framework 
into which these older narratives have been fitted, are the work of 
the Prophetical schools or guilds of Israel which, in pre-exilic times, 
were the chief literary conservators of the records of national 
history. The lines along which the religious bearing of Israel's 
past history is worked out in Judges are indicated in the sections 
which follow. 

§ 2. Structure. 

The Book of Judges opens with a section extending from ch. 1 1 
to 2 5 , which describes the settlement of the tribes of Israel in the 
promised land, and pictures this settlement as very gradual and 
partial, and as effected, in the main, through the independent 
efforts of individual tribes. The facts which are thus narrated are 
stated in v. 1 to have taken place 'after the death of Joshua''; but 
it is clear that the standpoint of v. 1 is not the standpoint of the 
main part of the narrative, which pictures the tribes as starting 
their movements from 'the City of Palms,' i.e. Jericho (v. 16 ), or from 
Gilgal in the near neighbourhood (2 1 ); i.e. from the position in 
which they were stationed after their first crossing of the Jordan, 
and which formed their headquarters during their invasion of the 
hill-country, as narrated in Josh. 4 19 P, 9 6 , 10 6 - 7 - 915 JE, 10 43 , 


14 r ' R n . It is obvious, moreover, that the narrative of ch. 1 cannot 
be correlated with the narrative of the conquest of Canaan under 
Joshua', as this now stands in the Book of Josh. ; since this latter 
pictures the conquest as the work of the tribes of Israel as a whole, 
and as much more complete and far-reaching than is pictured in 
Judg. 1. Clearly, therefore, Judg. I 1 to 2 5 cannot originally have 
stood as the proper sequel of the closing chapter of Josh., which 
pictures the death of Joshua' as taking place subsequently to the 
dispersion and settlement of the tribes throughout the land of 
Canaan ; but is out of place in its present connexion, and really 
offers another account of the original settlement in the land, in 
many respects different from that which is found in Josh, as that 
Book now stands. 

Looking, however, at the next section of the Book, which runs 
from ch. 2 6 to 3 6 , we seem at once to discern the true sequel to 
Josh. 24 ; this section opening, in vv. 6 ' 9 , with an actual repetition of 
the words of Josh. 24 28_S1 , with one- slight variation in order. That 
these vv. 6 ' 9 are not a later insertion from Josh., but stand in proper 
connexion with the narrative which immediately follows them in 
Judg. 2, requires no proof. While v. 6 reiterates the mention of 
Joshua e 's dismissal of the people to their homes after his final 
exhortation to them at Shechem, as narrated in Josh. 24 lff> , v. 7 
states that they remained faithful to his injunctions during his 
lifetime, and the lives of the elders who survived him, and vv. 8 - 9 
give a summary account of his death and burial. The narrative is 
immediately taken up by v. 10 , which states that, after the death 
of the surviving elders mentioned in v. 7 , there arose a new genera- 
tion that did not know Yahweh nor the work which He had done 
for Israel, and thus were guilty of defection from His service, as 
related in vv. n{f - 

In these latter verses the narrator propounds his philosophy of 
Israel's history in general terms. We are told that defection from 
Yahweh and the worship of the deities of Cana'an (the Baals and 
c Ashtarts) led to divine punishment which took the form of 
deliverance into the hand of foreign oppressors ; punishment was 
followed hy repentance and appeal to Yahweh for deliverance ; 
Yahweh thereupon raised up a 'Judge,' i.e. a saviour or vindicator 
(cf. §1), who effected deliverance by the help of Yahweh; but, 
when the Judge died, defection from Yahweh again ensued, and 
the same cycle of punishment, repentance, and deliverance was 

If we examine the narratives which follow after this introductory 
section, forming the main body of the Book, we find that this 
'pragmatic' scheme of history (as it has been styled),* which has 
been stated in general terms in the introduction 2 n ff -, is applied 

The term 'pragmatic' is used as defined in The Concise Oxford Dictionary 
of fur-rent English: 'treating facts of history with reference to their practical 


to particular cases as they occur, the striking phraseology of the 
general introduction being, for the most part" repeated practically 
verbatim in the introductions to particular narratives (cf. pp. 54 ff. 
of the notes). Of such a character are the introductions to the 
narratives of 'Othniel, 3 7ff -, Ehud, 3 12ff -, Deborah and Barak, 4 lff -, 
Gide'on, 6 lff -, Jephthah, 10 6ff - (perhaps originally intended as an 
introduction to the judgeship of Samuel ; cf. note ad loc), and 
Samson, "13 1 . Corresponding to these introductions to the narra- 
tives, we find that more or less stereotyped formulae are employed 
at their close, referring to the subjugation of the foreign oppressor, 
and the length of the period during which ' the land had rest ' : 
so, after the victories of 'Othniel, 3 n , Ehud, 3 30 , Deborah and 
Barak, 4 23 , 5 31b , Gide'on, 8 2S . Elsewhere, as a variation, the 
length is given of the period during which the Judge 'judged 
Israel': so of Jephthah, 12 7a , Samson, 15-°, repeated in 16~ 31b , 
the so-called ' minor ' Judges, 10 2a - 3 , 12 8 - 1L14 ; cf., in 1 Sam., 'Eli 4 18 , 
Samuel 7 15 . 

It will readily be noticed that the religious pragmatism of the 
main introduction and the special headings is not characteristic of 
the histories as a whole. In these the religious motive, in so far 
as it is put forward, is of a much more ingenuous and primitive 
character. Yahweh commissions men to act as deliverers, and His 
Spirit incites them to deeds of valour; but, if we except certain 
special sections, such as 6 7 " 10 and 10 6 ' 16 (this latter a much 
expanded form of the ordinary introduction to a narrative), we 
find that the conceptions of sin, punishment, and repentance, so 
far from being prominently brought forward, are altogether ignored 
and unmentioned. In the history of Samson, in particular, the 
conception of the hero as a divinely appointed deliverer of his 
people seems little suited to the narrative ; since his actions, so 
far as his personal volition is concerned, are wholly dictated by 
his own wayward inclinations, and he does not in any way effect 
deliverance or even respite from the foreign yoke. 

We observe also that, whereas the stereotyped introduction to 
the various narratives speaks as though the apostasy of Israel from 
time to time, and their ensuing punishment, were national and 
general, the actual illustrations adduced in the narratives them- 
selves are, at any rate in most cases, merely local, some particular 
tribe or group of tribes falling temporarily under the dominion of 
a foreign oppressor, but Israel as a whole (i.e. the entity of twelve 
tribes, which is clearly intended by 'the children of Israel' of the 
introductory formula) being unaffected. 

It is obvious, therefore, that the main narratives of the Judges 
and their exploits cannot emanate from the author who was 
responsible for the framework in which they are set, which enforces 
the lesson already sketched in a preliminary way in chs. 2 6 -3 6 , con- 
taining (as we have noticed above) the original introduction to the 
Book. Clearly, the main narratives represent older material, which 


has been utilized by a Inter editor for the working out of the 
religious philosophy which lie rends into Israel's past history. 

The work of the editor who was responsible for the pragmatic 
introduction, 2 6 -3 6 , and the framework of the narratives follow- 
ing, extends no further than the history of Samson, the last of the 
fudges. The final narratives of the Book, viz. the story of Micah 
and the Danites, chs. 17, 18, and the story of the outrage at Gibeah 
with its consequences, chs. 19-21, though in the main of the same 
literary character as the other old narratives, do not serve to 
illustrate this editor's scheme as laid down in his general intro- 
duction, and altogether lack traces of his hand as seen in the 
stereotyped introductions and conclusions to the stories of the 
Judges. We must conclude, therefore, that these two stories, 
though derived ultimately from the same history-book (or books) 
as the other old narratives, were not embraced within the main 
editor's Book of Judges. There is reason for supposing that this 
editor also omitted, as alien to his purpose, the story of Abimelech, 
ch. 9 (substituting in its place the brief summary which is found 
in ch. 8 33 " 35 • cf . p. 266), and such exploits of Samson as are now 
related in ch. 16 (cf. p. 338). These stories must have been 
re-inserted into Judg. at a later period — very possibly by the 
editor who added the later Introduction to the Book which we now 
find in chs. l 1 -2 5 . This later editor appears also to have been 
responsible for the brief notices of the ' minor ' Judges contained 
in 10 1 ' 5 i 12 8 " ir ' (the reasons for supposing that the 'minor' Judges 
did not belong to the main editor's scheme are given on pp. 289 f.). 
The notice of Sham gar, ch. 3 31 , seems to have been inserted at a 
still later period (cf. p.- 76). 

§ 3. The Old Narratives. 

From examination of the old narratives which form the basis of 
the history of Judg. the fact at once emerges that the main 
editor is dependent, not upon a single source, but upon two main 
sources, sections from which have been pieced together without any 
thoroughgoing attempt to harmonize existing inconsistencies in 
detail ; much as different documents have been combined into a 
single history in the Pentateuch and Josh., and in 1 Sam. The 
proof of this fact has been sufficiently established in the special Intro- 
ductions to the various sections of the Book which follow in the 
Notes. The most noteworthy illustration is the history of Gideon, 
chs. 6 1 -8 2s ; but a similar combination of two different narratives 
may also be traced in the stories of Ehud, ch. 3 7 -' M , Abimelech, ch. 
9, Jephthah, chs. 10 17 -T2 7 , and (in the Appendix to Judges) in the 
narratives of chs. 17, 18, and 19-21.* 

* Tl 

The prose -history of Deborah and Barak, ch. 4, likewise exhibits combination 
with elements derived from another narrative, relating probably to different events. 
It is not unlikely, however, that this combination was effected when the story was 
still in the oral stage : cf. pp. 81 ff. 


It is generally recognized that the main characteristics of the old 
narratives thus combined in Judges are similar to those of the old 
' Prophetical ' narrative which runs through the Pentateuch and 
Josh, (the Hexateuch) ; and which is formed, likewise, by combina- 
tion of two main documents, one of which must be supposed to 
have emanated from the Kingdom of Judah, and probably took 
shape as a written document dr. B.C. 850 (the reign of King 
Jehoshaphat) ; while the other is doubtless the work of the pro- 
phetic schools of the Northern Kingdom, and should probably be 
dated, in the main, somewhat later, i.e. dr. B.C. 750 (the reign of 
king Jeroboam II. and the period of the writing prophets, 'Amos 
and Hosea'). The former of these two narratives, owing to its 
predilection for the divine name Jehovah or Yahweh, is commonly 
known as the Jehovistic or Yahwistic narrative, and cited under 
the symbol J ; while the latter, which exhibits a preference for the 
divine title Elohim ('God'), is termed the Elohistic narrative, and 
is cited as E.* 

Since J and E carry the history of Israel from the earliest times 
down to the death of Joshua', and were certainly not put into 
writing until some centuries after the latter event, there is no a 
'priori reason why they should be supposed each to have terminated 
with the narrative of Joshua' 's death : but, on the contrary, when 
we find in Judg. and 1 Sam. a similar combination of two old 
narratives possessing much the same characteristics as J and E, the 
question is at once raised whether these narratives should not be 
regarded as the proper continuation of J and E in Josh, ; J and E 
thus representing, in their original forms, continuous prophetic 
histories of the nation of Israel down to the foundation of the 
monarchy, if not further. J Observing, moreover, that the closing 
verses of Josh., ch. 24 28 ~ 31 E, are repeated practically verbatim in 
Judg. 2 6_9 , the point at which the main editor opens his history, 
and that these verses point both backwards and forwards — Israel 
served Yahweh in accordance with the injunctions of Joshua" s 
speech, which is detailed at length in Josh. 24 J ff. E, during the 
lifetimes of Joshua' and the elders who survived him; but the 
setting of a period to this service immediately raises the question 

* For the evidence upon which these approximate dates are assigned to J and E, 
cf. CH. i. pp. 107 f., 117 ff. 

£ The purpose of the present argument being merely to suggest that the old narra- 
tives of Judg. are essentially of a piece with J and E in the Hexateuch, we are not 
here concerned to inquire whether these same two narratives continue later than 
1 Sain. 12, which forms the close of the history of the circumstances which led to the 
institution of the monarchy in Israel. 1 Sam. 1-12 stands in essential connexion 
with the history of Judg., and examination of the old narrative of Judg. cannot be 
carried out apart from some consideration of these earlier chapters of 1 Sam. With 
regard to 1 Sam. 13 ff. it will be sufficient here to remark that a similar combination 
•of two narratives runs on to the end of the book ; whereas 2 Sam., on the contrary, 
consists, in the main, of a single very early source narrating the court-history of 


what happened after the elders were dead, which forms the subject 
of the book of Judg. as a whole (cf. the direct transition from 
Judg. 2 6 ' 9 to v. 10 , on which see p. 52) — we may fairly claim that 
the fact that the document E of the Hexateuch continues beyond 
the end of Josh., and provides material for the history of Judg., 
seems to be placed beyond the range of controversy. 

A similar conclusion must be drawn with regard to the com- 
panion-document J. The fact is generally admitted that the old 
document which forms the basis of the later introduction to Judg. 
chs. 1 ! -2 5 , is derived from J (cf. pp. If., 47 11*.), and that the con 
eluding portion of this old account of the settlement of the tribes 
of Israel in Canaan has been utilized by the main editor in his own 
introduction, ck 2 23a , 3 2a - 5a - 6 (cf. pp. 52, 55). These concluding- 
verses, however, tell us that, as the result of the survival of some 
of the races of Canaan, ' the children of Israel dwelt in the midst of 
the Cana anites ; and they took their daughters to themselves for 
wives, and their own daughters they gave to their sons ; and they 
served their gods '; and this seems to indicate that some account of 
Israel's defection from Yahweh, and the consequences thereby 
entailed, must have followed in J. Since, therefore, the main editor 
knew and employed the J document thus far, the inference is thnt 
he also made use of its material for his subsequent history. 

The fact that the main editor thus appears to have utilized both 
J and E in his introduction to Judg. does not, however, amount to 
a demonstration that the old narratives which follow must neces- 
sarily be derived from the same documents. Such a conclusion can 
only be based upon detailed examination of each separate story, 
and this has been attempted in the Introductions prefixed to each 
section of the book in the Notes. It may be freely acknowledged 
that the evidence which can be adduced in proof of it is not of 
equal cogency throughout. Close connexion with J is undeniable, 
in 6 11 " 24 (p. 177), 13 2 - 25 (pp. 336 f.), the main narrative in 
19 (pp. 443 fF.), and parts of 20 (pp. 455 ft'.); and the same is true of 
E in the main thread of 2 6 -3 6 (pp. 52 fF.), 6 7 " 10 (p. 177), 8 22 - 23 - 27i ^ b 
(pp. 1831), 10 6 " 16 in the main (p. 294), ll 12 ' 28 (pp. 303, 310-317). 
In other parts of the composite narrative the criteria are frequently 
very slight ; while occasionally they are practically non-existent, 
and the only ground which we have for assigning a narrative to J 
is the fact that the parallel narrative seems to emanate from E, or 
vice-versa. This, however, is a state of affairs which we find also in 
the Hexateuch, where it frequently happens that, while the fact is 
clear that we are dealing with a narrative composed of elements 
derived from the two Prophetical sources, yet criteria for accurate 
distinction of these sources are hardly to be discovered. * 

* This is especially the case with the JE narrative contained in Josh. 1-12. 
Cf. CH. ii. pp. 305 ff. ; Driver, LOT* pp. 104 ff. (who with characteristic caution does 
not attempt to separate the two sources). 


It is scarcely necessary to emphasize the fact that when we refer 
to J and E we must think, in each case, rather of a school of 
historians than of a single historian. Clearly, neither J nor E in 
the Hexateuch is homogeneous throughout ; both of them must 
have made use of pre-existing material, written as well as oral, the 
product of very various ages, and embodying divergent and some- 
times conflicting traditions.* 

Illustrations from Judg. of the use of earlier material in J are 
seen in the Samson-stories, chs. 14-16, which have been edited and 
fitted with a strongly characteristic introduction, ch. 13 (pp. 337 f.), 
and in one of the narratives in chs. 19-21, which appears to be con- 
structed throughout upon a basis of earlier J narratives (p. 456). 
Similarly, the Song of Deborah, ch. 5, is obviously much older 
than the accompanying prose-narrative, ch. 4, though both appear 
to belong to E (p. 83) ; and the inference that the former was 
excerpted from an ancient written source (probably a collection of 
poems such as ' the Book of the Wars of Yahweh ' mentioned in 
Num. 21 14 ), is confirmed by the fact that the prefixed statement as 
to the occasion on which the song was composed, seems to have 
been excerpted with it from the old source (cf. note on v. 2 ). Again, 
the E 2 element which is so clearly marked both in Judg. and in 
1 Sam. 1-12 (originally a part of the history of the Judges; cf. p. 294), 
can never have formed an independent document, but presupposes 
the earlier history of E, to which it forms a religious expansion 
and interpretation. This incorporation of earlier material and the 
existence of more than one hand in J and E are sufficient to 
explain the unequal distribution of characteristic phraseology, and 
also the occurrence in certain sections of striking words and phrases 
which are not found elsewhere in the histories. ;{: 

While, however, J and E undoubtedly embody the work of two 
schools of prophetic historians, it is natural to suppose that the 
work of these schools has survived through being gathered together 
into two continuous prophetic histories ; and that it was these two 

* Cf. CH. i. pp. 108 ff., 119 ff. Skinner {Genesis (ICC), pp. 181 f.) points out that 
J seems to embody a tradition which knew nothing of the Flood, and also (cf. pp. 
418, 450, 570) one which ignored the sojonrn in Egypt and the Exodus. The discus- 
sion in Addit. note, pp. 44 ff. leads us to the conclusion that J has embodied an 
ancient Calibbite tradition narrating the conquest of the Negeb by a northward 
movement from Kadesh-Barnea', and that this has been modified in J as we know it 
by later influences. Such examples of composite authorship might be multiplied. 

% Such are not frequent; but we may notice that the Divine title 'Yahweh 
S e bha'5th,' which occurs in 1 Sam. I 3 - 11 , 44, 15 2 , 17 45 , as also in 2 Sam., is not 
found at all in the Hexateuch and Judg. ; and 'Belial,' which occurs in Judg. 19 22 , 
20 13 ; 1 Sam. 1 16 , 2* 2 , 1027, 25 1 ^ 30 22 , is only found in the Hexateuch in 
Deut. 13 1J , 15 9 . The instances from Judg. of words not found in JE in the Hexa- 
teuch which are cited by Kit., Studien und Kritiken, 1892, pp. 57, 61 ; Kiinig in 
])Ii. ii. pp. 811b-812b, would not be significant enough to tell against our theory 
even if that theory involved the supposition that J and E were respectively the com- 
position of a single hand throughout. 


documents, and not two collections of disconnected narratives, which 
were wrought into one by the redactor R JE . There is thus a sense 
in which it is perfectly legitimate to speak of 'the J writer 'and 
' the E writer,' i.e. the actual individuals who were responsible for 
the composition of the continuous history-books ; and since, as we 
have seen, evidence points to an original uninterrupted sequence 
between the Hexateuch narratives of J and E, and the narratives of 
J and E in Juclg., we may without excessive boldness maintain 
that, when we use the symbols J and E in Judg., they have for 
us no less definite meaning than they possess for us as titles of 
documents in the Hexateuch.* 

§ 4. The Editors. 

The portions of Judg. which we assign to the main editor, who, 
as we have seen (§ 2), is responsible for the pragmatic setting of the 
book, are as follows : — 

Introduction : ell. 2 6b < in part).lla.l4aba.l6.17 t 

Framework: chs. 3 7 " 11 , 3 12 " 15a (working up extracts from the 
old narrative), 3 20 , 4 1_4 (working up old extracts), 4 23 - 24 , 
5 31b , 6 1 " 6 (working up old extracts), 8 2y - 33 - 25 , 10 6a <*+, ll 33b , 
13 1 , 15 20 . 
Modern critical scholars unanimously regard this editor as a 
member of the Deuteronomic School, i.e. as influenced by the stand- 
point and phraseology of Deuteronomy : thus the signature which 
is generally adopted for him is R D (Deuteronomic Redactor). The 
present writer has, however, convinced himself that this view is 
not correct. Deuteronomy was (in his opinion) unknown to our 

* That we have in Judg. the continuation of the documents contained in the 
Hexateuch was maintained by J. J. Stahelin, Specielle Einleitung in die kanon. 
Backer des A.T. (1862), pp. 66 ft'., and by E. Schrader in de Wette's Einleitung in 
die Bibel, A. u. N.T. (1869), pp. 337 ff. The subject was first systematically worked 
out for different parts of Judg. by Ed. Meyer, Stade, and Bohme in articles in 
ZATW. (cf. references in the present Commentary, pp. 1, 176, 293, 335). The merit 
of attempting to distinguish J and E throughout the book belongs, however, to 
Budde in his Richter und Samuel (1890) ; and Budde's view has been accepted in the 
main by Cornill, Moore, Nowack, and Lagrange. Kue. {Ond. §19 13 ) speaks with 
some scepticism of the theory, and it is opposed by Kittel in Theol. Studien und 
Kritiken, 1892, pp. 44 ff. ; HH. ii. pp. 14ff. ; GV1*. ii. pp. 15 ff., and by Konig, 
Einleitung in das A.T., pp. 252 ff. ; DB. ii. pp. 811b-812b. The arguments 
advanced by these two latter scholars, however, would for the most part only be 
valid if J and E were to be regarded as each the work of a single individual— a view 
which is maintained by no one. Cf. e.g. Kittel's argument that the history of 
Abimelech cannot be from E, because in it Shechem is a Cana'anite city, whereas in 
Josh. 24 E 2 it is Israelite; or, again, that in view of Gen. 22 E, the story of 
Jephthah's sacrifice of his daughter can hardly belong to the same source. 

X It is impossible in 10 6 " 16 to be sure how much is due to the main editor and how 
much to his source, E 2 : cf. p. 294. Most scholars assign a larger portion of the 
section to the editor. 


editor. The influence which really moulded his thought and 
diction was the influence of the later Ephraimitic *school of pro- 
phetic teachers, whose work is generally marked as E 2 . Thus the 
signature which is adopted in the present commentary to mark the 
work of the main editor is R E2 (Redactor of the late Ephraimitic 
School). The grounds upon which this view is based have now to 
be stated. 

The passages in Judg., 1 Sam. 1-12, which are characteristically 
the work of E 2 are as follows :— Judg. 2 0(1^^.7-, 6 mo ? 

g 22.23. 27a/3b 1Q 6-16 (in the main) } Sam. 7 1 " 14 8 1_22 10 l7_27a 12 1_25 .* 

These passages are united together by a common phraseology and 
theological outlook, the characteristics of which, so far as they 
distinguish the passages in Judg., are noticed on pp. 55, 177, 183 f., 
294; cf. further Bu, RS. pp. 180 ff., Driver, LOT 9 , p. 177. Their 
connexion with Joshua^s last address, as related in Josh. 24 
(generally assigned, except for a few minor details, to the later 
stratum of E, i.e. E 2 ) is very close ; and more especially is this the 
case with 1 Sam. 12, which relates Samuel's last address before his 
retirement from the office of judge after the election of Saul as 
king. The following comparison illustrates the closeness of con- 
nexion between the two chapters : — 

Josh. 24 1 And they took their stand before Yahweh. 
1 Sam. 12 7 And now take your stand, that I may plead with you 
before God. 

Josh. 5 And I sent Moses and Aaron. 

Sam. 8 And Yahweh sent Moses and Aaron. (Cf. 11 And Yahweh 
sent Jerubbaal, etc.). 

Josh. 6 And I brought forth your fathers out of Egypt. 
Sam. 8 And they brought forth your fathers out of Egypt. 

Josh. 7 And they cried unto Yahweh. 
Sam. 10 And they cried unto Yahweh. 

Josh. 8 And they fought with you. 9a And he fought with Israel. 
Sam. 9b And they fought with them. 

Josh. 10b And I delivered you from his hand. 

Sam. llb And he delivered you from the hand of your enemies. 

Josh. 14 And now fear Yahweh, and serve him in integrity and in 

Sam. 24a Only fear Yahweh, and serve him in truth with all your 

heart. 14 . If ye will fear Yahweh and will serve him. 

Josh. 16 Far be it from us to forsake Yahweh. 
Sam. 23 Far be it from us to sin against Yahweh. 

* Omitting, in Judg., 6 25 - 32 , 3&b , 7 27 ( passages which, though assigned to E 2 upon 
adequate grounds, have not the same special characteristics as the passages above 


Josh. 17 For Yahweh our God, he it is that brought up us and our 
fathers from the land of Egypt, from the house of 

Sam. 6 Yahweh . . . that brought up your fathers 
from the land of Egypt, 

Josh. 17 And who did these great signs before our eyes. 

Sam. 16 Behold the great thing which Yahweh is about to do before 

your eyes. 
Josh. 22 . And Joshua' said unto the people, Ye are witnesses against 

yourselves. And they said, We are witnesses. 
Sam. 5 . And he said unto them, Yahweh is a witness against you, 

and his anointed is a witness . . . And r they 1 said, 

He is a witness. 

This correspondence between the phraseology of the two addresses 
— which is so close as to make it obvious that they must both 
have assumed their present form at the hands of the same author, 
or else that 1 Sam. 12 must have been modelled upon Josh. 24 — 
is of the first importance in proof that 1 Sam. 12, and the sections 
in Judg. and 1 Sam. which are similar to it, are rightly to be 
regarded as pre-Deuteronomic* The fact is familiar that JE in 
Josh, has been edited by a redactor of the Deuteronomic School 
(R u ), and the portions of Josh, which are the work of this redactor 
bear unmistakably the impress of the thought and phraseology of 
D. Now though there already existed in his source the farewell- 
address of Joshua" which belongs to E 2 (ch. 24), R D was so little 
satisfied with this as an adequate expression of the Deuteronomic 
ideal that he inserted side by side with it (ch. 23) another address 
of his own composition in which he enforces that ideal in language 
which repeats and echoes the language of D almost sentence by 
sentence. It is worth while to give a full summary of the D phrases 
in this address in order to exhibit what is properly to be understood 
as the influence of D upon the members of its ' school ' : — 

Josh. 23 3 . 'Ye have seen all that Yahweh your God did.' Cf. 
Deut. 29 2 (pp), 3 21 , 4 3 ; 'That which Yahweh thy God did,' 
Deut. 7 1S , 24 9 , cf. II 4 - 5 . 

v. s . 'For Yahweh your God, He it is that fighteth for you.' So 
v. 10 , Deut. 3 22 f. 

v. 5 . ' As Yahweh your God spake unto you.' So v. 10 . Cf. Deut. 
1 » 2 i, 6 3 - 19 , 9 3 , 10 9 , 11 25 , 12 20 , 15 6 , 18 2 , 26 18 - 19 , 27 3 , 29 13 (Pp), 
31 3 ; Josh. 13 14 - 33 , 14 12 , 22 \ all R D ; Judg. 2 15 D 2 , 1 Kgs. 5 5 - 12 
(£».»), 8 2 °; 2 Kgs. 24 13 , allR u 4 

That the presentation of Samuel as we have it in this narrative in 1 Sam. was 
familiar to Jeremiah and his hearers is clear from Jer. 15 l , where Samuel is coupled 
with Moses as a typical intercessor on behalf of Israel ; for he only appears in this 
light in 1 Sam. 7 8ff -, 12 19 - 23 , and not in the older narrative with which this is com- 
bined. Cf. Cornill as cited by Bu., RS. p. 178 ; Driver, LOT.** p. 178. 

X In several of these passages R.V. renders 'promised' for 'spake' ; but the verb 
is in every case the same in the Hebrew. 


vS> 'All that is written in the Rook of the Law of Moses ' (a 
direct reference to the Deuteronomic Code). Cf . Josh. 1 7 - 8 , 8 3L34 R D • 

1 Kgs. 2 3 ; 2 Kgs. 14 ,; R". 

%v. 6 . ' So as not to turn aside therefrom to the right hand or to the 
left.' Cf. Deut. 17 20 ; also 5 32 (£»), 17 n , 28 14 ; Josh. 1 7 R D ; 

2 Kgs. 22 2 R D . 

v. s . 'Cleave to' (1 P31, of adherence to the worship of Yahweh). 
Cf. Deut. 4 4 , 10 2 o, 1122, 13 4 (^5) } 30 20. j osh 22 5 R D ; 2 Kgs. 
18 C R U . Of adherence to idolatry, or to the representatives of it, 
v. 12 ; 1 Kgs. II 2 ; 2 Kgs. 3 3 R D . 

v. 9 . ' And Yahweh hath dispossessed from before vou nations L r reat 
and mighty.' Cf. Deut. 4 3S , 9 \ 11 23 .* 

v. 11 . 'And ye shall take great heed to yourselves.' Cf. Deut. 
2 4 f. 

». u . 'To love Yahweh vour God.' Cf. Deut. 10 12 , 11 1^ 19 9 } 
30 6.16.20. j osn . 22 5 R U . 

v. 13 . ' Until ye perish.' Cf. Deut. 28 20 - 22 . 

v. 13 . 'Which Yahweh your God hath given you.' Cf. w. 15 - 16 ; 
Josh. 18 3 R D ; with ' about to give you ' (or ' thee,' ' us,' ' them '), con- 
stantly in Deut. 



With all your heart and with all vour soul.' Cf. Deut. 11 13 , 
13 3 ($ 4 ); Josh. 22 5 R D ; 'with all thy heart, etc.,' Deut. 4 29 , 6 ", 
10 12 , 26 16 , 30 2 - 6 - 10 : ' with all his heart, etc.,' 2 Kgs. 23 ^ R D ; ' with 
all their heart, etc.,' 1 Kgs. 2 4 , 8 4S ( = 2 Chr. 6 38 ) R D ; 2 Chr. 15 12 ; 
'with all the heart, etc.,' 2 Kgs. 23 3 ( = 2 Chr. 34 31 ) R". 

v. u . ' There hath not fallen one word out of all the good words, 
etc' Cf. Josh. 21 ^ (JGp) R D ; 1 Kgs. 8 56 R D . 

v. 15 . 'Until He destroy you.' Cf. Deut. 28 48 ; 'to destroy vou' 
(Yahweh as subj.), Deut. 9 8 - 19 - 25 , 28 63 . 

v. 16 , ' Shall so and serve other gods, and worship them.' So 
1 Kgs. 9 G (=2 Chr. 7 19 ) R D ; cf. Deut. 11 16 , 17 3 : 'serve other gods,' 
Josh. 24 2 -i6 E; Judg. 10 13 E 2 ; 1 Sam. 8 8 . 26 19 ; Deut. 7 4 , 13 6 - 13 
(W- u ), 28 36 - 64 ; Jer. 16 13 , 44 3 ; 'other gods,' with 'serve' closely 
following with suffix of reference, Deut. 8 19 , 13 2 ($ 3 ), 28 14 , 30 17 , 
31 20 ; Judg. 2 19 D 2 ; 1 Kgs. 9 9 ( = 2 Chr. 7 22 ) R D ; 2 Kgs. 1 7 35 R D ; 
Jer. II 10 , 13 10 , 16 n , 22 9 , 25 6 , 35 15 ; 'other gods,' without 'serve,' 
Ex. 20 3 E, 23 ]3 E; 2 Kgs. 5 17 (Ephraimitic) ; Hos. 3 1 ; Judg. 
2 17 R E2 ; Deut. 5 7 , 6 14 , ll 28 , 18 2 o, 31 18 ; Judg. 2 12 D 2 ; 1 Kgs. 
II 4 - 10 , 14 9 ; 2 Kgs. 17 7 - 37 - 38 , 22 17 ( = 2Chr. 34 25 )allR D f. 

v. 16 . 'And the anger of Yahweh be kindled against you.' Cf. 
Deut. 7 4 . 1 1 17 . 

v 16 . 'And ve perish quickly from off the good land which He 

hath given you.' Cf. Deut. 11 17 . ' The good land,' Deut. 1 35 , 3 25 , 
421.22 6 is ? gw 96, 

The close and constant echo of the phraseology of D as "seen 
in this address — which is equally characteristic of other portions of 

* Heb. h< A >rls, translated 'hath dispossessed,' is rendered by R.V., sometimes 
'possess.' sometimes 'drive out.' Cf. note on I 19 , 


Josh, belonging to this redactor, and also of the handiwork of the 
Deuteronomic redactor of Kgs.* — sufficiently illustrates what is 
properly to be taken as the work of ' the Deuteronomic School.' It 
is evident at a glance that it is to the pre-Deuteronomic address 
Josh. 24 E' 2 , and not to Josh. 23 IT, that the address in 1 Sam. 12 
and the kindred sections in Judg. and 1 Sam. exhibit a close 
affinity ; and that therefore we 'have not erred in marking them as 
E 2 , and in regarding them as dating from a period prior to the pro- 
mulgation of Deuteronomy. It is true that the religious ideas of E 2 
and D are in many points closely kindred, and that there are a certain 
number of phrases which are common to them (such e.g. as k Yahweh 
your God,' 'other gods,' 'forget Yahweh,' etc.); but the explana- 
tion of this surely is that the thought and phraseology of E 2 have 
exercised a well-marked influence upon D. Had the opposite been 
the case — i.e. had our so-called E 2 been modelled under the influence 
of D, it would be difficult to explain why only a limited number of 
characteristic D phrases were employed, whereas the most striking- 
ones (as seen in R D in Josh, and Kgs.) are wholly absent. As a 
matter of fact, a large number of the ideas and phrases which char- 
acterize E 2 are already to be found in Hosea* \ ; and it is doubtless 
to the influence of Hosea c and his school that we owe the presenta- 

* Cf. the long list of phrases characteristic of R D in Kgs. which is given by the 
present writer in his article 'Kings I. and II.' in DB. ii. pp. 859 ff. 

X The following is a rough list of phrases and thoughts contained in Hosea' which 
have influenced E 2 , as well as somewhat later thought (D and Jeremiah) : — 

Defection from Yahweh characterized as whoredom, 1 2 , 2 2 " 5 (P? 4 " 7 ), 4 12 - 15 - 18 , 5 3 - 4 , 
6«>, 9 1 . 

' The Baals,' 2 M.M (& !*•»), 11 2 • * the Ba'al,' 13 1. 

'lio alter,' of adherence to false worship, 2 5 - 13 (■£? 7 - 15 ) ; of following Yahweh, 

Verb 'love' (anx) applied to Yahweh's feeling for Israel, 3 1, 9 is, 11 \ 14 4 (gs) ; 
cf. subs. ' love,' 11 4 . 

'Yahweh, their God,' 3 5 , 7 10 ; ' Yahweh, thy God,' 129 ^J 10 ), 13 4 ; 14 i(^s). 

'Forget,' of defection from Yahweh, ' 2"(|i« 'Me she foigat'), 46 ('Thou hast 
forgotten the tdra of thy God'), 8 14 ('Israel forgat his maker'), 13 6 ('they have 
forgotten Me '). 

'Practices' (D^JJO) with evil connotation, 4 9, 5 4 , 7-, 9 15 , 12 2 ($ 3 ) ; cf. Judg. 
2 19 E 2 ; Deut. 28 20 ; eighteen occurrences in Jer. 

' They have forsaken to observe Yahweh,' 4 l0 . 

' Return unto Yahweh,' of repentance, 6 \ 7 10 , 14 "> (m 2 - z ) ; ' unto God,' 5 4 . 

k I desire mercy (iDfl) and not sacrifice ; 
And the knowledge of God more than burnt offerings,' 6° ; cf. 1 Sam. 15 22 E ; -. 

Verb 'cry,' of supplication to Yahweh, 7 14 , S 2 . 

' Transgress covenant,' 6 7 , 8 1 . 

' Provoke ' (D^V^Hj obj. ' Yahweh ' understood) 12 14 ; characteristic of D. 

Reference to the deliverance from Egypt, 2 « (S"), 11 1, 12 9 (p? io) > 134. 

Depreciatory reference to the paraphernalia of cultus, 3 4 , 10 12 . 

Depreciatory reference to the existing form of kingship as opposed to the Theo- 
cratic ideal, 8 4 - 10 (as emended; cf. p. 184), 10 3, ly 10.11 ( c f. j u dg. 8 M P; 1 Sam. 

86-7, 1(, 19, 1217-19 K 2 ). 

Antipathy to bull-worship of Northern Kingdom, 3 5 - 6 , 10 5 , 13 2 (cf. R D in Kgs.). 


tion of Israel's early history as it appears in E 2 , and (it may well 
be) ultimately the Deuteronomic revival itself.* 

Now, even a cursory examination of the phraseology of the main 
editor of Judg. makes it clear that this is modelled upon the E 2 
sections which we have been discussing. The address of 1 Sam. 12 
especially, which properly rounds off the history of the Judges 
with the final address of Samuel, the last of their number, after the 
election of the first king, seems to have been used by our editor as 
the type to which he sought to conform his pragmatic setting of 
Jndg. Examination of his phraseology in detail yields the following 
results : — 

1. 'Did that which was evil in the sight of Yahweh,' Judg. 2 11 , 
3 712 , 4 1 , 6 1 , 10 6 , 13 i, allR E2 . Elsewhere, Num. 32 13 JE ?; 1 Sam. 
15 19 E 2 ; 2 Sam. 12 9 ; Deut. 4 25 , 9 18 , 17 2 , 31 29 ; twenty-two occur- 
rences in B, D 's framework to Kgs., and parallel passages in 2 Chr. ; 
Jer. 32 30 , 52 2 ; Isa. 65 12 , 66 4 ; Ps. 51 4 (JLf 6 ). 

2. 'And they forsook Yahweh, and served the Ba'als and the 
e Ash tarts/ Judg. 2 13 E 2 (worked in by R E2 ). Cf. 1 Sam. 12 ™E 2 , 
' We have sinned, because we have forsaken Yahweh, and have 
served the Ba'als and the e Ashtarts ' ; so very similarly (exc. om. 
'and the 'Ashtarts'), Judg. 10 10 E 2 ; with inverted order, 'and 
they served the Baals and the e Ash tarts . . . and forsook Yahweh,' 

* The present writer is of the opinion that the origin of Deuteronomy is to be 
sought in the prophetic school, not of the Southern, hut of the Northern Kingdom, 
and that we have a gradually developing stream of thought represented by E, Hosea', 
E 2 , and finally D. If this view is correct, the composition of D must have taken 
place some time subsequently to the fall of Samaria and the end of the Northern 
Kingdom. Sargon only claims to have carried captive 27,290 of the inhabitants of 
Samaria, and definitely states that he allowed the remainder to retain their posses- 
sions (? inusunu, of doubtful meaning), set his officers as prefects over them, and laid 
upon them the tribute of the former kings (cf. Winckler, Sargon, p. 101 ; Rogers, OP. 
p. 331). Doubtless (as was the case with Nebuchadnessar's first deportation from 
Jerusalem ; 2 Kgs. 24 1214 ) those whom he removed were the politically influential 
and the skilled artificers ; and he would have no reason for interfering with the 
members of the prophetic order, who belonged to the poorer classes, and would hardly 
have been clustered in and about the capital city. During the period after B.C. 722, 
Samaria remained the centre of an Assyrian province, with a population to some 
extent leavened by foreign settlers (cf. Winckler, Sargon, pp. 5, 21 ; Rogers, OP. 
p. 326). The mainly late narrative of 2 Kgs. 17 24 " 41 , which reads almost as though 
the foreign element were in sole possession and the religion of Yahweh had died 
out, is without doubt coloured by bitter antipathy to the Samaritans of later times. 
But, in fact, a not inconsiderable body of Israelites had survived the conquest; 
amongst whom the prophets of the north may be supposed to have continued their 
literary labours quietly and unobtrusively, setting their hopes upon a future when 
the whole of Israel (both of the north and of the south) should be united in faithful 
worship of Yahweh at one common centre. The grounds upon which this theory is 
based have not yet been published by the writer, but he hopes to produce them in 
the near future in a work entitled The Prophetic School of Northern Israel and the 
Mosaic Tradition. 


Judg. 10°E 2 ; 'served the Ba'als and the e Ashtarts ' coupled with 
'forgat Yahweh' (cf. No. 3), Judg. 3 7 R E2 . 

(a) ' Forsook Yahweh ' occurs elsewhere in Judg. 2 12 D 2 (based 
onE 2 vP), Josh. 24 16 E 2 ; Isa. I 4 ; 1 Kgs. 9 9 ; 2 Kgs. 21 22 , both 
R D ; Jer. 2 17 - Jy ; 2 Chr. 7 22 , 21 10 , 24 20 - 24 , 28 6 ; cf. 'forsakers of 
Yahweh,' Isa. 1 28 , 65 n ; ' forsook Him ' (Yahweh as obj.), 2 Chr. 13 10 , 
24 25 ; 'shall forsake Him,' 1 Chr. 28 9 ; 2 Chr. 15 2 ; 'His forsakers,' 
Ezr. 8 22 ; 'Thy forsakers,' Jer. 17 13 (both referring to Yahweh); 
'ye (they) have forsaken Me ' (Yahweh as speaker), Judg. 10 13 E 2 ; 

1 Kgs. II 33 ; 2 Kgs. 22 17 both R D ; Jer. 1 16 , 5 7 - 19 , 16 llto , 19 4 ; 

2 Chr. 12 5 , 34 25 ; 'hast forsaken Me,' Deut. 28 20 ; 'shall forsake 
Me,'' Deut. 31 16 (source 1). 

Similar phrases are 'forsook to observe Yahweh,' Hos. 4 10 ; 
'forsook the covenant of Yahweh,' Deut. 29 25 (pp) ; Jer. 22 9 ; 
'forsook the commandments of Yahweh,' 1 Kgs. 18 18 R D ; 'forsook 
my tora; Jer. 9 13 (Pp). 

(b) 'The Baals and the 'Ashtarts,' 1 Sam. 7 4 E 2 (obj. of 'put 
away '). 

'And the 'Ashtarts,' coupled with 'put away the foreign gods 
from your midst,' 1 Sam. 7 3 E 2 . 

' The Ba'als ' alone, Judg. 8 33 R E2 (obj. of ' went a whoring after '), 
Hos. 2 13 - 17 (Pp 19 ), ll 2 (obj. of 'sacrificed to'), 1 Kgs. 18 18 ; Jer. 
2 23 , 9 14 , pp (in each case obj. of 'went after'); 2 Chr. 17 3 , 24 7 , 
28 2 , 33 3 , 34 4 . 

3. ' And they forgat Yahweh their God,' Judg. 3 7 R E2 , based on 
1 Sam. 12 9 E 2 . 

'Forget Yahweh ' occurs elsewhere, Deut. 6 12 , 8 1L14 - 19 ; Jer. 3 21 ; 
Isa. 51 13 ; 'forgat (or forgattest) Me' (Yahweh as speaker), Hos. 
2 13 (Pp), 13 6 ; Jer. 2 32 , 13 25 , 18 15 ; Ezek. 22 12 , 23 35 ; 'forgotten 
Thee' (Yahweh as obj), Ps. 44 17 (Pp). 

4. 'And the anger of Yahweh was kindled against Israel,' Judg. 
2 14 , 3 8 , 10 7 E E2 , based on 2 20 E 2 . Elsewhere, Num. 25 3 E or J, 
32 13 JE1; 2 Kgs. 13 3 R D . 

'The anger of Yahweh was kindled' occurs again in Num. 
11 10 J1, 12 9 E, 32!0JE?; Deut. 29 27 (|§p) ; Josh. 7 1 R p ; 2Sam.6 7 
= 1 Chr. 13 10 ; 2 Chr 25 19 ; Ps. 106 40 ; cf. 'and Yahweh heard, 
and His anger was kindled,' Num. 11 X E; 'and the anger of God 
was kindled,' Num. 22 22 J revised ; 'and the anger of Yahweh (or 
my anger) shall be kindled,' Deut. 7 4 , 11 17 , 31 17 ; Josh. 23 16 R D . 

5. ' And He gave them into the hand of spoilers, and they spoiled 
them,' Judg. 2 14 R E2 .* Cf. 2 Kgs. 17 20 R D , 'and He gave them 
into the hand of spoilers.' 

' Give into the hand ' (of delivering up enemies ; Yahweh as 
subj.) is found again in R E2 , Judg. 6 1 (of Midian), 13 l (of Philis- 
tines), and is frequent elsewhere both in pre- and post-Deut. 

* It is doubtful whether this phrase belongs to R a2 . It may be later : cf. p. 55. 


6. 'He sold them into the hand of,' Judg. 2 14 , 3 8 , 4 2 R K2 , based 
on Judg. 10 7 E 2 , 1 Sam. 12 9 E 2 ; cf. Judg. 4 9 E. 'Sold them' 
(sc. ' to their enemies ' ; subj. ' their Rock,' = ' Yah weh '), Deut.32 30 . 

7. 'Their enemies round about,' Judg. 2 u , 8 34 R E2 , based on 
1 Sam. 12 "E 2 ; cf. 2 Sam. 7 1 ; Dcut. 12 10 , 25 19 ; Josh. 23^". 

8. 'And the children of Israel cried unto Yahweh,' Judg. (2 16 ),* 
3 9.i5 } 4 3+ s 6^R K2 , based on Judg. 10 10 E 2 ; 'and your fathers 
cried unto Yahweh,' 1 Sam. 12 8 E 2 ; 'and they cried unto Yahweh,' 
1 Sam. 12 10 E 2 ; Josh. 24 7 J E, Ex. 14 10 E (source of preceding). 
Elsewhere, with Israel as subj., Ps. 107 6 } -i3.i9.28 + . c f. 2 Chr. 
13 14 + ; Hos. 8 2 ; Mic. 3 4 . 

9. 'Yahweh raised up judges,' Judg. 2 16 R E2 , 2 1S D 2 (based on 
t?. 16 ) ; 'Yahweh raised up a saviour,' Judg. 3 9 - 15 R E2 . No close 
parallel. E^P 1 " 1 is used, with Yahweh as subj., of raising up men to 
fill particular positions in Deut. 18 15 - 18 (a prophet), Josh. 5 7 R 1 ' (the 
sons of those who died in the wilderness), § 1 Sam. 2 35 (a faithful 
priest), 2 Sam. 7 12 =1 Chr. 17 n (thy seed as king), 1 Kgs. II 14 - 23 
(an adversary), 1 Kgs. 14 14 (a king), Am. 2 n (prophets and 
Nazirites), Jer. 6 1 7 (watchmen), 23 4 (shepherds), 23 5 (a righteous 
sprout), 29 15 (prophets), 30 9 (a king), Ezek. 34 23 (a shepherd), 
Zech. II 16 (id.). 

10. 'Went a whoring after' (of intercourse with deities other 
than Yahweh), Judg. 2 1 7 , 8 33 R E ' 2 , 8 2 <E 2 , Ex. 34 15 - 16 J, Deut. 31 16 
(source?), Lev. 17 \ 20 bU * (both H), Ezek. 6 9 , 20 30 , 1 Chr. 5 25 .m 

11. 'They turned aside quickly from the way,' Judg. 2 17 R E2 > 
Cf. Ex. 32 8 E ?, source of Deut. 9" 12 - 16 .f 

12(a) 'Was (were) subdued,' Judg. 3 30 (Moab), 8 - 8 (Midian), 
ll 33 (the children of 'Amnion), all R E2 , based on 1 Sam. 7 13 E 2 
'and the Philistines were subdued.' The verb ($7333 Niphal) is 
used elsewhere in a passive sense in 1 Chr. 20 4 , 2 Chr. 13 18 , Ps. 
106 42 . In other occurrences the sense is reflexive ('humble one- 

(b) 'God subdued' (JMun Hiph'Il) Judg. 4 23 R E2 (Jabin, king of 
Canaan). Cf. Deut. 9 3 , 1 Chr. 17 10 , 2 Chr. 28 19 , Ps. 81 14 ($ 15 ); 
with David as subj., 2 Sam. 8 1 = 1 Chr. 18 1 . 

13. 'And the land had rest' (T^ BpWll), Judg. 3 11 - 30 , 5 31 , 

8 28 R E2 . Cf. Josh. II 23 , 14 15 R D (nonfeo nvpv pam), Isa. 14 7 , 
Zech. 1 « 1 Chr. 4 40 , 2 Chr. 14 L6 (ft 13 23 , 14 5 ). 

As the result of these statistics, it appears that phrases Nos. 2, 3, 
6, 8, 10, 12 appear definitely to be modelled upon 1 Sam. 12 or 
other sections of E 2 , or at least to be drawn from a similar source 

* Restored here upon the analogy of parallel passages. 

% With the variant spelling ipj^l for Ip^n- 

§ Here, however, the context seems to demand D^pH 'that arose,' in place of 


If Cf. the characteristics of Hosea* given in Footnote + p. xlv. 


of inspiration; and Nos. 4, 7, 9, 11, 13, while too general to form 
the basis of any inference, at the same time fully fit in with the 
theory of E 2 influence. There remain Nos. 1 and 5, which, taken 
by themselves, may seem to support the theoiy of D influence. We 
observe, however, that No. 1, while frequent in Deut. and R D in 
Kgs., is by no means the creation of the D school, as the occurrences 
in 1 Sam. and 2 Sam. show ; while No. 5, which is doubtfully 
assigned to R E2 , is paralleled merely by the single occurrence from 
R" in Kgs., and no weight can be laid upon the connexion. 
Evidence thus surely indicates that the main editor of Judg. did 
his work under the influence of E 2 prior to the promulgation of D ; 
such connexion with D as he exhibits being due to the fact that he 
contributes to the stream of prophetic thought which resulted 
ultimately in the latter work. Some traces of the work of a genuine 
Deuteronomic hand are to be found in the introductory section to 
Judg. (cf. 2 I2.i4b/u5.i8.i9 j 3 lis marked as D 2 ) ; but these are clearly 
distinct from, and later than, the work of R E2 (cf. p. 55). 

It is clear that R E " 2 , though the principal editor of Judg. as we 
know the book, was not the first editor who brought together the old 
narratives of J and E and combined them into a continuous whole. 
The story of Abimelech, ch. 9 1_57 , which was known to R E2 and 
omitted by him from his work as alien to his purpose, was already 
a composite narrative, containing elements from the two ancient 
sources (cf. pp. 267 f.); and the same is true at any rate of the 
story of Micah and the Danites, chs. 17-18, which undoubtedly 
belonged to the original history of the period of the Judges, though 
it was not utilized by R E2 . We must conclude, therefore, that there 
existed a composite history of the Judges prior to the work of R E2 ; 
and since we have found reason to believe that the double strand of 
ancient narrative in Judg. is of a piece with JE in the Hexateuch 
(cf. § 3), it is natural to assume that J and E in Judg. were first 
brought together as part of a continuous history of the origins of 
Israel by the redactor of the same sources in the Hexateuch, R JE . 
The handiwork of this redactor is also to be traced in the combina- 
tion of the two strands in 1 Sam. 1-12, which doubtless originally 
formed the concluding part of the history of the period of the 

Traces of R JE , as we find them in Judg., are for the most part 
harmonistic merely,* and he does not seem to have been dominated 
by any definite pragmatic purpose akin to that of R^ 2 . Whether 
he set the narratives of individual Judges in a stereotyped frame- 
work is doubtful. It may be noticed, however, that the closing 
formula in the narratives "of Jephthah (12 7a ) and Samson (16 31b ), 
' And he judged Israel x years,' occurs in the same form at the close 
of the judgeship of c Eli, 1 Sam. 4 ]8b (cf. also of Samuel, 1 Sam. 7 15 ), 
and is therefore presumably prior to R E2 (whose regular concluding 
formula is 'and the land had rest x years'); while, on the other 
* Cf. references in Index to R JE under ' Redactors of Judges.' 



hand, the fact that the statement generalizes the scope of the 
Judges' influence (over Isra /, and not merely over one or more 
tribes) is an indication that it is later than the old narratives them- 
selves, and therefore in all probability redactional.* 

The date of the redaction of Judg. can only be approximately 
determined. E 2 , which exhibits strongly the influence of Hosea', 
must be subsequent to that prophet, who flourished cir. B.C. 750-735, 
but not necessarily very long subsequent. It is reasonable to 
suppose that R JE may have done his work of combining J and E 
(including E c ) dr. B.C. 700 or a little later. E E2 may then be 
placed cir. B.C. 650. The book took its final form at the hands of 
the editor (or school of editors) imbued with the priestly concep- 
tions of post-exilic times, for whose work we use the symbol R p . 
The extent of R F 's work has been sufficiently indicated in the final 
paragraph of § 2. Cf. also references in the Index under ' Redactors 
of Judges.' 

§ 5. Chronology. 

In attempting to estimate the length of the period covered by 
the Book of Judg. we turn naturally to examine the chronological 
data supplied by the editors, which may seem at first sight to afford 
us an exact basis for our calculations. Unfortunately, however, 
this is not the case. 

In 1 Kgs. 6 1 we find a statement from the hand of the priestly 
reviser of the book J that the period from the Exodus until the 
building of the Temple in the fourth year of Solomon was 480 
years. Addition of the data which we possess for this period gives 
the following result : — 

Wanderings in the wilderness, 

Conquest under Joshua", 

Oppression of Cushan-rish'athaim (3 8 ), . 

Interval after deliverance by 'Othniel (3 n ), 

Oppression of Eglon (3 u ), . . . .18 

40 years. 
Not stated. 
8 years. 

40 " 

* A difference is to be discerned in the use of sdphat 'to judge,' sophet 'judge' by 
R E2 and R JE . For R E2 a 'judge' is so termed as a vindicator or deliverer (cf. ch. 
2i6.i7.i8 ; 3 io) j DU t in the passages above noticed which we assign to R JE 'to judge' 
means simply to exercise the judicial functions of a magistrate or ruler. This latter 
usage is also found in the mention of the periods covered by the minor Judges 
{ch. 10 2 - 3 , 12 9n - 14 ), where R p seems to have copied the formula of R JE , since it is 
scarcely possible that the brief notices of these Judges, the whole conception of which 
belongs to the post-exilic school of thought, should have existed in R JE 's Book of 
Judges (cf. pp. 289 I). We assign to R E2 the notice of ch. 15 20 , which states that 
Samson 'judged Israel ... . . twenty years ' ; but this simply means that R E2 , when he 
deliberately rejected the Samson-stories which now stand in ch. 16, concluded his 
narrative with R JE 's formula which we find in ch. 16 31b . 

$ Evidence is conclusive that the vers*; in question belongs to the latest additions 
to Kings. Cf. NHTK. pp. 58 f. 


. 80 




. 40 




. 40 




. 23 


. 22 


. 18 






, 10 






. 20 


. 40 


Not stated 





« i 


Interval after deliverance by Ehud (3 30 ), 

Oppression of Jabin (4 3 ), 

Interval after deliverance by Deborah (5 81 ), 

Oppression of Midian (6 *), . 

Interval after deliverance by Gideon (8 28 ), 

Reign of Abimelcch (9 22 ), 

Tola 's judgeship (10 2 ), . 

Ja'ir's judgeship (10 3 ), . 

Oppression of 'Amnion (10 s ), 

Jephthah's judgeship (12 7 ), . 

Ibsan's judgeship (12 9 ), 

Elon's judgeship (12 n ), 

'Abdon's judgeship (12 u ), 

Oppression of the Philistines (13 

Samson's judgeship (15 20 , 16 31 ), 

'Eli's judgeship (1 Sam. 4 18 ), 

Samuel's judgeship, 

Reign of Saul, 

Reign of David (1 Kgs. 2 ]1 ), 

Portion of Solomon's reign (1 Kgs. 6 1 ), 

Here we have a total of 534 years, exclusive of three periods of 
unstated length, representing; the domination of Joshua', Samuel, 
and Saul. 

As regards the first of these indefinite periods — we find that, at 
the beginning of the wilderness-wanderings, Joshua first appears 
in the old narrative of E, Ex. 17 8ff -, as the leader of Israel in the 
battle with the 'Amalekites at Rephidim, and subsequently, in 
the same E narrative, as Moses' attendant (cf. Ex. 24 13 ", 32 17 , 33 ll ), 
being described in 33 n by the Hebrew term naar which can 
hardly denote more than a youth approaching man's estate. If we 
are justified in combining these two representations — a warrior, 
and yet a very young man — we may picture him as about 20 years 
old at the time of the Exodus ; and adding to this the 40 years of 
the wanderings, we get an approximate 60 years ; which, sub- 
tracted from his age at his death, 110 years (Josh. 24 29 =Judg. 2 8 E), 
gives 50 years as the period of his leadership in the conquest of 
Canaan. According to ch. 2 7 - 10 , however, a further period of 
indefinite length has to be assumed between the death of Joshua 1 
and the oppression of Cushan-rishathaim ; since we are here 
informed that Israel remained faithful all the days of the elders 
that outlived Joshua, and apostasy only began after the death of 
the latter. 

The length of Samuel's judgeship must have been considerable. 
According to 1 Sam. 7 15 , 'he judged Israel all the days of his life'; 
and it was not until he was an old man that he appointed his sons 
in his place, and their mismanagement of affairs led to the demand 
for a king (1 Sam. 8 1 ff -, probably E 2 ). We have no data, however, 


for forming an approximate estimate of the duration of this judge- 
ship ; and, similarly, we are unable to arrive at the length of Saul's 
reign by any reference, direct or indirect, in the 0. T. Such a 
note of time was desiderated by the scribe who added the gloss 
which stands in 1 Sam. 13 1 , framed upon the analogy of the 
recurring formula in Kgs. : — 'Saul was x years old when he began 
to reign, and he reigned y years over Israel.'* 

If we add 50 years for Joshua's judgeship to the 534 years, the 
result is 584 years, without reckoning the two (or, if we take 
account of ch. 2 7 - 10 , three) periods of undetermined length, which, 
upon the lowest computation, can scarcely have amounted together 
to much less than 50 or 60 years. J This is far too long to have 
formed the basis for the calculation of 480 years for the period 
given in 1 Kgs. 6 1 . Yet it is probable that the author of this late 
addition to Kgs. had precisely the same data as we now possess. 

Thus Noldeke ( Untersuchungen zur Kritik des A. T.,\ 869, pp. 1 73 ff. ) 
supposes that the calculator followed the oriental practice of ignor- 
ing periods of oppression and usurpation, and so cut out of his 
reckoning the periods during which Israel is said to have served 
Cushan-rishathaim, c Eglon, Jabin, Midian, 'Ammon, the Philistines, 
and the reign of Abimelech — in all a total of 114 years. § Sub- 
tracting this from the 534, and allowing 40 years (evenly or 
unevenly divided) for Joshua' and Saul, and 20 for Samuel, Noldeke 
reaches the total of 480 years. 

Moore (Comm. xli. f.) agrees with Noldeke in his omissions ; but 
differs in thinking that, for the Judaean author of the chronology, 
the rule of Saul, like that of Abimelech, was regarded as illegiti- 
mate and so not reckoned ; and that for 'Eli's judgeship we should 
follow (£ rather than f^, and read 20 years and not 40 years. 
Then, upon the supposition that Joshua c 's life fell into three periods 

* The formula as it stands in f§ is simply a skeleton, both of the requisite numbers 
being omitted, as in the rendering given above. The word Tlfc^l is probably corrupt 
dittography of the following D^K* 'years' ; and we are scarcely justified in render- 
ing ' a; and two years,' since this would require H3{^ D^Fl^-l . . . 

X The history of 'Eli's family during the periods of Samuel and Saul requires a 
considerable lapse of time. The death of 'Eli synchronizes with the death of his son 
Phinehas in the battle of Aphek (1 Sam. 4). Since Phinehas was still an able-bodied 
man, his son Ahitub must have been a young man at most at this date. Yet accord- 
ing to 1 Sam. 14 3 , it is Ahitub's son Ahijah (apparently =Ahimelech of ch. 22 n ) who 
is priest in the early or middle part of Saul's reign ; and at the slaughter of the priests 
of Nob, Abiathar, the son of Ahimelech and grandson of Ahitub, escapes to David 
carrying the Ephod with him, and is old enough to exercise the priestly office on 
David's behalf by manipulation of the sacred lot. 

§ Wcllh. {Prolegomena, p. 230) has noted the striking fact that, after making the 
necessary assumption that the 40 years of Pbilistine domination coincide with the 
judgeship of 'Eli, and include that of Samson, the total of the remaining foreign 
dominations, viz., 71 years, nearly coincides with the total assigned to the minor 
Judges, viz., 70 years ; and he infers that the latter were intended to take the place of 
the former in the scheme of reckoning. 


of 30 + 40 + 40 years, he assigns 40 years for the conquest of Cana'an 
under Joshua' ; and gives 40 years for Samuel's judgeship on the 
ground of the importance of his work, and the fact that he is 
represented as an old man when he died, and is said to have 
'judged Israel all the days of his life.' This produces the required 
total of 480 years. 

These and similar calculations can only, however, possess a 
relative importance ; since it is evident that the author of the 
statement in 1 Kgs. 6 1 must have been employing an artificial 
method of reckoning. We know that the Exodus probably took 
place under Mineptah, the successor of Ramesse II. (cf, p. civ); 
and, on the other hand, we are able, by aid of Assyrian 
chronology, to determine approximately the date of Solomon's 
accession.* These data force upon us the conclusion that the 
period which we are considering cannot really have occupied much 
more than 250 years; or possibly, if the Exodus took place not 
under Mineptah, but subsequently to his death, an even shorter 
space of time. 

Evidence also leads us to conclude that the instances of the oppres- 
sion of the Israelites by various foreign races, and of deliverance and 
respite effected by the Judges, were in most, if not in all, cases, 
local rather than general. Tims, supposing that the terms of years 
mentioned are based upon accurate information, it is highly probable 
that they not infrequently coincide with or overlap one another. 
Thus, e.g., the south Palestinian tribes may have been suffering 
from the oppression of the Philistines while the east Jordan tribes 
were exposed to the encroachments of the 'Ammonites. The period 

* Mineptah's reign is dated by Petrie B.C. 1234-1214, and by Breasted B.C. 1225- 
1215. Solomon's accession must be placed dr. B.C. 970. This latter date is obtained 
by back-reckoning from the earliest O.T. date fixed by Assyrian chronology, viz. 
B.C. 854, the date of Ahab's presence at the battle of Karkar in alliance with Bir-idri 
of Damascus, the Biblical Ben-Hadad II. Ahab is most likely to have been allied 
with Ben-Hadad at the end of his reign, when, as we are informed by 1 Kgs. 22 ] , 
after the treaty concluded between the two kings as related in 1 Kgs. 20 33 - 34 , 'there 
continued three years without war between Aram and Israel.' It may be plausibly 
assumed that this period of three years was really less. 1 Kgs. 22 2 states that ' in the 
third year ' Ahab determined to recover by force of arms from Ben-Hadad the city of 
Ramah of Gile'ad which he had failed to cede in accordance with his compact. It 
is not unlikely that the first of the three years as reckoned was really the remnant of 
the year which elapsed after the treaty of 20 33f -, so that there remains only one full 
year for the working of the alliance in the form of a combined resistance to Assyria. 
Now Ahab reigned 22 years according to the Biblical reckoning ; therefore 854 must 
have been his 21st year. 853 according to the predating method (i.e. the reckoning of 
the still unexpired portion of the year in which a king came to the throne as his first 
reiguing year) being his 22nd year and also the 1st year of Ahaziah. Back-reckoning 
from B.C. 854 according to the chronology of 1 Kgs., with reduction of the length of 
each reign by one year to allow for predating (which comparison of the synchronisms 
of the reigns of the two kingdoms proves to have been the historian's method of 
reckoning) gives B.C. 931 for the accession of Jerobo'am and Rehobo'am, and B.C. 970 
for the accession of Solomon whose reign is given as lasting 40 years. 


of the Philistine oppression extended nut merely over the judgeship 
of Samson, but also over that of c Eli ; and, at any rate partially, 
into the periods of Samuel and Saul. Possibly Samson and 'Eli 
may have been contemporaries. This is a consideration which by 
itself suggests to us the futility of any attempt to construct a 
chronology of the period upon the evidence which we possess. 

But are the data given in the Biblical sources to be relied upon 
as denning with accuracy the various periods to which they are 
referred 1 The fact can scarcely escape notice that the number 40 
or its multiple occurs with singular frequency. Thus, 40 years 
represents the length of the wilderness-wanderings, of the peace 
enjoyed after the victories of 'Othniel, Deborah, and Gide on, of the 
Philistine oppression, of e Eli's judgeship, and of the reigns of David 
and Solomon. Ehud's judgeship occupies twice 40 years, and that 
of Samson half 40. This fact suggests to us that 40 years may be 
employed as a round number, representing approximately the 
length of a generation. Bearing this in mind, we notice that the 
480 years of 1 Kgs. 6 x is also a multiple of 40, viz. 40x12, i.e. 
twelve generations. That twelve generations were supposed, as a 
matter of fact, to cover the period in question appears from the 
genealogy of Aaron and his successors in 1 Chr. 6 3 " 10 (J^ 5 29 " 36 ), 
where twelve names are given between Eleazar the son of Aaron 
and 'Azariah, who is specified as 'he that executed the priest's 
office in the House that Solomon built in Jerusalem.' These twelve 
generations might naturally be reckoned as follows: (1) Moses, 
(2) Joshua , (3) 'Othniel, (4) Ehud, (5) Barak, (6) Gide on, (7) Jeph- 
thah, (8) Samson, (9) e Eli, (10) Samuel, (11) Saul, (12) David, these 
being the twelve national leaders who were specifically divinely- 
appointed; and that this scheme — or something like it — was in the 
mind of the chronologist is suggested by the facts that six of these 
generations (viz. 1, 3, 5, 6, 9, 12) are actually reckoned as 40 years, 
and a seventh, viz. Joshua', may also have been so reckoned if we 
suppose that his 110 years fell into periods of 30 + 40 + 40 years. 
Such a scheme, however, if it was ever fully worked out, may have 
been subsequently vitiated by various influences, e.g. the desire to 
exclude Saul as illegitimate, and the raising of the number of 
Judges within the Book of Judges to twelve bv the addition of the 
minor Judges in an attempt to find representatives for each of the 
twelve tribes of Israel. 

This discussion may suffice to illustrate the hopelessness of any 
attempt to construct a chronology of our period from the Biblical 
sources available. We can only, as we have already noticed, 
conjecture that the total length of the period from the Exodus to 
the fourth year of Solomon was approximately 250 years ; but for 
the formation of a chronological scheme within this period, or even 
for a conjectural estimate of the length of that portion of it which 
is covered by the Book of Judges, we are absolutely without data. 


§ 6. External information bearing on the period of Judges. 

Our knowledge of the history of Canaan at this period, as 
derived from extra-Biblical sources, is for the most part such as 
can be drawn by inference from evidence which properly concerns 
an earlier period. 

We possess no certain evidence as to the earliest settlement of 
Semitic peoples in Cana an. The earliest Semites of whom we have 
authentic knowledge in Babylonia were settled in Akkad in the 
north. The recently published dynastic lists from Nippur prove 
the existence of an early tradition relating to a succession of 
dynasties in Babylonia from post-diluvial times, which had their 
seats at Kis, Erech, Ur, Awan, and other cities.* There is obvi- 
ously a large element of myth in the tradition ; % but, if we may 
judge from the royal names that are preserved, it would seem that 
the earliest rulers of Kis, Erech, and Ur were non-Semitic. Unfor- 
tunately, the lists are too fragmentary to admit of any estimate of 
the date at which Semites made their appearance in Babylonia. 
We first find them enjoying full political power in the north, under 
the famous Semitic dynasty of Akkad, which was founded by 
Sarru-kin or Sargon i.,§ around whose name a number of traditions 
clustered in later times. It is related that ' he subdued the country 
of the West (sun-setting) in its full extent,' || i.e. the Mediterranean 
sea-board including Cana'an ; and this tradition has now been 
proved to have an authentic basis. U Other famous rulers of the 

* Cf. Poebel, Historical Texts {Univ. of Pennsylvania Mus. PubL, Vol. iv. No. 1, 
1914), pp. 73 ff. 

X In addition to the occurrence of the names of gods and demigods among the early 
rulers, the chronological calculations of the early scribes of Nisin, who compiled the 
lists in the twenty-second century B.C., present a striking resemblance to the chrono- 
logical system of Berossus with its mythical and semi-mythical dynasties : cf. King, 
Bab. p. 114, n l ; pp. 116 f., n 5 . 

§ The name Sargon is the Biblical form (used in Isa. 20 * of the Assyrian king of 
the 8th century B.C.) of the Babylonian name Sarru-ukin or Sarru-kin. A not quite 
complete list of the early Semitic rulers of Akkad (and of other Babylonian dynasties) 
was published by Scheil, Comptes rendus de V Acad, des Inscriptions el Belles- Lettres, 
1911 (Oct.), pp. 606 ff., and Revue d'Assyr., ix. p. 69. This document proves the 
correctness of the Neo-Babylonian tradition that Sarru-kin, or Sargon, was the 
founder of the Dynasty of Akkad. It used to be assumed that he and two other 
early Semitic rulers were kings of ELis*, on the strength of the title gar KIS which 
they bear in their inscriptions ; but it is now clear that this should always be read 
gar kiSsati, 'king of the world,' a title to which they laid claim in virtue of their 
power as kings of the dynasty of Akkad (cf. King, Britannica Year-Book, 1913, pp. 
256 ff.). The powerful king Sar-Gani-§arri (or Sar-Gali-garri), with whom Sargon I. 
used to be identified, was not the founder, but a later ruler, of the Dynasty of Akkad. 

|| For the inscription, cf. King, Chron. ii. pp. 3 ff. ; Rogers, GP. pp. 203 ff. ; TB. i. 
pp. 105 ff. 

1" Cf. the highly important series of inscriptions of kings of Agade (Akkad) recently 
published by Poebel (op. cit. ch. vi.). In one of these Sargon, in ascribing his con- 
quests to the god Enlil, says, 'and he gave him the upper land, Mari, Yarmuti, and 


same dynasty were Naram-Sin,* and Sar-Gani-sarri, who was pro- 
bably his grandson. We have contemporary evidence of the activity 
of the latter in Amurru or the West-land. J 

While Akkad in the north of Babylonia was thus dominated by 
Semites, Sumer in the south was still occupied by the people who 
are known to us, from their habitat, as Sumerians ; a non-Semitic 
race possessing an advanced civilization, to which the Semites who 
succeeded them owed an incalculable debt. The date at which the 
Semites gained the ascendancy in Akkad is a matter of uncertainty. 
It may have been at some time in the fourth millennium B.C. ; and 
was at any rate not later than the earlier decades of the third 
millennium. § 

The early common home of the Semites, prior to their dispersion 
throughout western Asia, was probably central Arabia ;|| and the 
fact that the first Semites who are known to us as occupying Baby- 
lonia are found to be settled in the north and not in the south, 
lends colour to the theory that they may represent a wave of 
Semitic immigration into Babylonia which first entered the country 
not from the south but from the north-west. 11 If this was so, these 
Semites, after quitting their early home, may have first traversed 
Canaan and northern Syria, leaving in all probability settlements 


Ibla, as far as the cedar-forest and the silver mountains. Unto Sarru-kin, the king, 
Enlil did not give an adversary' (pp. 177 if.). Here 'the upper land' is the West- 
land, so-called, apparently, as reached by going up the Euphrates. Poebel adduces 
reasons for taking 'the cedar-forest' to be the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, and 'the 
silver mountains ' the Taurus (cf. pp. 222 ff. ). 

* According to the Neo-Babylonian tradition, Naram-Sin was the son of Sargon. 
This is possible ; but it may be noted that two other members of the house {jr obably 
occupied the throne between Sargon and Naram-Sin ; and if so, eighty or ninety years 
separated Naram-Sin's accession from that of his father. 

X A tablet of accounts from Tello is dated 'in the year in which Sar Gani-garri 
conquered Amurru in Basar. ' Cf. King, Sum. and Akk. p. 225. 

§ The date which was formerly accepted by scholars is that which is given by 
Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon (B.C. 550), who states that, when digging in the 
foundations of the temple of the sun-god at Sippar, he discovered the foundation- 
memorial which had been laid by Naram-Sin 3200 years previously (for the inscrip- 
tion, cf. KB. iii. 2, pp. 102 ff.). This would place Naram-Sin's date B.C. 3750. 
Modern investigation, however, has tended to discredit Nabonidus' statement ; and 
though the reduction of a thousand years or more which at one time was suggested 
is doubtless too drastic (cf. the discussion in Rogers, HBA. 6 i. pp. 494 ff. ), it is quite 
possible that Nabonidus' calculation is a good deal too high (resulting, it may be, in 
part from the reckoning of early contemporaneous dynasties as though they were 
consecutive). Indeed, the evidence of the recently-discovered dynastic lists has been 
interpreted by King as supporting the view which would place Sargon's accession not 
so very much before the end of the fourth millennium B.C. But, in the present very 
partial state of excavation in Babylonia, it is possible that we may still be totally 
uninformed with regard to a period of considerable length in these early times. 

|| For a summary of the views which have been put forward on this subject, an& 
the authorities who support them, cf. Barton, Semitic Origins, pp. 1 ff. ; Rogers, 
HBA.Gi. pp. 452 f. 

IT Cf. King, Sum. and Akk. p. 55. 


in these districts in their wake; or they may have come up from 
Arabia along the western bank* of the Euphrates, where in later 
times we find settlements of Aramaeans, and may have left the 
further west, including Cana an, "wholly untouched.* 

Be this as it may, we cannot point to a period, within the range 
of our historical knowledge, when Canaan was unoccupied by a 
Semitic population. Excavation of ancient sites in Palestine has 
revealed the fact that the earliest inhabitants were neolithic cave- 
dwellers who burned their dead, and who were therefore probably 
non-Semitic ; J but how long this race continued to occupy the 
country cannot be estimated with any approach to certainty. § 

We stand on surer ground in speaking of a later wave of Semitic 
migration northwards and westwards from Arabia, which founded 

* Evidence is lacking in justification of any definite theory as to the approximate 
date of the earliest migrations of the Semites northward and westward. The use of 
the Semitic Babylonian language in the inscriptions of the early rulers of Akkad 
implies the lapse of a period of indefinite length (probably many centuries) since the 
first departure of their ancestors from Arabia, to allow for the development of this 
language. We may contrast, in this respect, the later immigration into Babylonia of 
the ' Amorites ' who founded the First Dyuasty of Babylon (cf. pp. lviii if.); the West 
Semitic language spoken by these immigrants (as evidenced by their proper .names), 
with its Arabian affinities, implying a much less remote separation from the parent- 
stock. An interesting point in connexion with the earliest settlement of Semites in 
Babylonia, is the fact that the closely shaven Sumerians always represent their 
deities as bearded, and therefore, apparently, as Semites (cf. figures in King, Sum. 
and Akk. pp. 47 f. ; Hall, NE. plate xiv. p. 204). The significance of this fact is 
as yet unelucidated ; but the theory (put forward by Ed. Meyer, Semiten und 
Sumerier ; Abhandl. d. k. p. Akad., 1906) is somewhat plausible that these Sumerian 
deities may have been Semitic in origin, and that there may therefore have been a 
Semitic population in Babylonia even prior to the coming of the Sumerians. This 
theory is criticized by King, Sum. and Akk. pp. 47 ff. ; and favoured by Jastrow, 
Heb. and Bab. Traditions, pp. 8 f . A further fact which admits of no doubt is the 
ultimate linguistic connexion between Sumerian and many of the primitive biliterals 
which can be proved to underlie Semitic triliteral roots (cf. Ball, Semitic and Sumerian 
in Hilprecht Anniversary Volume ; Shumer and Shem in Proceedings of the British 
Academy, 1915). This must carry back the connexion between Sumerians and 
Semites to a hoary antiquity; but the study of the subject is not at present suffi- 
ciently advanced to admit of any theory in explanation. 

J Cf. Vincent, Canaan, pp. 73 ff., 208 ff. 

§ The primitive inhabitants of the hill-country of Se'ir, to the south of Cana'an, 
who were dispossessed by the children of 'Esau, are called H6rim in Deut. 2 12 - 22 
(cf. Gen. 14 6 , 26 2 °- 3 <>) ; and the view has frequently been advocated that this name is 
connected with Heb. Mr 'hole,' and denotes 'Troglodytes ' or ' cave-dwellers' ; but 
this is highly precarious. More probably Hdrim is to be connected with the name 
Haru, which was a designation applied by the Egyptians to a portion of southern 
Palestine. Cf. Miiller, AE. pp. 137, 148 ff . , 240 ; Jensen, ZA. x. pp. 332 f., 346 f.; 
Hommel, AHT. p. 264, «2; Paton, Syria and Palestine, p. 37; Meyer, IN. pp. 
380 f. ; QAM. 2, p. 600 ; Kit, GVI.i i. p. 36 ; Lehmann-Haupt, Israel, p. 37, al. 
Connexion of Horim and Haru with garri= Aryans, proposed by Winckler, MDOG. 
xxxv. pp. 49 ff., and adopted by Gemoll, Grundsteine zur Geschichte Israels, p. 17, is 
very improbable. Cf. Meyer, GA* I. 2, p. 601 ; Kit., GVI.* i. pp. 37 f. The Horite 
genealogies in Gen. 36 2 °- 30 consist of Semitic names. 


a dynasty at Babylon, and was also responsible for peopling the 
region to the west of the Euphrates, including the Mediterranean 
sea-board, with a race who were doubtless the ancestors of the 
Amorites of Biblical times.* 

The First Babylonian Dynasty, which probably lasted from cir. 
B.C. 2225 to 19264 consisted of eleven kings. The fourth and fifth 
of these kings bear good Semitic Babylonian names, Apil-Sin ('son 
of Sin,' the moon-god) and Sin-muballit (' Sin gives life ') ; but the 
remaining names are foreign, and present close analogies to Arabic 
and Hebrew. Thus three of them, Hammurabi or Ammurabi, 
Ammiditana, and Ammizaduga, contain the element Ammu ovAmmi 
which is familiar to us from its occurrence in Arabic and Hebrew. 
Cases of its occurrence in Hebrew proper names are 'Ammi'el, 
'Ammihud, 'Ammizabad, c Amminadab, 'Ammishaddai, and perhaps 
'Amram. The meaning of this 'amm in Arabic is ' paternal uncle ' ; 
in Hebrew perhaps more generally 'kinsman' (on the father's 
side), since the term is used in the plural in the expression 
VoypN ^DK*} 'and he was gathered to his kinsmen,' Gen. 25 8 , a?.§ 

If proof were needed that these immi-names were foreign to the 
Babylonians, it would be found in the fact that a list exists in 
which a Babylonian scribe has explained the names Hammurabi and 
Ammizaduga by what seemed to him to be their Babylonian equi- 
valents ; the former by Kimta rapastum, ' a widely-extended kindred,' 

* We say 'Amorites' because they are thus described ('men of the land of 
Amurru') by the Babylonians (cf. p. lix) ; but the use of this term does not imply 
the holding of any theory as to a racial distinction between 'Amorites' and 
' Cana'anites ' (such e.g. as that the Cana'anites were in origin the earliest Semitic 
settlers in Syria- Palestine, prior to the coming of the Amorites). Since the name 
Amurru applied to Syria-Palestine is certainly older than the flowing into this region 
of the Semitic wave of which we are speaking (cf. Bohl, KH. p. 33), the name 
' Amorite ' would be equally suitable to the (assumed) earlier Semitic population 
inhabiting it. We are wholly in the dark as to the original racial distinction (if such 
existed) between Cana'anite and Amorite ; and speculations on the subject are of the 
nature of guess-work pure and simple. On the geographical and literary distinctions 
in the usage of the two terms, cf. p. 3 (O.T. ), p. 41 (extra-Biblical). 

X This reckoning results from King's discovery that the so-called 'Second' Baby- 
lonian Dynasty (of 'the Country of the Sea,' i.e. Lower Babylonia), which lasted three 
hundred and sixty-eight years, was partly contemporary with the First Dynasty and 
partly with the Third (Kaggite) Dynasty : cf. Chron. i. pp. 93-113. Previously, the 
three dynasties had been assumed to have been successive, and the beginning of the 
First Dynasty was placed cir. B.C. 2440. In view of this new evidence, King assumed, 
as the most probable conclusion, that the Third Dynasty immediately succeeded the 
First (cf. op. cit. pp. 136 f. ; followed by Meyer, GA? I. ii. pp. 341 ff. ; Hall, NE. 
pp. 28 ;/ 192 ff.), and so dated the First Dynasty B.C. 2060 to 1761. Now, however, . 
in the light of further evidence, he concludes (as already conjectured by Ungnad, 
ZDMG. lxi. pp. 714 ff., and Thureau-Dangin, ZA. xxi. pp. 176 ff.) that the Second 
Dynasty, though partly contemporary with the First and the Third, yet dominated 
Babylonia for a period of about one hundred and sixty years. Cf. the full chrono- 
logical discussion in Bab. ch. iii. 

§ OnMwiwu-names in Semitic, cf. Gray, EB. 138 ff. 


and the latter by Kimtum kettum 'a just kindred.'* More pro- 
bably the names really contain a predicative statement : — Hammur- 
abi, 'the (divine) kinsman is great,' Ammizaduga, 'the (divine) 
kinsman is just.' Both names, so far as the form is concerned, 
might have occurred in Hebrew, the former as c Ammirab or l Amrab, 
the later as 'Ammisadok. % 

Space forbids our examining in detail the remaining names of 
this dynasty ; but we may notice in passing that Abi-eshu' (the 
name of the eighth king) is the exact equivalent of the Hebrew 
Abishua', and that in the seventh name Samsu-iluna, ' Samsu is our 
god,' we have the Arabic form of the suffix of the 1st plural in 
iluna, the Babylonian form being iluni. The second name Sumu- 
la-ilu, is only satisfactorily to be explained from Arabic, the la, as 
in Arabic, giving emphasis to the predicative statement — f The 
Name (kcit' e^ox^v) indeed is god.' 

In addition to the evidence afforded by these king-names, we 
have abundant evidence in the proper names contained in the 
documents belonging to this dynastic period, which proves the 
influx into Babylonia of a verj» large foreign element. § Many of 
these display the same characteristics as we have found in the king- 
names — a close resemblance to Hebrew, and more particularly to 
Arabic; especially to the forms of southern Arabic which are 
known to us from inscriptions (Minaean and Sabaean). || 

The question which we now have to ask is, Who were these 
foreign immigrants, and from what region did they enter Babylonia 1. 
There exists a tablet belonging to the reign of Zabum (the third 
king of the dynasty) which deals with a dispute between two con- 
tending parties about a certain piece of property. In this docu- 
ment the names are of the characteristically foreign type of which 
we have been speaking, and they are described as ' men as well as 
women, children of Amurru ' (istu zikarim adi sinnistum mare A-m,ur- 
ru-um).*\ The Babylonian name Amurru ( = Sumerian MAR.TU, 
' West-land ') was applied by the Babylonians to the whole region 
west of the Euphrates including Syria and Palestine, and bounded 
on the west by the Mediterranean (cf. Adclit. note, p. 41). We 
infer, therefore, that the First Babylonian Dynasty was founded by 
foreign conquerors from Amurru, the country to the west of the 
Euphrates, who entered Babylonia probably from the north-west, 
just as the earlier wave of Semitic immigration appears to have 

* Cf. v. R. 44, col. 1, 11. 21, 22.* 

+ p*lVDy is known as a South Arabian name: cf. Ranke, Early Bab. Personal- 
Names, p. 27. According to Weber, the name 21J2V occurs in a South Arabian 
inscription : cf. OLZ. x. (1907), 146 ff. ; MVAG., 1907, 2, pp. 95 ff. 

§ Cf. Ranke, Early Bab. Personal Names ; Thureau-Dangin, Lettres et Co7itrats de 
VEpoque de la Premiere Dynastie Babylonienne. 

|| Cf. Hommel, ART. ch. iii ; Grundriss, pp. 129 ff. ; Ranke, Early Bab. Personal 
Names, pp. 27 ff. 

H Cf. Ranke, Early Bab. Personal Names, p. 33, 


done. The presence of two Babylonian names among the foreign 
names of the other kings is no doubt due to the fact that the 
immigrant settlers gradually tended to assimilate their language 
and civilization to the superior civilization into the midst of which 
thev entered. * 


The language spoken by these immigrants, which we have seen 
to be illustrated by their proper names, has been variously described 

* It is worth while here to call attention to the later prevalence and persistency of 
the Semitic Babylonian language as proof of the deep-seated influence of the first 
Semitic settlement; just as we have already (p. lvii, footnote *) called attention to the 
development of this language as we first know it (in the inscriptions of the early 
rulers of Akkad), as proof of the long-prior antiquity of the separation of this branch 
of Semites from the parent-stock. Neither of these facts, it may be thought, has 
received sufficient attention ; and they are most strikingly overlooked by Myres in 
The Dawn of History — a little book which, for all its imaginative power and grace of 
style, is somewhat superficial and unreliable when dealing with facts as they concern 
Sumerians and Semites {chaps. 4 and 5). It is not ' possible to discover with certainty 
the period of emigration' from Arabia (p. 106) of the first Semitic wave which 
entered Babylonia ; such records as we possess of the dynasty of Akkad do not 
suggest a recent occupation of the country, nor does it appear that Sargon of 
Akkad was leader of a horde of ' Mesopotamian nomads ' (p. 111). The remarks 
(p. 106) as to the modifications which produced the different Semitic languages are 
somewhat obscure, but they certainly seem to suggest that these modifications took 
place in the course of ages at the fountainluad, i.e. ex hypothesi in central Arabia (it 
is difficult to attach any other meaning to the statements that ' the intervals between' 
the successive Semitic migrations from Arabia ' have been sufficient to ensure that 
the characteristics of "Semitic" speech, which is common to all emigrants from 
Arabia, should have had time to alter slightly,' and that 'these successive groups of 
dialects retained their peculiarities— and if anything added to them — after their 
separation from the parent language'), while each offshoot from the parent-stock as it 
were registered and retained the particular stage of linguistic development which 
had been reached at the date of its breaking off, with such later modifications as 
are implied by the parenthesis, 'and, if anything, added to them.' If this statement 
were at all true to fact, then Arabic (whether we call it the latest offshoot or the 
residuary representative of the parent-language) ought to exhibit the most advanced 
condition of phonetic decay — whereas it is a commonplace that the reverse is true, 
and that in many respects this language exhibits the most primitive formations. 
Clearly the truth is that the parent-stock, owing to its comparative immunity from 
outside influences ensured by the monotony of the desert, remained in a relatively 
unmodified condition through incalculable ages ; whereas the offshoots, so soon as 
through migration they became subject to such influences, underwent a more or less 
rapid modification. This is the reason why (as already noted, p. lvii, footnote *) we 
must conclude that the Semitic Babylonian of the dynasty of Akkad, which is sub- 
stantially the Semitic Babylonian of later times, indicates that the users of the 
language, when we first meet with them, had long been separated from the parent- 
stock ; whereas the language of the Western Semites who founded the First Dynasty 
of Babylon (as evidenced by their proper names; cf. pp. lviiif. ). which exhibits 
striking resemblances to South Arabian, as known to us some 1500 years and more 
later, indicates that this branch of Semites, when they come into the light of history, 
must have left the common home comparatively recently. The influence of environ- 
ment upon a Semitic language is most strikingly illustrated by Aramaic, which from 
the accident of its position has experienced the most rapid development (or decay), 
and has been most receptive of external influences. Lastly, Myres' statement that 


as South Arabian, Cana'anite, Amorite, or West Semitic. Of these 
titles, the two latter are no doubt the most suitable.* 

It cannot be doubted that this Amorite or West Semitic tongue 
was the ancestor of the Hebrew language of later times, which, as 
is well known, was not the speech of the Israelites only, nor shared 
by them only with other ' Hebrew ' races, which are represented in 
Genesis as closely related to them — e.g. the Moabites, whom we 
know from Mesha"s inscription (dr. B.C. 850), to have spoken a 
language which only differed dialectically from the Hebrew of the 
Old Testament ; but, as is apparent from the ' Cana'anite glosses ' 
of the Tell el-Amarna Letters to which we shall shortly refer, 
and from the Phoenician inscriptions of much later times, was but 
one form of the common language of at least the southern portion 
of the Mediterranean sea-board, 1 This is a fact which seems to be 
recognized in Isa. 19 18 , where the Hebrew language is designated 
as 'the language (lit. "lip") of Canaan.' 

There is evidence which suggests— if it does not certainly prove 
— that from the time of Hammurabi onwards the First Babylonian 
Dynasty ruled not only over Babylonia, but also over Amurru. § 
The whole of Sin-mu.ballit's reign and a great part of that of 
Hammurabi were occupied with a long struggle with the Elamites 
for the possession of southern Babylonia. || Kudur-Mabuk, king of 
western Elam (Emutbal), having conquered the city of Larsa, 
installed his sons, Warad-Sin and Rim-Sin, successively as its rulers ; 
and the power of Elam was gradually extended over the neighbour- 
ing city-states until it embraced eventually the whole of southern 
and central Babylonia. It was not until Hammurabi's thirtieth 
year that he was able to effect a turn in the tide ; but his success 
was then so decisive that he not only captured Larsa but even 
invaded the land of Emutbal and defeated the Elamites upon their 
own ground. Now we know that the Elamite Kudur-Mabuk styled 
himself ADDA of Amurru, IT just as he styled himself ADDA of 
Emutbal. Precisely how much the claim to this title implied we 
are unable to affirm ; but, however much or little of an historical 
element we may find in the much-debated ch. 14 of Gen., it can 

' the second wave of emigration . . . overflowed and washed out, as it were, what- 
ever was left of the first' (p. 113) is seen to be very wide of the truth when we con- 
sider that the language of the first wave (Semitic Babylonian) became the dominant 
language of Babylon and Assyria as long as these kingdoms lasted. 

i ' Amorite ' (or more correctly ' Amurrite' : cf. p. 168) is a proper designation of 
the language of Amurru, as also of its people. 

X That Aramaic, which, as known to us from the close of the ninth century B.C. 
and onwards, was the speech of the Semitic races inhabiting the more northerly 
portion of the Mediterranean sea-board (north and north-east of the Lebanons) was 
also at an earlier period merely a dialectical form of the language of Amurru, is 
suggested in the discussion of Addit. Note, pp. 173 ff. 

§ Cf., on this question, Winckler, AF. i. pp. 143-152. 

II Cf. the detailed account given by King, Bab. pp. 150 ff. 

If Cf. i. R. % No. 3 ; CT. xxi. 33 ; Rogers, CP. pp. 247 f. 


hardly be denied that it affords ground for the assumption that 
Amurru, even as far south as south-eastern Canaan, was at one 
time under the suzerainty of Elam and subject to a yearly tribute.* 
After jHammurabi's successes and the consolidation of his power, we 
find him claiming a like suzerainty over Amurru. The Diarbekir- 
stele, which bears a portrait of him, describes him as ' King of 
Amurru ' without any further title. Ammiditana, a subsequent 
king of the same dynasty, is likewise termed 'King of the land of 
Amurru.' J Hammurabi was not merely a conqueror, but in the 
best sense an organizer and ruler ; and it is probable that any region 
over which he claimed the title of ' king ' was not a mere sphere 
for occasional razzias aimed at the collection of booty and tribute, § 
but would experience, at least to some extent, the benefits of his 
good government and civilizing influence. || 

* The name of Chedorla'omar (Kudur-Lagamar), who is represented as leader of 
the confederation, is genuinely Elamite in formation, though the bearer of it is other- 
wise unknown (on the supposed discovery of the name, cf. King, Hammurabi, i. 
pp. livf.). The name of the goddess Lagamal occurs fairly frequently in proper 
names on contract-tablets of the First Dynasty period (so several times on tablets in 
the library of St. John's College, Oxford ; cf. also Ungnad, Babylonische Briefe, 
No. 249 ; Beitrdge zur Assyr. vi. 5, p. 95). ' Amraphel, King of Shin'ar ' is generally 
accepted as Hammurabi. 'Arioch, King of Ellasar' may be Warad-Sin of Larsa, 
since Warad-Sin might be represented in Sumerian form by ERI. AGU (cf., however, 
King, Hammurabi, i. pp. xlix ff.). 'Tidal, king of peoples' (Heb. gfjyim), may 
have been a Hittite chieftain. His name has been plausibly connected with Dud- 
Jialia, a name which is borne in later times by one of the last rulers of the Hittite 
empire (cf. Sayce's note in Garstang, Hittites, p. 324, w 4 ). The term gdyim may 
represent the Bab. umman Manda, i.e. semi-barbarian hordes from the north. On 
the historical probability of such an alliance as is pictured, cf. King, Bab. p. 159 ; 
Rogers, HBA. 6 ii. pp. 83 f. : Skinner, Genesis (ICC), pp. 257 ff. The Larsa 
Dynastic list recently published by Clay (Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale 
Babylonian Collection, 1915, pp. 30 ff.), seems to prove that Warad-Sin was con- 
siderably anterior to Hammurabi. 

J Cf. Winckler, AF. i. pp. 144-146 ; King, Hammurabi, pp. 195 f., 207 f. ; Jeremias, 
OTLAE. i. p. 322 ; Bokl, KH. p. 35. 

§ Against the view of Hogarth, The Ancient East, pp. 24 f. 
i || The list of cities mentioned in the prologue to Hammurabi's Code enables us to 
form an estimate of the extent of his empire during the latter years of his reign. It 
includes the principal religious centres not ODly of Akkad and of Sumer as far south 
as Eridu, but stretches northward to Aggur and Nineveh and westward to Aleppo — 
if, as is generally supposed, this city is to be understood by Hallabim (KI). Both 
Aleppo and also, probably, 'the settlements on the Euphrates,' which he claims to 
have subdued, would be reckoned as part of Amurru. The fact that no more 
southerly cities of Amurru are enumerated is, it nmst be confessed, a point which 
may be advanced against the view which is advocated above. May we, however, 
explain the omission by the fact that in Amurru, which, as contrasted with Sumer 
and Akkad, was a comparatively new and uncivilized country, there existed no 
ancient and celebrated centres of culture, the deities of which Hammurabi was 
concerned to propitiate? At any rate he specially distinguishes the west Semitic 
deity Dagan as 'his creator' ( 

A striking example of the influence of the Semitic Babylonian language upon the 
language of Cana'an (Hebrew), which it is difficult to assign to any other period than 


We have, then (it may be assumed), in the First Dynasty of 
Babylon a dynasty of ' Amorite ' origin, bearing sway both over 
Babylonia and (from the time of Qammurabi) over Amurru to the 
west as far as the Mediterranean sea-board. This dynasty, as facts 
abundantly prove, must have fallen rapidly under the influence of 
Babylonian civilization. It will be sufficient, in this regard, to 
allude to the legal Code of JJammurabi, in which the far-reaching 
and highly-detailed character of the legislation proves (as indeed 
we know from extraneous evidence) that the great king was not 
the initiator of the whole system, but embodied earlier elements, 
many, if not most, of which were doubtless due to Sumerian 
civilization.* These facts help us to understand two phenomena 

that of the First Babylonian Dynasty, is seen in the uses of the Bab. Permansive (in 
form identical with the Heb. Perfect) and Praeterite (in form identical with the Heb. 
Imperfect), as compared respectively with the uses of the Heb. Perfect and Imper- 
fect with waw consecutive. The Bab. Permansive, like the Heb. Perfect, essentially 
regards an action as existing apart from any idea of time-relations ; whereas the Bab. 
Praeterite, like the Heb. Imperfect with waw consecutive, comes into use as soon as 
an action can be brought into a time-relation, i.e. can be regarded as springing out 
of a denned point in time. A good illustration of the two usages in Bab. may be 
seen in the opening lines of the Creation-epic, where Permansives describe the con- 
dition of things prior to creation (la nabu, la zakrai, la kissura, la se\ la supu, etc.), 
but Praeterites are employed so soon as the actions of creation begin to take their 
start out of conditions as defined by the Permansives (so ihiku-ma, ibbanu-ma, etc.). 
Since the mode of thought thus defined in language is peculiar to Babylonian and to 
Hebrew (with which we may group the inscriptions of Mesha' and of Zakir : cf. 
p. 174-), and is otherwise unknown in Semitic, it is reasonable to explain the con- 
nexion as due to the influence of the older civilization upon the younger at a specially 
formative period in the history of the latter. 

* Cf. e.g. what is known as to the reforms of Urukagina, Sumerian patesi of Lagag, 
cir. B.C. 2800: King, .Sum. and Akk. pp. 178 ff. The fragment of a Sumerian code 
of laws (published by Clay, Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Bab. Coll., 1915, 
pp. 18 ff. ) also contains instructive evidence upon this point. The fragment preserves 
nine laws. Two of these, which fix compensation for injury resulting in miscarriage, 
are condensed in Hammurabi's Code ; the latter also adds other laws on the subject 
to suit the peculiar conditions of Babylonian society under the First Dynasty. 
Another law, dealing with compensation for the loss of a hired boat, is amplified to 
form four laAvs in the Code. Two of the newly-recovered Sumerian laws, relating 
to the loss of a hired ox, are practically reproduced in the Code ; while others on 
unfilial conduct, elopement, and seduction find Semitic Babylonian parallels in 
certain features, but no precise equivalents. One law, which provides for the pay- 
ment of his portion to a son who renounces his sonship, and which enacts his sub- 
sequent legal separation from his parents, is not paralleled in the Code, but, as Clay 
points out, is strikingly illustrated by the parable of the prodigal son in Luke 15 n . 
The Sumerian Code bears the title 'the law of Nisaba and Hani.' Nisaba was 
patroness of writing, and Hani in later periods is described as ' lord of the seal ' and 
' god of the scribes' : they may well have been patrons of law under the Sumerians. 
It is noteworthy that Nisaba is here mentioned before her consort, a fact which 
suggests that he was a deity of less consideration. The divine name Hani occurs 
in proper names of the Dynasty of Ur and the First Dynasty of Babylon ; and we 
know of a West Semitic kingdom of Hana (later Hani) on the middle Euphrates not 
far from the mouth of the Habur (cf. King, Bab. pp. 129 ff.). If the Sumerian god 


which, in later times, are very striking : (i) the influence of Babylonian 
civilization upon Cana'an, and, eventually, upon Israel, both in regard 
to legislation and also to legends and early traditions ; * and (ii) the 
use of the Babylonian language and the cuneiform script in Syria 
and Cana'an as a medium of communication in the fourteenth 
century B.C. (as witnessed by the T.A. Letters), and probably also 
in later times. J 

The empire of Hammurabi was maintained, on the whole, un- 
impaired under his son and successor Samsu-iluna. This king, 
however, experienced considerable trouble in the south, both from 
the Elamites and also from the people of the Sea-country on the 
borders of the Persian Gulf, where a ruler named Iluma-ilu appears 
as the founder of an independent dynasty. After Samsu-iluna 
the power of the First Dynasty gradually declined. Its fall was 
hastened, if not actually brought about, by a raid of the Hittites, § 
an Anatolian people from beyond the Taurus, who now for the 
first time appear upon the arena of western Asia. || The reins of 
government in Babylon seem then to have been seized by the 
dynasty of the Sea-country to which we have already alluded 
(reckoned as the Second Babylonian Dynasty in the Kings' list ; 
cf. Footnote f, p. lviii). This dynasty may be inferred to have been, 
in the main, Sumerian, perhaps with a certain Semitic admixture. IT 

After a lapse of some 160 years the Sea-country rulers were 

£lani was ultimately of West Semitic origin — a possibility which, these facts seem to 
suggest, we have recovered a very noteworthy result of Sumerian contact with the 
west prior to the age of Hammurabi. It should be added that, though the Sumerian 
Code is undated, both script and contents suggest a rather earlier date than that of 
the First Dynasty. 

* It does not of course follow that the ' Amorites ' were in all respects debtors to 
the earlier Babylonian civilization, and contributed nothing of their own. Certain 
elements, both in their civilization and in their traditions, may be, so far as we know, 
distinctively Amorite in origin. If it were possible to analyse the sources of the 
traditions which are unmistakeably common in origin to the Babylonians on the one 
hand and to the Cana'anites and Hebrews on the other, we should, in all probability, 
distinguish three successive sources from which, in turn, material has been drawn : — 
(i) Sumerian, (ii) Semitic Babylonian, (iii) Amorite. Clay, in his book Amurru, the 
Home of the Northern Semites (1909), seeks to prove that Amurru was the cultural 
centre of the Northern Semites, and that 'the influence of Babylonian culture upon 
the peoples of Canaan was almost nil ' (p. 91) ; but this is a paradox. 

I Cf. Hommel, AST. pp. 45 f. 

§ A chronicle published by King states that ' against Samsu-ditana the men of the 
land of Hatti < marched >, against the land of Akkad.' King connects this state- 
ment with the fact that in later years the Kaggite king Agum-Kakrime brought 
back the images of the god Marduk and his consort Sarpanitum from the Hittite 
state of IJani in northern Syria, and installed them again in the temple of Esagila at 
Babylon. Cf. Chron. i. pp. 148 f. ; ii. p. 22. 

|| For possibly older references to the Hittites (time of Hammurabi) cf. Footnote * 
on Gen. 14. p. lxii, and Garstang, Hittites, p. 323. 

U The names of the first three kings and of the last king are Semitic, while the 
remaining seven are Sumerian. 


driven out of Babylon by KaSsito invaders from the east who 
founded a new dynasty (the Third Dynasty) whieh lasted for the 
long period of 576 years, and is to be dated cir. B.C. 1760-1185. 
The latter part of this period is therefore coincident with part of 
the period covered by the Book of Judg. ; and it is possible that 
in Judg. 3 7 ' n we may have the echo of a Kassite raid upon the 
west in which the name of the raiding chieftain has been per- 
verted by late Jewish ingenuity (cf. p. 64). The fact seems to be 
established that the Kassites were, in origin, lndo-Germanic ;* 
but they speedily adapted themselves to the Semitic Babylonian 
civilization, though their king-names remain, with few exceptions, 
Kasslte throughout the dynastic period. The Kassite success in 
conquering Babylon was probably due in large measure to their 
possession of horses and chariots; and the foundation of 'their 
dynasty marks the introduction of the horse into Babylonia, and 
thence very speedily into Syria and Egypt. { 

The domination of Egypt by the Hyksos, and their subsequent 
expulsion, have an important bearing upon the history of Cana'an 
at the period of Babylonian history with which we have been 
dealing. That the Hyksos were Asiatic Semites may be regarded 
as certain ; but that they were uncivilized nomads pouring into 
Egypt directly from Arabia is unlikely. If Manetho's explanation 
of the name Hyksos as 'shepherd-king' (from Hyh= i king' and 
505=' shepherd ') § be approximately correct, || it was probably 
applied by the Egyptians to the invaders in contempt and derision. 
The fact that, according to Manetho, the first Hyksos king, Salitis, 
rebuilt and fortified the city of Avaris in the Delta (probably the 
modern Tell el-Yahudiyyeh in the Wady Tumilatf) bd-ause he 

* Cf. Hall, NE. p. 201. 

% Bab. sisil 'horse,' is regularly written ideographically ANSU.KURRA ; and the 
accepted conclusion is that this Sumerian equivalent means 'ass of the mountain,' 
and preserves record of the fact that the horse was introduced into Babylonia from 
the high-lying steppes of central Asia, across the eastern mountains. Though it is, 
of course, an elementary fact that ANSU means 'ass,' and that KURRA may mean 
'mountain,' the analogy of parallel cases in which ANSU is prefixed as a deter- 
minative before the names of other beasts of burden (the mule and camel) serves to 
cast doubt upon this explanation, and to suggest that ANSU.KURRA is properly to 
be understood as 'ass-like animal (i.e. beast of burden) called KURRA.' KURRA 
is then, in all probability, a foreign name for the horse, introduced into Babylonia 
together with the animal which bore it. It is tempting to associate the name with 
Persian ghour, Hindi ghor-khur, Baluchi ghur or ghuran, Kirghi koulan — names 
which are applied to the onager. The transference of a name from one animal to 
another of kindred (or even of diverse) species is not without analogy. 

§ Cf. Jos., C. Ap. I. 14. 

II On this interpretation sos is probably the Egyptian Sasu, a term applied to the 
Asiatic Bedawin. Breasted {Hist. Kg. p. 217) objects to this explanation, and 
suggests that the real meaning of Hyksos is 'ruler of countries '—a title which Hyan, 
one of the Hyksos kings, often gives himself on his monuments. Cf. Griffith in 
PSBA. xix. (1897), pp. 296 f. ; W. M. Miiller in MVAG., 1898, 3, pp. 4 ff 

IT Cf. Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities, pp. 9 f. 



feared the incursion of ' the Assyrians ' (a term loosely used to 
denote the dominant power in Babylonia at the time) * seems 
to be an indication that the Hyksos had connexions beyond the 
borders of Egypt in a north-easterly direction, i.e. throughout 
Canaan and northern Syria ; and inasmuch as we find them, after 
the reduction of Avaris by Ahmosi I., next making a stand in 
Sharuhen (i.e. no doubt the citv of that name mentioned in 
Josh. 19 6 as assigned to Sime'on in southern Judah) where they 
are besieged for three years, and finally defeated by Ahmosi in 
northern Syria,| we have good ground for concluding that they 
were, in origin, the more or less civilized people of Amurru, and 
that their line of retreat lay, as was natural, into the land occupied 
by their kindred. § This conclusion is strengthened by the fact 
(accepted by Egyptologists) that it was they who introduced horses 
and chariots into Egypt, and that Ahmosi succeeded in expelling 
them by turning this powerful engine of warfare against them. As 
we have already noticed, it was the Kassites who introduced the 
horse into western Asia, and the peoples of Amurru must speedily 
have obtained it through their Mesopotamian connexion. The name 
of the most important Hyksos king known to us, Hyan, is certainly 
Semitic, || and among the scarab-names of kings or autonomous 
chieftains collected by Petrie U there occurs Ypk-hr or Y kb-hr which 
may represent a Semitic Ja'cob-el — a name which raises speculation 
on account of its Israelite connexions. Another name, 'nt-hr, seems 
to represent ' Anath-el. ** 

The length of the period covered by the Hyksus invasion and 
domination of Egypt is most uncertain. Petrie { J accepts and 
defends Manetho's statement that five hundred and eleven years 
elapsed from their first invasion to their ultimate expulsion ; but 

* Cf. Hall, NE. p. 215, n 3 . 

X Cf. the autobiographies of the two Egyptian officers named Ahmosi, who took 
part in this war: Breasted, AR. ii. §§ 1 ff. 

§ The cause originally conducing to the invasion of Egypt by the Western Semites 
can only be conjectured. Hall may be correct in supposing that the almost con- 
temporary incursion of the Kaggites from Iran and the Hittites from Asia Minor into 
Mesopotamia and northern Syria ' must have caused at first a considerable displace- 
ment of the Semitic population, which was pressed south-westwards into southern 
Syria and Palestine,' with the result that it 'burst the ancient barrier of Egypt': 
NE. p. 212. Cf. also Luckenbill, A JTh. xviii. (1914), p. 32. 

|| The name is borne by an Aramaean king of Ya'di in northern Syria in the ninth 
century B.C., and is written Ha-ia-ni in the annals of Shalmaneser in. (cf. KB. i. 

p. 170), and HT\ in the inscription of Kalumu, the succeeding king of Ya'di 
(on which cf. p. 174). 

1\ Cf. Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities, pp. 68 f. and PI. LI. ; Hall, NE. p. 217. 

** Cf. Spiegelberg in OLZ. vii. (1904), 131 ; Hall, NIL p. 217. There seems to be 
no justification for Spiegelberg's proposal to interpret the Hyksos name Smkn as 
Sime'on {loc. cit.; Aegypt. Randglossen zum A.T. p. 12), since the equivalent &=JJ 
appears to be unproven (on the equivalents of Eg. k, cf. Burch. §§ 113 f.). 

££ Cf. Hist. Eg. pp. 204, 228 ; Historical Studies, p. 14. 

l x| 


Ed. Meyer and his followers* allow conjecturally no more than a 
hundred years. Hall J seems to have good sense on his side in 
arguing for a figure between these two extremes — perhaps about 
two hundred years. The accession of Ahmosi L, who expelled them 
from Egypt, is dated cir. B.C. 1580. § 

Invasion of Palestine and Syria, thus begun by Ahmosi I., was 
carried further by subsequent kings of the Eighteenth Egyptian 
Dynasty. It is a moot point whether Amenhotp I. (cir. B.C. 1559), 
the successor of Ahmosi, undertook a Syrian campaign; but his 
successor, Thutmosi I. (cir. B.C. 1539), advanced victoriously 
through Syria as far as Nahartn, i.e. the district between the 
Orontes and the Euphrates (cf . note on ' Aram-naharaim,' ch. 3 7 ), 
and set up a boundary-tablet on the bank of the Euphrates to mark 
the northern limit of his kingdom. || Such incursions of Egyptian 
kings into Syria, though productive of booty, failed to bring the 
Western Semites permanently under the Egyptian yoke or to ensure 
payment of a regular tribute. 

It was Thutmosi ill. (cir. B.C. 1501), the most famous king Egypt 
ever had, who, after a long period of inaction enforced upon him by 
the powerful Queen Hatsepsut, with whom he was associated as 
ruler, began on her death a series of seventeen campaigns in Syria 
(cir. B.C. 1479-1459), resulting in its thorough conquest and con- 
solidation as a part of the Egyptian Empire. U In the first of these 
he met a confederation of north Palestinian kinglets, under the 
leadership of the Prince of Kadesh — possibly an immigrant Hittite 
from the north ; a combination which reminds us of the league of 
the kings of northern Cana'an under Sisera, as recorded in Judg. 
A battle at Megiddo, graphically described, resulted in his complete 
success, and Megiddo was invested and soon fell into his hands. 
The list (on the walls of the Temple of Amon, at Karnak) of ' the 
people of Upper Retenu [southern Syria, including Palestine] whom 
his majesty shut up in wretched Megiddo ' contains a hundred 
and nineteen names, and is of great geographical interest. ** 
Among the names occur Y--k-h-a-ra< and Y-s-p-'d-ra (Nos. 102 

* Cf. Meyer, GA* I. ii. p. 293 ; Breasted, Hist. Eg. p. 221. 

X Cf. Hall, NE. pp. 23 ff., 216 f., 218. 

§ The accession-dates given for Egyptian kings are those of Breasted, whose chrono- 
logical table at the end of his History of the Ancient Egyptians, 1908 (an abbrevia- 
tion of the History of Egypt, 1906) may usefully be consulted. The only deviation 
is in the dates given for Amenhotp I. and Thutmosi I., where a complicated question 
of succession arises, involving the reign of Thutmosi II. (who for our purpose is a 
nonentity) in relation to that of Thutmosi 'in. Cf. Hall, NE. pp. 286 ff., whose 
conclusions are assumed, and whose dates, as given in the Table, p. 228, have been 

II Cf. Breasted, AR. ii. §§ 79, 81, 85. 

H Ibid. ii. §§ 391 ff. 

** Cf. Mliller, AE. pp. 157 ff. ; Die Paldstinaliste Thutmosis HI., MVAG., 1907, 
1. Petrie, Hist. Eg. ii. pp. 320 ff., attempts to find a systematic arrangement in the 
list, and offers identifications,/ any of which must be deemed highly precarious. 


and 78), which have been read respectively as Jacob el and 
Joseph-el.* The remainder of this campaign was occupied with 
the reduction of three cities on the southern slopes of the 

The second, third, and fourth campaigns seem to have been fully 
spent in consolidating the conquests of the first. During the 
course of the second campaign it is interesting to note that Thut- 
mosi received a present (which he describes as ' tribute ') from the 
far-oil" kingdom of Assyria, which at this period was beginning to 
rise into prominence. Northern Syria, however, with Kadcsh on 
the Orontes as a centre of disaffection, still remained untouched ; 
but the fifth campaign made substantial progress towards this objec- 
tive through the reduction of the coast-cities of Phoenicia. The 
sixth campaign is highly important as marking the first transport 
of the Egyptian army by sea to Syria. The establishment of a 
base in the Phoenician harbours meant that thenceforward Thut- 
mosi could get within striking distance of northern Syria after a 
few days' sail ; and the hold of Egypt upon the coast-land of 
western Asia was thus materially strengthened. In the sixth 
campaign Kadesh was captured after a long siege. The account of 
this campaign is interesting as preserving record of Thutmosi's 
policy for securing the future allegiance of Syria. The sons of the 
conquered chieftains were carried back to Egypt to be educated, in 
order that, imbued, as it was hoped, with Egyptian ideals and 
sympathies, they might in time succeed their fathers as faithful 
vassals of their suzerain. 

After a seventh campaign directed against Arvad and Simyra, 
Thutmosi reached, in his eighth campaign, the climax of his suc- 
cesses. Advancing into Naharin, he met and defeated ' that foe of 
wretched Naharin,' i.e., probably, the king of Mitanni,j captured 
Carchemish, and crossing the Euphrates, set up his boundary-tablet 
upon its eastern bank beside that of Thutmosi I. ' Heta the Great,' 
i.e. the Hittites of Cappadocia, now sent him presents ; and it is 
even possible that he may have received them from Babylon. § 
Thutmosi's remaining campaigns in Syria were occupied in quelling 
revolts and generally consolidating the broad territory which he 
had won. 

Egypt's Asiatic Empire was maintained unimpaired under the 

* The latter equivalence is very doubtful, since the sibilants do not correspond. 
Nos. 35 and 18, which have been read &-m--n and understood as Sime'on, appear to 
lack the ' (]}). W. M. Miiller (Die Palastinaliste Thutmosis III.) transcribes both 
as $a-ma-na. Cf. his remarks on p. 15. 

+ Cf. Breasted, AR. §§ 476, 479 ; Hall, NE. p. 241. W. M. Miiller regards the 
view that the Icing of Mitanni was overlord of the whole of Naharin as questionable : 

cf. AE. p. 251. 

§ It is a disputed question whether we should find allusion to ' tribute of the chief 
of Shin' ar,' or whether the reference is to Singara, i.e. the modern 6ebel Singar. 
north-west of Nineveh. Ci. Breasted, AR. ii. § 4R4 {footnote) ; Hall, NE. p. 242. 


next two Pharaohs, Amenhotp II. (cir. B.C. 1448) and Thutmosi IV. 
(civ. B.C. 1420), though both these monarchs had to quell rebellions 
which broke out in northern Syria and Naharin at or shortly after 
their accessions.* The authority of Egypt was, however, effectively 
maintained by official representatives and garrisons in the larger 
towns; and the system of allowing the Syrian cities a large measure 
of autonomy under their petty chieftains proved, on the whole, to 
be justified. The marriage of Thutmosi IV. with the daughter of 
Artatama, king of Mitanni in northern Mesopotamia, % was a 
judicious measure which gained for Egypt an ally upon the north- 
eastern limit of her Asiatic kingdom ; and it was probably owing 
to this that Amenhotp III., the son of Thutmosi by his Mitannian 
queen, succeeded to the empire without having to meet any in- 
surrection on the part of the turbulent elements in Naharin. 

For the reigns of Amenhotp Hi. (cir. B.C. 1411) and his successor 
Amenhotp IV. (cir. B.C. 1375), we possess the evidence of the corre- 
spondence discovered at Tell el-Amarna in Egypt in 1 887, § which is 
of unique importance for the history of Syria and of the surround- 
ing countries of western Asia in their relation with Egypt. At 
this period (as the T.A. Letters first proved to us ||) the language 
of diplomacy and commerce in western Asia was Babylonian, and 
correspondence was carried on in the cuneiform script, written 
upon clay tablets. Many of these letters are addressed to the king 
of Egypt by the independent rulers of the neighbouring kingdoms 
of western Asia — Babylonia or Kardunias (to give the kingdom its 
Kassite name), Assyria, Mitanni, etc. — who were naturally con- 
cerned to preserve good diplomatic relations with Egypt. These, 

* Cf. Breasted, AR. §§ 780 ff. ; 816 ff. 

% Cf. T.A. Letters, Knudtzon, No. 29, 11. 16 ff. 

§ The most recent edition of the T.A. Letters is that of J. A. Knudtzon, Die el- 
Amarna Tafeln (1908-15), which takes the place of H. Winckler's edition (KB. v, 
1896) as the standard edition for scholars. The cuneiform text of the Berlin collec- 
tion of tablets has been published by Abel and Winckler, Der Thontafelfund von 
El-Amarna (1889), and that of the British Museum collection of tablets by Bezold in 
Budge and Bezold, Tel el-Amarna Tablets in the Brit. Mus. (1892). All the original 
tablets were exhaustively collated by Knudtzon for his transliteration and translation of 
the texts. Bohl, Die Sprache der Amarnabriefe (1909) is important for philology. 

|| Since the discovery of the T.A. Letters a few cuneiform tablets have been found 
at various Palestinian sites which have undergone excavation (cf., for the more im- 
portant ones, Rogers, CP. pp. 278 ff.). The most important evidence for the wide- 
spread use of cuneiform Babylonian is found in the great store of tablets discovere 
by Winckler in his excavation of the site of the ancient Hittite capital (Hatti 
at Boghaz Keui east of the river Halys in Asia Minor. The first instalment of 
autographs of these documents has been published very recently (H. H. Figulla 
and E. F. Weidner, Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi, parts 1 and 2, Oct. 1916) ; 
but prior to this we possessed only Winckler's account of*them in MDOG. xxxv. 
(Dec. 1907), containing extracts from some few which appeared to the discoverer 
to be among the more important. A fairly full Abstract of this account has been 
translated into English in the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 190S 
(some misprints in proper names). 


though of first importance for the history of the times, do not here 
concern us, except incidentally. It is interesting, however, to 
notice the way in which such constant correspondence could be 
conveyed backwards and forwards through Syria, together with the 
valuable presents with which the letters were often accompanied, 
apparently without great risk of miscarriage.* There exists a pass- 
port-letter, addressed by an unnamed king — very possibly the 
king of Mitanni 1 — ' to the kings of Canaan, the servants of my 
brother' (i.e. the king of Egypt), exhorting them to see that his 
messenger, Akiya, receives no hindrance, but is safely and speedily 
forwarded on his way to the Egyptian court (cf. Kn. 30). 

It is the correspondence of the subject-kinglets which brings most 
vividly before us the condition of Syria at the time, and the causes 
which were leading to the gradual weakening of Egypt's hold upon 
her Asiatic possessions. In the reign of Amenhotp in. the Egyptian 
empire was at its zenith, and the luxury and magnificence of the 
kingdom had never been surpassed. This, however, was due to 
the continuous efforts of the Pharaoh's warlike ancestors : he seems 
himself to have been content to enjoy the fruits of past achieve- 
ment, and not to have been greatly concerned with the maintenance 
of the tradition of empire-building. Thus already in his reign we 
discern the beginning of movements which were destined ultimately 
to bring about the decline of Egypt's suzerainty over Syria. 

It was under Amenhotp IV., however, that the crisis became 
acute. This king is remarkable as the introducer into Egypt 
of a new form of religion, a kind of philosophic monotheism which 
centred in the worship of the solar disc (called in Egyptian Aton). 
Repudiating his own name, he adopted the name Ahnaton (' Spirit 
of Aton ') ; and having removed his capital from Thebes, where the 
power and influence of the old religion were naturally at their 
strongest, he founded a new capital, some three hundred miles lower 
down the Nile and about one hundred and sixty miles above the 
Delta, to which he gave the name Ahetaton ('Horizon of Aton'). 
This is the modern Tell el-Amarna. Wholly absorbed in his religious 
speculations and in domestic life, the king cared little about the fate 
of his Asiatic provinces ; and letters from the native princes and 
governors of Syria speak again and again of the growing spirit of 
disaffection towards Egypt, or beg for assistance in the face of 
open revolt. 

* There are, as might be expected, some complaints oi' molestation and robbery. 
Thus we find that the caravan of Salmu, the messenger of Burnaburiag, king of 
Karduniag, was twice plundered on the way to Egypt in Egyptian territory (Syria- 
Palestine), and compensation is demanded of the Egyptian king (Kn. 7). On a later 
occasion (during the unsettled period of the north Syrian revolt) the merchants 
of Burnaburias were robbed and murdered (Kn. 8). Asur-uballit, king of Assyria, 
says that Egyptian messengers have been waylaid by the Sutu, a nomad people 
(Kn. 16). Some of the Syrian chieftains express their willingness to provide pro- 
visions and safe escort for caravans (cf. Kn. 226, 255). 

J Cf. Weber's discussion in Knudtzon, pp. 1072 ff. 


The trouble arose principally from the encroachments of the 
Hittites upon northern Syria. As we have already remarked, in 
alluding to an incursion of this people into Babylonia some five 
hundred years earlier (cf. p. lxiv), the Hittites were an Anatolian 
race whose principal centre lay west of the Taurus, in the region 
which is known to us later oh as Cappadocia. Our knowledge of 
them has been placed on a new footing in recent times (1907) 
through the excavations of Winckler at an ancient site near the 
modern village of Boghaz Keui, which proved to have borne the 
name of Hatti, and to have been the capital of the Hittite king- 
dom.* We are still, however, at a loss as to the racial origin of 
the Hittites. Their physiognomy, as depicted on their own and 
on Egyptian monuments— a prominent nose, high cheek-bones, 
and a retreating forehead and chin— is closely reproduced at the 
present day among the Armenians. They were certainly non- 
Semitic; and it does not seem probable (as has been variously 
suggested) that they were of Iranian or Mongolian origin. The 
inscriptions upon rock and stone, which are assumed (with practical 
certainty) to be Hittite work, are written in a peculiar picto- 
graphic script, and are still undeciphered. Attempts at decipher- 
ment have been made by several scholars upon different lines ; f 
but they have not met with general acceptance or yielded results 
which are capable of utilization, The Hittite language, as written 
in cuneiform on tablets found at Boghaz Keui, and in the Arzawa 
letters which were found among the T.A. correspondence, cannot 
be connected with any known language.§ Fortunately, a large 
number of the documents from Boghaz Keui are written in 
Babylonian ; and it is these which have so largely extended our 

* Cf. MDOG. xxxv. pp. 12 ff. 

J Cf. especially the articles by Sayce in PSBA. xxv.-xxvii. (1903-5). 

§ Knudtzon has argued from the Arzawa letters that the language is Indo- 
Germanic (Die zwei Arzawa-Briefe, die altesten Urkunden in indogermanischer 
Sprache, rait Bemerkungen von S. Bugge und A. Torp, 1902) ; but the theory has 
failed to gain acceptance (cf. e.g. the criticism of Bloomfield in American Journal 
of Philology, xxv. pp. 12 ff.), and, according to Weber (Kn. p. 1074), the author 
of it himself had some misgivings with regard to it. F. Hrozny (MDOG. lvi., 
December 1915, pp. 17-50) maintains the same conclusions upon the evidence of the 
Hittite documents from Boghaz Keui, which he is engaged in transcribing ; but until 
some part at least of the rich material from Boghaz Keui has become the common 
property of scholars, it is impossible to pass judgment upon the theory. Hrozny 
has been criticized by Bork, OLZ., Okt. 1916, 289 ff., and by Cowley in a paper read 
before the Royal Asiatic Society in December 1916, which is as yet unpublished: cf. 
brief abstract in JRAS. for January 1917, pp. 202 f. The important Sumerian- 
Akkadian-Hittite vocabularies from Boghaz Keui, published in transcription by 
Delitzsch for the Berlin Academy (Abhandl. k. p. Akad., 1914, 3), though of the 
greatest value for our interpretation of Hittite words, have not thrown any further 
light upon the linguistic affinities of the Hittite language. 

|| The fullest and most recent book on Hittite excavation and history is Garstang, 
The Land of the Hittites (1910). See also King, Bab. pp. 225-41 ; Hall, NE. ch. 


Of the early history of the Hittites we know nothing. Probably 
they formed at first a collection of semi-independent tribes, loosely 
united by the bond of a common extraction, and only temporarily 
acting together under one leader on such occasions as the raid on 
northern Syria and Babylonia which brought about the downfall of 
the First Babylonian Dynasty, cir. B.C. 1926 (cf. p. lxiv). IJattusilii., 
who was king of the city of Kussar* (cir. B.C. 1400), was succeeded 
by his son Subbiluliuma, who bound the Hittite clans into a strong 
confederation, and whose reign of probably some forty years (cir. 
B.C. 1385-1345) was a career of conquest resulting in the creation 
of an empire which lasted under one dynasty for nearly two 
hundred years. 

In the latter years of Amenhotp ill. we find Subbiluliuma 
crossing the Taurus, and leading his forces to the attack of northern 
Syria. The safe retention of Naharin as an Egyptian province 
depended, as we have noticed (p. lxix), largely upon the goodwill of 
the king of Mitanni ; and the alliance which had been contracted 
through the marriage of Thutmosi IV. with a Mitannian princess 
had been further cemented by the union of Amenhotp in. with 
G-ilu-Hipa, sister of Tusratta, the reigning king of Mitanni, and 
subsequently with Tadu-Hipa, Tusratta's daughter, who, after the 
death of Amenhotp in., became a wife of his successor, Ahnaton.J 
Tusratta, however, had succeeded to a kingdom weakened by 
internal intrigues, his brother, Artassumara, who reigned before 
him, having been assassinated. He was strong enough to repel the 
Hittites from Mitanni for the time being,§ but could not prevent 
Subbiluliuma from invading Naharin, where the projects of the 
Hittite king were furthered by another brother of Tusratta, named 
(like his grandfather) Artatama. This prince, having very possibly 
been implicated in the murder of Artassumara, v had been obliged to 
fly from Mitanni to Naharin, and, with his son Sutatarra, and grand- 
son Itakama, of whom we hear later on as prince of Kinza or Kidsa 
(i.e. the district of which the principal city was Kadesh on the Orontes) 
welcomed the opportunity of intriguing with the Hittites against 
Tusratta. Further south, in the district of the Lebanons, Abd- 

viii. ; Hogarth, article 'Hittites' in Encyc. Britann. 11 vol. xiii. ; Weber in Kn., 
pp. 108 ff. ; Ed. Meyer, Reich und Kultur der Chetitcr (1914) ; Luckenhill, AJTh. 
xviii. (1914), pp. 24 ff. For the Boghaz Keui documents, cf. Winckler, MDOG. xxxv. ; 
OLZ. xiii. (1910), 289 ff. For an account of the excavations at Boghaz Keui, cf. 
Puchstein, Boghazkoi : die Bauwerke (1912). 

* The site of this city is unknown. 

X Unlike the Mitannian wife of Thutmosi iv., who was the mother of Amenhotp in., 
both Gilu-Hipa and Tadu-Hipa occupied the position of inferior wives only. The 
influential Tii, who was chief wife of Amenhotp III. and mother of Ahnaton, seems 
to have been of Semitic origin on her father's side. Nefertiti, the queen of Ahnaton, 
is now known to have been his full sister (the daughter of Tii) ; and Petrie's view 
{Hist. Eg. ii. p. 207) that she is identical with Tadu-Hipa is thus disproved ; cf. 
Hall, NE. pp. 255 f., 258, n*. 

% Cf. Kn. 17. 


Asirta, who was chieftain of Amurru,* perceived that his own 
interests would best be served by making common cause with the 
Hittites, and attacking the rulers of the Phoenician coast-cities, who 
were loyal to Egypt. For a time this Amorite prince and his son 
Aziru managed with amazing astuteness to pass themselves off as 
faithful vassals of Egypt, in spite of the urgent representations of 
Rib- Adda, the governor of Gebal, who displayed the utmost energy 
in the Egyptian cause. Amenliotp III. seems at length to have 
been convinced of the true state of affairs and to have despatched 
an army; and the tension was temporarily relieved. J. Under 
Ahnaton, however, no such help was forthcoming ; and the 
Phoenician cities fell one after another into the hands of the 

Meanwhile in the south affairs were little better ; local dissensions 
were rife among the petty Canaanite princes, and we find them 
engaged in active intrigue against their suzerain, and at the same 
time sending letters to the Pharaoh full of protestations of loyalty 
and accusations against their neighbours. So far as we can judge, 
ARAD-Hiba, the governor of Jerusalem, stood faithfully for the 
interests of the Egyptian king; but he seems to have stood 
almost alone. His letters make urgent and repeated requests for 
the despatch of Egyptian troops, and state that unless they can 
speedily be sent the whole country will be lost to Egypt. The part 
played by the Hittites and Amorites in the north is filled in the 
south by a people called Habiru. || 

The Habiru are mentioned under this name in the letters of 
ARAD-Hiba only.H He states that they have plundered all the 
king's territory and occupied his cities ; unless the king can send 
troops before the end of the year, the whole of his territory will 
certainly fall away to them. Certain of the vassals, notably one 
Milkili and the sons of Labaya, are accused of conspiring with the 
Habiru and allowing them to occupy the king's territory ; and the 
district of Shechem ** seems to be specified as having thus passed 
into their hands. The cities of Gezer, Ashkelon, and Lachish 

* On the sense in which the term Amurru is used in the T. A. Letters, cf. p. 41. 

X Cf. Kn. 117,11. 21 ff. 

§ For a fully detailed account of the movements of Subbiluliuma, and the north 
Syrian rebellion, cf. the admirable section in Hall, JVJS. pp. S41 ff. , whose view of 
the relation of Artatama and his descendants to the reigning king of Mitanni is 
followed above. 

|| Most writers refer to this people as gabiri ; but, as Knudtzon points out (cf. 
p. 45, n), out of the seven (or eight) passages in which they are mentioned the form is 
gabiru in the two cases in which the name stands as a Nominative, gabiri (with the 
Genitive termination) being in all occurrences an oblique form. So Dhorine, RB., 
1909, p. 67, n 2 . 

IF This series of letters has been translated into English by Ball, Light from the 
East, pp. 89-93, and by Rogers, CP. pp. 268-278. 

** {Mdtu) §a-ak-mi, according to Knudtzon's reading (289, 1. 23). Winckler (185) 
fails to make satisfactory sense of the passage. 


appear to have been implicated in assisting them.* Indeed, 
AKAD-Hiba states that he has been obliged to tax the king's own 
high eommissioner with playing into their hands, and that on this 
account he has been slandered to the king. In this last reference 
(Kn. 286, 11. 16 tl'.) the question addressed to the commissioner — 
' Wherefore lovest thou the Habiru, and hatest the city-governors?' 
— sets them in contrast to the latter, | who represented the dele- 
gated authority of Egypt. 

The question of the identity of the Habiru has aroused greater 
interest and keener discussion than any other point raised by the 
T.A. Letters. Were they, as has often been alleged, identical with 
the Hebrews, i.e. with the clans which are pictured in Gen. as the 
descendants of Abraham the Hebrew, who may very well have been 
pressing into Cana an at about this period 1 Were they even (as 
has been more boldly suggested §) the tribes of Israel engaged under 
Joshua' in the invasion and conquest of the Promised Land 1 The 
acceptance of this latter view involves the abandonment of the 
commonly received conclusion as to the date of the Exodus, and the 
placing of this event at least some two hundred years earlier (cf. 
pp. cxvi f.). 

The philological equivalence of (amelutu) Ha-bi-ru || with "nny 

'ibhri, ' Hebrew ' — or rather, since the form is not a gentilic, with 
-Q?, 'Ebher, <£ K/Sep (Gen. 10 21 , 11 u , al)— is perfect. About this 
there can be doubt at all.U 

* This is an i7?ference only ; though a fairly certain one. In the letter in question 
(Kn. 287) there comes a break of about eight lines, after which ARAD-Hiba con- 
tinues, 'let the King know that all the states are leagued in hostility against me. 
Behold, the land of Gezer, the land of Ashkelon, and Lachish gave unto them food, 
oil, and everything that they needed ; so let the King have a care for his territory, 
and despatch bowmen against the men who have done evil against the King my lord.' 
Here it can scarcely be doubted that the object implied iu 'gave unto them' is the 
Habiru. who must have been mentioned in the missing passage. So Weber in Kn. 
p. 1337. 

J The term hazan(n)u, hazianu, plur. hazanutu, is doubtless the same as New 
Heb. hazzdn, which means inspector or overseer. Cf. the reference to Ja'cob as a 
' city-overseer ' (hazzan mdthd) under Laban, quoted by Buxtorf, Lexicon, s.v. from 
Bal/a mesia. The ordinary New Heb. usage of hazzdn to denote a synagogue-overseer 
or minister is technical and secondary. Besides the title hazanu, the ordinary title by 
which the Syrian and Palestinian vassal-chieftains describe themselves to the Egyptian 
king, and are described by him (cf. Kn. 99), is amelu, ' man ' of such and such a city. 
To outsiders they are Sarrdni 'kings' (cf. Kn. 30), a title which is familiar to us as 
applied to them in the O.T., and which was doubtless always claimed by them when 
independent of the suzerainty of Egypt. 

§ So, most recently, Hall, NE. pp. 409 ff. 

|| Ameltdu 'men,' or sing, amelu 'man,' are used as Determinatives before the 
names of tribes or classes. 

If Handcock {The Latest Light on Bible-lands, pp. 79-81) is mistaken in supposing 
that 'the crucial point' in the identification is whether the Heb. y can be equated 
with the Bab. H, and in concluding that such an equation 'is totally at variance' 
with ' the ordinary rules of philological transmutation ' ; and his pronouncement — 


Discussion of the identity of the Habiru with the Hebrews is 
closely bound up with another question of identification. As we 
have observed, the {amelutu) Ha bi-ru (or -ri) are only mentioned in 
this form {i.e., their name only occurs spelt out syllabically) in the 
letters of ARAD-Hiba. Many other letters, however, mention a 
people whose name is written ideographically {amelutu) SA.GAZ, 
who occupy a position as freebooters and aggressors against con- 
stituted authority identical with that occupied by the Habiru. 
The question is whether SA.GAZ is merely the ideographic method 
of writing Habiru, and the reading; Habiru to be assumed wherever 
the ideogram occurs. The importance of this is to be found in the 
widespread character of the aggressions of the SA.GAZ. If the 
Habiru are identical with them, they must have permeated not 
merely southern and central Cana'an, but also Phoenicia and 
northern Syria ; for the SA.GAZ are mentioned, e.g., with especial 
frequency in the letters of Rib-Adda of Gebal as employed by 

coming as it does in a popular work — is liable to mislead. Granted that the y in 
H2JJ is probably soft (as may be assumed from the <J5 form ' E(3pcuos), we have, in 

addition to Kinahfyi—'fttt (rightly cited by Handcock) the following examples of 

Bab. h= [Ieb. soft y among the Cana'anite ' glosses 1 in the T.A. Letters: — hi-na-ia= 
iy*y • ha-pa-ru (also a-pa-ru)="\%]} • 1u&-zi- J ri= m ) i l)ffl (T^y) • zu-ru-ufi— yi"lT 
(cf. references in Bohl, Die Sprache der Amarnabrie/e, p. 15). Cf. also ba-ah-lum= 
pVS in the proper names Pu-ba-ah-la (Kn. 104, 1. 7), and Mu-ut-ba-ah-lum (Kn. 

255, 1. 3); and the place names {dlu) Sa-ar-ha (Kn. 273, 1. 21 )=njH¥ <5T Zapaa ; 

{dlu) Hi-ni-a-na-bi (Kn. 256, 1. 26) = njy pV, the 2M of Josh. 1121, 155O; (Mu) 

Sa-am-hu-na (Kn. 225, 1. 4) perhaps =pyDL? Jos. {Vita, 24) Ztfiwids, modern 

Semuuiyyeb, five miles west of Nazareth, perhaps the Biblical pIDGP Josh. II 1 , 

1220, 19 w w hi cn appears in ffi B as Zu/aowv (cf. Buhl, Geogr. p. 215); {dlu) Ta-a]%- 
[mi-ka] (Kn. 208, 1. 14) = Ta\anakh (Tell Ta'annuk). Were it necessary to go outside 
the T.A. Letters, we might add to this list by such Amorite proper names in First 
Dynasty tablets as Hammurabi, where the first element in the West Semitic -1E>y 
(cf. Ha-mu-ni-ri by the side of Am-mu-ni-ra in the T.A. Letters); A -bi-e-su-uh (by 
the side of A-bi-e-Sit- , )=W > 2^ ; Ya-di-ih-el=^Vn\ (cf. 1 Chr. 7 6 ff -, 11 45 , 12 21, 

26 2 ); Ya-a$-nm-ab-(ilu)-Da-gan=]NyipW\ 9 etc. 

As for the vowels— they offer no difficulty. Dhorme's statement ( RB. , 1909, p. 72) 
that Habiru, is a participial form is unwarranted (we never find it written Ha-a-bi-ru, 
i.e. IJdbiru). Habiru is of course not a gentilic form like Heb. sing. ' ibkri, plur. 
'ibhrim{t}ui Bab. gentilic form would buHabird; cf. p. lxxxi), but a substantive form 
like 12V ebher (the eponym of Hbhri) with the nominative case-ending. The short i 
vowel in Habiru might very well vary: cf. Armu, Aramu, Arimu, Arumu = Heb. 
CnX 'Aram. A good analogy for Habiru=*\2V may be seen in Bit Adini= 

ftyj"l\3 } Betn " '-Eden (probably py should be py but is differentiated by ffl 
from the ]1V of Gen. 2: cf. Miiller, AE. p. 291, n*). 


Abd-Asirta and Aziru in the reduction of the Phoenician cities.* 
The view that SA.GAZ is to be read as Habiru, which has always 
been regarded with favour by the majority of scholars, is now 
generally supposed to have been placed beyond question by 
Winckler's discovery of the interchange of the two terms in docu- 
ments from Boghaz Keui. This scholar states { that, besides 
mention of the SA.GAZ-people, there is also allusion to the 
SA.GAZ-gods, and that as a variant of this latter there exists the 
reading ildni Ha-bi-ri, i.e. ' Habiru-gods.' This discovery, while 
certainly proving a general equivalence of the Habiru with the 
SA.GAZ, does not, however, necessarily involve the conclusion that 
SA.GAZ in the T.A. correspondence was always and everywhere 
understood and 'pronounced as Habiru : indeed, the contrary can be 
shown to be the case. 

In a syllabary given in ii. R. 26, 13 g-h, (amelu) SA.GAZ is 
explained by hab-b[a-tum], 'robber' or 'plunderer.' In another 
tablet the ideogram is glossed by hab-ba-a-te. § No doubt the 
common Bab. verb sagdsu, which means to destroy, slay, and the like, 
is a Semiticization of the Sumerian ideogram ; and the element 
GAZ, which in its pictographic form clearly represents a cutting or 
striking weapon, has by itself the values ddku, ' to kill, fight, strike,' 
mahdsu, ' to smite, wound ' (Heb. Y^®), etc. || Possibly the root 
habdtu, from which habbatum is derived, though it regularly means 
'to plunder,' may have an original connexion with the root libt 
which runs through Heb., Aram., and Ar., with the sense 'to strike 
or beat,' in which case the root-sense of habbatum would be 'cut- 
throat' rather than 'thief (the two actions are commonly united 
among the nomad tribes of the Arabian desert). That (amelu) 
SA.GAZ has its normal value in the T.A. Letters is placed beyond 
a doubt by the occurrence in a letter from Yapahi of Gezer (Kn. 
299, 1. 26) of the form (amehc) SA.GAZ. MES(-to?/).^I Here -turn 
is a Phonetic Complement,** pointing to a Bab. equivalent which 
ends with this syllable, a fact which indicates habbatum and excludes 
Habiru (or -ri). In view of this we may infer that in a passage in 

* A summary of all allusions to the SA.GAZ is given by Weber in Kn. p. 1147. 

% Cf. MDOQ. xxxv. p. 25, n. For the former, cf. Figulla and Weidner, Keilschrift- 
tezte 1, No. 1, Eev. 1. 50 ; No. 3, Rev. 1. 5 ; for the latter, No. 4, Rev. col. iv. 1. 29. 

§ Cf. R. C. Thompson, The Reports of Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and 
Babylon, i. No. 103, Obv. 7. 

|| Cf. Br. 4714 ft". 

TF MES, which means -multitude,' is used as the sign of the plural. 

** A Phonetic Complement is often used in cuneiform in order to obviate doubt as 
to the precise Bab. word or form denoted by an ideogram. Thus, e.g., the name 
Uta-napistim, which is commonly written ideographically UD.ZI, often has the 
syllable -tim added to indicate that ZI has the value napiUim. MU, which means 
'to speak' in Sumerian, and so can be used for the Bab. zakdru with the same mean- 
ing, may be written MU (-ar), MU (-ra) to indicate the precise form of the verb 
izakkar, izaJckara. Thus perfect clearness is gained without the labour of writing 
the forms syllabically i-zak Jar, i-zak-ka-ra. 


a letter from Dagan-takala (Kn. 318) in which he begs help of the 
King of Egypt — 'Deliver me from v tlic mighty foes, from the hand 
of the (aiiulMa) SA.GA.AZ.ME§, the robber-people (avidutu 
ha-ba-ti), the Sutu (amclufu Su-tii) ' — we have, not the specification 
of three distinct classes of foes, but of two only, amilutu Tia-houti 
being simply an explanatory gloss on (ameliitv) SA.GA.AZ.MKS- 

We conclude, then, that wherever the ideogram SA.GAZ stands 
in the T.A. Letters, the equivalent that was understood and read was 
not Habiru, but habbatum, 'the robber-people' or 'brigands.' It is a 
different question whether the Habiru were included among the 
people who could be classed as habbatum. That this is to be affirmed 
appears to be certain from the equivalent ' SA.GAZ-gods '= ' Habiru- 
iiods ' discovered bv Winckler in the documents from Boerhaz Keui 
(cf. p. lxxvi). When, further, while AEAD-Hiba refers exclusively 
to the encroachments of the Habiru and does not mention the 
SA.GAZ, other princes in the south refer in a similar connexion 
and in similar terms to the encroachments of the SA.GAZ and 
make no allusion to the Habiru, the inference is inevitable that the 
terms Habiru and SA.GAZ refer in these letters to one and the 
same people. | 

We must notice next that SA.GAZ, though meaning habbatum, 
'robbers,' is not, as used in the T.A. Letters, a mere class-term 
(i.e. applicable to any body of people, of whatever race, who might 

* It is true that amelutu ha-ba-ti is not preceded by the diagonal wedge which as a 
rale marks a gloss ; but this is sometimes omitted (cf. Kn. 148, 1. 31 ; 288, 1. 34. In 
"288, 1. 52, the wedge follows the gloss at the beginning of the next line). The fact 
that Dagan-takala (or his scribe) did not know the ideogram GAZ, and so was obliged 
to write GA. AZ (which only occurs in this passage), favours the view that he may have 
glossed the ideogram in order to avoid misunderstanding. Dhorme (RB., 1909, p. 69) 
compares Kn. 195, 11. 24 ff., where Namyawaza offers to place his SA.GAZ and his 
Sutu at the disposal of the Pharaoh. ' These in fact are the two designations which 
describe the soldiers of the irregular and rebel army. There is no ground for regard- 
ing the Ha-ba-ti as a third group. Everything thus favours reading GAZ or SA.GAZ 
as Eabbatu: In Kn. 207, 1. 21, we actually find (amilu) GAZ.MES followed by the 
diagonal wedge and then the syllable ha-, after which the tablet is broken and 

t Cf. especially ARAD-Hiba's statement, ' Behold, this deed is the deed of Milkili 
and the sons of Labaya, who have given up the King's territory to the Habiru' (Kn. 
287, 11. 29 ff.), with the statement of Biridiya of Megiddo, 'Behold, two sons of 
Labaya have gi[ven] their money to the SA.GAZ' (Kn. 246, 11. 5 ff.). Cf. also the 
words of Labaya, 'I do not know whether Dumuya has gone with the SA.GAZ' 
(Kn. 254, 11. 32 ff.); and of Milkili, 'Let the King my lord know that hostility is 
mighty against me and Suwardata ; and let the King deliver his land out of the hand 
of the SA.GAZ' (Kn. 271, 11. 9 ff.); and of Belit-UR.MAII.MES (Ba'alath-Leba'oth ? 
Cf. Josh. 15^ 196. UR.MAH.MES means 'lions'), 'the SA.GAZ have sent to 
Aijalon and Sor'ah, and the two sons of Milkili were nearly slain ' (Kn. 273, 11. 18 ff.). 
The fact that Labaya and Milkili should themselves represent their relations with the 
SA.GAZ somewhat differently from ARAT)-Hiba and Biridiya is only to be expected. 
The statements of ARAD-Hiba— ' Let the King hearken unto ARAD-IJiba thy ser- 
vant, and send bowmen, and bring back the King's territory to the King. But if 
there he no bowmen, the King's territory will certainly fall away to the Habiru' 


adopt a handit-life), but is definitely employed of a tribe or tribes 
from a particular locality, and united by racial affinity. This is clear 
from the fact that the ideogram is followed in two of its occurrences 
by the affix KI, 'country or place,'* which is used both with the 
names of countries and districts and with the names of tribes eman- 
ating from such districts. In one occurrence of Habiru we likewise 
find KI added, % marking the term similarly as racial and not merely 
appellative. We may assume, then, with confidence that the con- 
nexion between the Habiru and the SA.GAZ was a racial one ; 
though it does not necessarily follow that all the SA.GAZ were 
Habiru — since, on the evidence which we have reviewed, there is 
nothing to forbid the theory that the jHabiru may have been but a 
single clan of a larger body of people called SA.GAZ.§ 

Is it probable, then, that the Habiru were merely the southern 
branch of the racial movement into western Syria represented by 
the aggressions of the SA.GAZ 1 That they had gained a footing 
not only in the extreme south (the district round Jerusalem) but 
also in central Cana'an is clear from the facts that they are men- 
tioned as in occupation of Shechem (cf. p. lxxiii), and that the prince 
of Megiddo expresses anxiety as to their movements (cf. p. lxxvii, 
footnote). But there is another reference in one of AEAD-Hiba's 
letters which seems to identify them with the SA.GAZ still further 
north. 'When there was a ship (or a fleet?) at sea,' he writes, 
' the king's strong arm held the land of Nahrima and the land of 
Kapasi(?) ; but now the Habiru hold all the king's cities' (Kn. 288, 
11. 33 ff.).|| Here the allusion undoubtedly is to the Egyptian fleet 
which, since the victorious campaigns of Thutmosi in., had possessed 
a base in the Phoenician harbours (cf. p. lxviii), and enabled the 
Pharaoh to reach Naharin (Nahrima) with little delay and suppress 
any inclination to revolt in the extreme northern part of his Asiatic 
empire. Now, however, in the absence of this fleet, the Habiru are 
in the ascendant, and are holding either the cities of Nahrima in the 
north, or (more probably) the Phoenician cities which it was neces- 
sary for Egypt to hold in order to maintain her footing in the ports. 
Adopting this latter hypothesis, we see at once that the SA.GAZ 
to whom Eib-Adda of Gebal so constantly alludes as employed by 
the Amorite chieftains Abd-Asirta and Aziru for the reduction of 

(Kn. 290, 11. 19 ff.) ; ' Should there be no bowmen this year, the King my lord's terri- 
tories are lost' (Kn. 288, 11. 51 ff.)— are strikingly similar to the statement of 
Bayawa, 'Unless Yanhamu [the Egyptian plenipotentiary] arrives this year, the 
entire territories are lost to the SA.GAZ' (Kn. 215, 11. 9 ff.) ; and it can hardly be 
doubted that the reference in each case is to the same peril. 

* Kn. 215, 1. 15 ; 298, 1. 27. 

X Kn. 289, 1. 24. 

§ So Dhorme, RB., 1909, p. 69. 

|| The rendering here adopted is that which is generally accepted (cf. Winckler, 
Ball, Rogers, etc.), from which there seems no reason to depart. It is difficult to 
believe that Knudtzon's rendering is correct ; still less that of Ungnad in TB. i. 
p. 133. 


the Phoenician cities were Habiru, as well as the southern aggressors. 
This is a point of the iirst importance for the elucidation of the 

The close connexion of the SA.GAZ-Habiru with the people 
called Sutu is evident. Both peoples are in the service of Namya- 
waza as mercenaries (Kn. 195, 11. 27 ff.); both commit aggressions 
upon Dagan-takala (Kn. 318), and, apparently, upon Yapahi of 
Gezer (Kn. 297-99). Eib-Adda of Gebal, who complains repeatedly 
of the aggressions of the SA.GAZ, also states that one Pahura has 
sent Sutu who have killed his Serdanu mercenaries (Kn. 122, 11. 
31 ff). Concerning the Sutu we happen to be fairly well informed. 
We learn from a chronicle that the Kassite king Kadasman-Harbe I. 
(cir. end of the fifteenth century B.C.) 'effected the conquest of the 
marauding Sutu from east to west, and destroyed their power, built 
fortresses in Amurru,' etc.* Adad-Nirari i. of Assyria (cir. B.C. 1325) 
states that his father Arik-den-ili ' conquered the whole of the wide- 
spreading Kutu, the Ahlamu, and Sutu.' | The Ahlamu are known 
to have been an Aramaean nomadic or semi-nomadic people. The 
Hittite king Hattusili n. makes ' the Ahlamu-peril ' his excuse for 
having ceased diplomatic relations with the king of Kardunia§ 
(Kadasman Enlil n. §). Tiglath-Pileser I. (cir. B.C. 1100) tells us 
that he defeated ' the Aramaean Ahlamu ' who inhabited the district 
in the neighbourhood of Carchemish. || It is clear from these 
references that the Sutu must have been a nomad tribe inhabiting 
the northern part of the Syrian desert to the west of the upper 
Euphrates 11 ; and with this agrees the statement of Asur-uballit 
that the Sutu have detained the messengers of Ahnaton (Kn. 16, 11. 
37 ff.), since the Egyptian envoys would have to cross the desert on 
their way to Assyria. 

Now the Egyptian term for the Semitic nomads of the Asiatic 
desert is sasu, a word which seems to be foreign to the language, 
and which has been plausibly connected with the West Semitic root 
riD^ Mdsa, 'to plunder.'** The Sasu, then, are simply 'the plun- 

* Cf. Winckler, AF. i. p. 115. Winckler makes Kadagman-Harbe the second king 
of that name {cir. B.C. 1252)'; but cf. King, Bab. p. 243, n 1 . 

% Cf. Tablet, 11. 19 f. in KB. i. p. 4 ; Budge and King, Annals of the Kings of 
Assyria, p. 6; and, for the reading Arik-den-ili and not Pudi-ilu, King and Hall, 
Egypt and Western Asia, p. 396. 

§ MDOG. xxxv. p. 22. Text in Figulla and Weidner, Keilschrifttexte ], No. 10, 
Obv. 11. 36 f. 

|| Cf. Annals, v. 11. 44 ff. in KB. i. p. 32 ; Budge and King, op. cit. supra , p. 73. 

IF It is generally supposed the Shoa' and Koa' of Ezek. 23 23 are the Sutu and Kutu. 
On the Sutu in relation to the Aramaeans, cf. Streck, Ueber die dlteste Geschichte 
derAramder, in Klio, vi. (1906), pp. 209 ff. 

** Cf. Muller, AE. p. 131 ; Meyer, IN. p. 324. The Semitic root is only known 
to occur in Heb. where it is fairly frequent. Meyer (loc. cit., n l ) notices the 
interesting fact that it is used in 1 Sam. 14 48 , which relates Saul's conquest of the 
Araalekite Bedawin on the border of Egypt: — 'he smote 'Amalek, and delivwed 
Israel from the hand of his plunderer ' (-1110^), 


derers or brigands ' ; and the agreement of this designation with the 
Bab. habbatuni] which, as we have seen, is the equivalent of the 
ideogram SA.GAZ 3 can hardly be merely accidental (cf. p. lxxxviii). 
While, therefore, the meaning of SA.GAZ favours the conclusion 
that the appellation belongs to a nomad people, the connexion of 
the SA.GAZ with the Sutu suggests that, like these latter, they 
belonged to the north Syrian desert, the region which both cunei- 
form and Biblical records associate with the Aramaeans. These 
facts should be taken in connexion with the further facts that the 
SA.GAZ are principally mentioned as employed by Abd-Asirta 
and his sons, and that the land of Amurru, over which these 
chieftains held sway, extended (as Winckler has proved from the 
Boghaz Keui documents *) from the Lebanon eastward across the 
Syrian desert to the Euphrates, thus embracing precisely the 
northern part of the desert inhabited by Aramaean nomads. Thus 
the conclusion that the SA.GAZ — and therefore the Habiru — were 
Aramaean nomads seems to be raised to a practical certainty. J 

Now the 0. T. definitely connects the ancestors of the Hebrews 
with the Aramaeans. Abraham is not himself termed an Ara- 
maean, but he has Aramaean connexions. Rebekah, the wife of his 
son Isaac, is brought from Aram-naharaim, and is the daughter 
of Bethuel, the son of Nahor, his brother (Gen. 24 J.). Bethuel is 
termed ' the Aramaean ' (Gen. 25 20 P, 28 5 P), and so is his son 
Laban, the brother of Rebekah (Gen. 31 20 - M E). Ja'cob's wives are 
Aramaeans (the daughters of Laban), and he himself is called 'a 
vagabond Aramaean' (inte *£^X, Deut. 26 5 ). On his return from 
Paddan-Aram he re-enters Cana'an bearing the new name Israel 
(Gen. 32 28 J, 35 10 P) together with his many sons (or clans), and 
takes up his abode at or near Shechem, concerning his relations 
with which city variant traditions are extant.§ The mere fact, 
then, that the situation pictured in the T.A. Letters is that 
Aramaean nomads are flocking into Syria-Palestine and taking 

* MDOG. xxxv. pp. 24 f. Cf. also King, Bab. pp. 237 f. 

+ That Abd-Asirta and Ins sons were aspiring to raise Amurru to the status of an 
independent kingdom like the powerful kingdoms on its borders was the opinion of 
llib-Adda, as appears from Knudtzon's reading of three passages in his letters, as 
interpreted by Weber (cf. Kn. p. 1101 ; so Dhorme, RB., 1909, p. 69). In Kn. 76, 
11. 11 IT. , Rib-Adda says, ' Who is Abd-Agirta, the dog, that he should seek to take for 
himself all the cities of the King, the Sun ? Is he the king of Mitanni, or the king of 
Kaggu [Karduniag] that he should seek to take the King's land for himself? ' In Kn. 
104, 11. 17 ff. ; 116, 11 67 ff. , we find similar rhetorical questions with regard to the sons 
of Abd-Agirta, the last passage adding comparison with 'the king of Hata,' i.e. the 
Hittites. Comparison of these three passages one with another proves that this in- 
terpretation is correct, rather than that offered by Winckler, which suggests that 
Abd-ASirta and his sons were acting in the interests of the king of Mitanni, etc. The 
passages, then, indicatethe wide scope of Abd-ASirta's schemes, and also suggest that 
he and his sons were largely responsible for organizing the flow of the Aramaean 
tribesmen westward into Syria-Palestine. 

§ Cf. note on 'Shcehcm,' pp. 260 f. 


forcible possession of many of its cities might by itself lead us 
plausibly to infer that the southern wing of this immigration pro- 
bably included the ancestors of Israel — more especially since ARAD- 
Hiba states that they (the Habiru) are in possession of the land of 
Shechem (cf . p. lxxiii). When, moreover, we add to this the fact that 
the equivalence between the names ' Habiru ' and ' Hebrew ' is perfect 
(p. lxxiv f.), the inference is surely raised to a high degree of 

The only fact which should make us hesitate in assuming the 
identity of the Habiru with the Hebrews as proved beyond the 
possibility of a doubt is the occurrence of the term Ha-bir-a-a, i.e. 
a gentilic form 'Habiraean,' in two Babylonian documents; in each 
case in application to men who bear Kassite names — Harbisihu* 
and Kudurra. J If 5 as it is reasonable to suppose, Ha-bir-a-a is the 
gentilic of Habiru,§ the fact that the only two names of Habiru- 
people that are known to us should be Kassite is certainly re- 
markable ; and the conclusion that the Habiru were Kassites has 
been adopted by several scholars. |j Recently, Scheil has published 
a tablet bearing a brief memorandum which mentions the Qabiru 
(amelu Ha-bi-ri exactly as in the T.A. Letters) at Larsa in the reign 
of Rim-Sin, six centuries earlier than the T.A. Letters. 11 This 
scholar's conclusion (based on this occurrence and on the Kassite 
names above-mentioned) is as follows : — 'The jHabiru were in origin 
an Elamite, Kassite, or Lower Mesopotamian people. ... In any 
case they served among the forces of the Elamite dynasty at Larsa. 
Without doubt they were also employed in the far countries to 
the west, where the supremacy of Kudur-Mabuk, Hammurabi, 
Ammiditana, etc., maintained itself with more or less authority, 
thanks to the presence of armed troops.' The proof that Kassite 
troops were stationed by these monarchs in Amurru (Syria- 
Palestine) is, however, non-existent ; and still less (apart from the 

* Cf. iv. 2 R. 34, 2; and, for a transliteration and translation 'of the document, 
Winckler, AF. i. pp. 389-396. The letter, written by an unnamed Babylonian king, 
mentions a king of Assyria named Ninib-Tukulti-As'ur, who seems to have reigned 
towards the end of the thirteenth century B.C. (cf. Johns, Ancient Assyria, 
pp. 66 ff. ), i.e. during the latter part of the KaSSite period in Babylon. 

J Cf. Scheil, Recueil de Travaux, xvi. (1894), pp. 32 f. The name occurs on a 
boundary-stone of the time of Marduk-ahi-erba of the Fourth Babylonian Dynasty 
(B.C. 1073). 

§ Hommel, however, regards the similarity between TJabiru and Habira as purely 
fortuitous, taking the latter to mean an inhabitant of the land of Hapir or Apir, i.e. 
that part of Elam which lay over against eastern Arabia. Cf, AHT. p. 236; 
Grundriss, p. 7. 

|| So Halevy in Journal Asiatique (l8--*l), p. 547 ; Scheil in Recueil de Travaux, 
loc. cit. ; Hilprecht, Assyriaca (1894), p. 33, n. ; Reisner in JBL. (1897), pp. 143 ff. ; 
Lagrange in RB. (1899), pp. 127 ff. 

H Revue d'Assyriologie, xii. (1915), pp. 114 f. The memorandum runs : ' These are 
4 (or 5 ?) garments for the officers of the Habiru which Ibni-Adad . . . has received. 
Levied (?) on the property of the temple of Samag by Ili-ippalzam. [Month of] 
Nisan, 11th day, [year of] Rim-Sin, King.' 



assumption that the Habiru were Kassites) can the presence of such 
troops in the west be proved for six centuries later.* 

* It is true that A RAD- 1 1 iba speaks of the outrages committed by the Kagi people, 
who seem on one occasion nearly to have killed him in his own house (Kn. 287, 
11. 32 f. : 71 ff,) ; and Biridiya of Megiddo apparently couples them with the 
S A.GAZ as iu the pay of the sons of Labaya (Kn. 246, 11. 5 ff. : the reading is 
uncertain, as the tablet is broken ; but traces of Ka- can be seen after amelUt milt). 
Since, however, Rib- Adda of Gebal more than once begs the Pharaoh to send him 
Kagi troops to protect Egyptian interests in Phoenicia (Kn. 131, 1. 13; 133, 1. 17; 
conjecturally restored in 127, 1. 22), and in one of these passages (133, 1. 17) Ka-\Si] 
is a gloss upon [Me-lu-]h,a, i.e. Ethiopia (Heb. tJJ-13 Ku8), it can scarcely be doubted 
that the people of identical name mentioned by ARAD-Hiba and Biridiya were like- 
wise Sudanese mercenaries at the disposal of the Egyptian high-commissioner, who 
may well have proved themselves hostile ami troublesome to the governors of 
Jerusalem and Megiddo. It must be recollected that ARAD-Hiba actually charged 
the high-commissioner with favouring the Habiru and hating the city-governors 
(Kn. 286, 11. 16 ff.). The identity of the Kagi with the Sudanese mercenaries in all 
these passages is assumed by Weber (Kn. pp. 1100 t). There is the same ambiguity 
in regard to the term (Kushite or Kaggite) in cuneiform as exists in the case of the 
Heb. 6M3 (cf. p. 64, footnote). 

Sayce {ET. xv., 1903, pp. 282 f.) bases his theory that the Habiru were 'Hittite 
condottieri.' upon a discovery which he claims as the result of his attempted decipher- 
ment of the Hittite inscriptions, viz. that the name Kas was used throughout the 
Hittite region, the kings of Carchemish, for example, calling themselves 'kings of 
the country of Kas.' He takes references in the T.A. Letters to the land of Kaggu 
(Kaggi in oblique forms) to refer to the land of the Hittites, alleging that reference 
to Babylonia (ordinarily assumed) is out of the question, since this is called Karduniag 
— in answer to which it is sufficient to remark that the full title claimed by the 
kings of the Third Babylonian Dynasty, as appears from a short inscription of 
Kara-indag I. (cir. B.C. 1425) is 'King of Babylon, King of Sumer and Akkad, King 
of Kaggu (Ka-aS-Su-u), King of Karduniag' (cf. iv.2 R. 36 [38], No. 3; Delitzsch, 
Paradies, p. 128). Sayce then claims that the Kagi people of ARAD-Hiba's letter 
are identified with the Habiru in the passage in which the writer, having accused 
Milkili and the sons of Labaya of giving the king's land to the Habiru, then goes on 
to say, ' Behold, O King my Lord, I am righteous as regards the Kagi people : let the 
King ask the high-commissioner whether [or no] they have dealt very violently and 
brought serious evil to pass' (Kn. 287). Most readers, however, must surely infer 
that the passage, on the contrary, distinguishes between the two peoples. Why 
should the writer apply different appellations to one people in successive sentences? 
Obviously ARAD-Hiba, having made his own accusation against his enemies, then 
proceeds to deal with an accusation which they have made against him — probably 
resistance to the Sudanese troops of Egypt involving bloodshed, as we may infer from 
his later statement that they had nearly killed him in his own house. The letters 
from the Canaanite princes are full of such mutual recriminations. Equally ground- 
less is the statement that the sons of Arzawa — who must certainly have been Hittites 
(cf. pp. lxxxiiif. ) — mentioned in one letter (Kn. 289 = Winckler 182 + 185) take the place 
of the Habiru in other letters. The passage in question says, ' Behold, Milkili, does 
he not revolt with the sons of Labaya and the sons of Arzawa to give up the King's 
territory to them ' ? Here, if the sons of Arzawa are .Habiru, we should surely draw 
the same inference with regard to the sons of Labaya. In two of the three other 
passages in question, however (Kn. 287, 290, 239, 11. 21 ff. = Winckler, 180, 183, 185), 
the sons of Labaya are distinguished from the Habiru, for the former are associated 
with Milkili in giving up the King's territory to the latter. 


There is no reason, so far as we can say, why Rim-Sin should not 
have employed Aramaean (Hebrew) tribesmen as mercenaries cir. 
B.C. 2100. Abraham 'the Hebrew/ who is assigned to this period 
in Gen. 14, is earliest associated with the city of Ur (Gen. 
II 28,81 , 15 7 ) on right bank of the Euphrates and bordering on 
the Syrian desert, with which Larsa on the left of the river was 
closely connected.* There were SA.GAZ in Babylonia in Ham- 
murabi's reign, and their overseer bore a Semitic Babylonian name, 
Anum-pt-Sin. J If such tribesmen came later on into the regular 
employ of the Kassite kings, it would not be strange if some of 
them adopted Kassite names. § We find, then, in this last mentioned 
evidence, no insuperable objection to the identification of the Habiru 
with the Hebrews in the widest sense of the term.|| 

Another fact which we have learned from the T.A. Letters, and 
which is of high interest for the history of Canaan in the period 
prior to the Israelite settlement, is that a large and influential 
portion of the population of Syria-Palestine at this time was non- 
Semitic. That part of this foreign element was Hittite is now 
placed beyond a doubt. We have already alluded to ' the sons of 
Arzawa ' and 'the sons of Labaya' as leagued with the Habiru in 
rebellion against the constituted authority of Egypt. There exists 
among the T.A. correspondence the copy of a letter addressed by 
Amenhotp ill. to Tarhundaraba, king of Arzawa (Kn. 31). This 
letter is written for the most part in a language which we must 
infer to be the language of the addressee ; and the fact that this is 
Hittite has now been certainly proved by the discovery of a number 

Lastly, Sayce's statement that ^Habiru (-ri) cannot be a proper name because it is 
not Habird (a gentilic form) is directly contradicted by the fact that we have 
SvM (-ti), Ahlamu {-mi) which are certainly tribal names and yet are not gentilics 
(on these people, cf. p. lxxix) ; his explanation of the name as meaning ' confederates ' 
(like Heb. habher, plur. Mbherim, the ordinary philological equivalent for which in 
Bab. is ibru, which occurs in the T.A. Letters, Kn. 126, 1. 16) is ruled out by 
the occurrence of the gentilic Habird with the two Kagsite names which we have 
already noticed (p. lxxxi), since such a gentilic can only be formed from a proper name, 
and is excluded no less by the occurrence once of (amelutu) Ha-bi-ri (KI) which 
marks the name as racial (a tribe from a particular district : cf. p. lxxviii) ; and his 
finding in this last-mentioned method of writing the name an indication of the 
association of the ' confederates ' with the city of Hebron (assumed to mean ' con- 
federate-city ') takes no account of the fact that we cannot dissociate Habiri (KI) 
from the two occurrences of SA.GAZ (KI) which we have discussed with it. 

* A regular part of the title claimed by Rim-Sin is 'he that cared for Ur.' Cf. 
Thureau-Dangin, Die Sumerischen und Akkadischen Konigsinschriften, pp. 216 ff. 

X Cf. King, Hammurabi, no. 35 ; Ungnad, Babylonische Brief "e, no. 26, with note h . 

§ Cf. Winckler, KAT. Z p. 197, n\ Knudtzon (p. 47, n 8 ) maintains (against 
Scheil) that the name of Kudurra's father, which is read as Ba-si-is, seems not to be 

|| Discussions of the Habiru and SA.GAZ which take fullest account of available 
evidence are Winckler, 61. i. (1895), pp. 16-21 ; AF. in. (1902), pp. 90-94; KAT* 
(1903), pp. 196 f. ; Knudtzon, pp. 45-53 ; Weber in Knudtzon, pp. 1146-1148, 1336 ; 
Dliorme in RU. t 1909, pp. 67-73 ; Bbhl, KII. (1911), pp. 83-96. 


of documents in the same language among the Boghaz Keui docu- 
ments. The precise position of Arzawa is at present unascertained ; 
but it seems to have been a subordinate Hittite kingdom in Asia 
Minor.*" 'The sons of Arzawa' can hardly mean anything else 
than 'men from the land of Arzawa. ' j Labaya, on the other 
hand, seems to be a personal name. There are three letters from 
Labaya (Kn. 252-254) ; and the first of these, though mainly 
written, like the others, in Babylonian, is so much coloured by a 
curious foreign jargon that in places it is incomprehensible. An- 
other letter, written wholly in the Arzawa language and unde- 
ciphered (Kn. 32), mentions the name of Labaya three times ; and 
the position of the earliest occurrence of the name in the first 
line leaves little doubt that the writer was Labava himself. 

Other non-Semitic names in the Syrian and Palestinian letters — 

v J 

Suwardata, Yasdata, Zirdamyasda, Artamanya, Husmanya, Manya, 
Biridaswa, Biridiya, Namyawaza, Teuwatti, Subandu, Sutarna, etc. 
— appear to be Aryan ; and some of them have certainly been 
identified as such.§ They are found throughout Cana'an as well as 
to the north of the Lebanons. Suwardata, who was in antagonism 
to AKAD-Hiba of Jerusalem, was chieftain of Kelti, i.e. in all 
probability the Biblical Ke'ilah (1 Sam. 23 1 , al.) some eight miles 
north-west of Hebron. Biridiya and his brother (1) Yasdata were 
princes of Megiddo. Rusmanya was prince of the city of Saruna, 
a name which is identical with the Biblical Sharon, the maritime 
plain north of Joppa. The presence of this Aryan element in Syria 
and Palestine is doubtless to be connected with the fact that the 
kingdom of Mitanni was at this period dominated by an aristocracy 
who described themselves as Karri, i.e. Aryans, bore Aryan-sound- 
ing names, and venerated the Aryan deities Mitra, Varuna, Indra, 
and the Nasatya-twins. || The bulk of the Mitannian population 
appears, however, to have been related to the Hittites, and very 
possibly owed its origin to the Hittite invasion of western Asia in 

* Cf. Winckler in OLZ. ix. p. 628 ; MDOG. xxxv. p. 40 ; and especially the 
detailed discussion of Knudtzon, Diezwei Arzawa-Briefe (1902), pp. 16 IV. 

% Similarly the appellation Arzawiya applied to the chieftain of Ruluzzi (probably 
in central Syria) seems to mean 'the Arzawan' (cf. Kn. 53, 54, al.). 

§ v Hall (PSBA. xxxi., 1909, p. 234; cf. also NE. p. 410, n 5 ) identifies Suwardata 
or Suyardata with the Aryan Surya-data, i.e. 'Sun-given' (UXioSQpos). Bohl (KH. 
p. 17, n l ) quotes G. J. Thierry as comparing Biridaswa with Sanskrit Brhad-agwa 
'(He who owns a) great horse.' Biridiya appears to contain the same first element. 
The element Arta in Artamanya is seen in the names ArtaSsumara and Artatama 
of the Aryan dynasty of Mitanni: cf. the Old Persian Artakhgatra (Artaxerxes) from 
arta 'great' and khSatrd 'kingdom.' The second element appears in Manya and 
Rusmanya. Sutarna, the father of Namyawaza, bears a name which is also borne by 
a member of the Mitannian dynasty. Namyawaza may be compared with Mattiuaza 
of the Mitannian dynasty. Cf. Hommel, Sitzungsberichte der k. bohm. Oesellsch. , 1898, 
vi. ; E. Meyer, Zeitschr. f. vergl. Sprachforechungen, xlii (1909), pp. 18 ft'. ; Weber in 
Kn. passim. 

|| Cf. Winckler, MDOG. xxxv. pp. 37 ff., 51 ; OLZ. xiii. 289 ft". The names occur 
in Figulla and Weidner, Keilschrifttexte 1, No. 1, Rev. 11. 55 f. ; No. 3, Rev. 1. 24. 


the 20th century B.C., which, as we have seen (p. lxiv), brought 
about the end of the First Babylonian Dynasty ; * or, it may be, to 
a still earlier settlement of Hittites, superimposed upon an older 
population. This Hittite population was governed, bat not ab- 
sorbed, by its Aryan conquerors, just as the Semitic population of 
Babylonia was governed by the Kassite aristocracy who doubtless 
belonged to the same wave of Indo-European invasion that founded 
the Aryan Dynasty of Mitanni. The language of Mitanni appears 
to be neither Hittite nor Indo-European, but is said to have con- 
nexion with the Vannic or Caucasian type. J 

Now it seems to be clear that prior to the conquests of Thut- 
mosi I. and Thutmosi III. the kingdom of Mitanni extended south- 
west of the Euphrates, and included Naharin, if not some portion of 
Syria still further south. We have noticed, in speaking of the 
campaigns of Thutmosi III., that the leader of the forces of Naharin 
was probably the king of Mitanni (cf. p. lxviii). The glosses which 
occur in the letter from the inhabitants of Tunip prove that 
Mitannian was the language which was ordinarily spoken in this 
Syrian city.§ The inference is plausible that the cessation of the 
West Semitic Babylonian predominance in Amurru, which is marked 
by the fall of the First Babylonian Dynasty dr. B.C. 1926, laid this 
region open to Mitannian (i.e. Hittite-Aryan) influence and occu- 
pation, the permeation of this strain in the population extending 
ultimately up to the frontier of Egypt. The campaigns of the 
Pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty curtailed and eventually 
destroyed Mitannian claims to suzerainty in Amurru, confining the 
Mitannian kingdom to the eastern side of the Euphrates. The 
Hittite-Aryan strain still, however, formed a well-marked element 
in the population of Syria and Cana'an ; and there should be on 
doubt that it is this strain which is denoted in the O.T. by the 
term 'Hittites,' when this term is used in enumeration of 'the 
seven races ' inhabiting Canaan at the time of the Israelite occu- 
pation (cf. ch. 3 5 note).\\ 

* The Hittite state of Hani on the middle Euphrates was apparently the outcome 
of this invasion. Cf. King, Bab., p. 210, n*. 

t Cf. Jensen, ZA. v. (1890), pp. 166-208 ; vi. pp. 34-72 ; Briinnow, ZA. v. pp. 209- 
259; Sayce, ZA. v. pp. 260-274; PSBA. xxii. (1900), pp. 171-225; Messerschmidt, 
MVAG., 1899, 4 ; Bork, MVAG., 1909, 1 and 2. 

§ Cf. Messerschmidt, MVAG., 1899, 4, pp. 119 ff. Tunip has been placed as far 
south as Ba'albek in the Lebanon-district, and as far north as Tinnab, some 25 miles 
to the north of Aleppo. The largest consensus of opinion would locate it in the 
neighbourhood of Kadesh on the Orontes. Cf. Weber's discussion in Kn. pp. 1123 ff. ; 
and, for Egyptian evidence, Muller, AE. pp. 257 f. 

|| The proved existence of Hittites in southern Cana'an in the 14th century B.C. is 
not, of course, a proof that they were there 700 years earlier in the time of Abraham 
(assuming this to have been the period of Hammurabi), as is pictured in Gen. 23 P 
where they appear as inhabitants of Hebron ; nor can this be regarded as proved until 
it can be shown that there is good ground for believing Gen. 23 to be based on con- 
temporary information, or until external contemporary information has been brought to 
light. For if (as there is reason to believe) Gen. 23 owes its composition (or even its 


The existence of tnis Hittite-Mitannian element in Canaan 
.seems to throw light upon the origin of another people enumerated 
among ' the seven races,' viz., the Jebusites of Jerusalem. The fact 
that AKAD-Hiba the governor of Jerusalem bears a name of this 
class seems to be clear. The Sumerian ideogram A.RAD 'servant,' 
which forms the first element in his name, proves that the second 
element Hiba (also written Heba) is a divine name. There can be 
little doubt that this is the Hittite-Mitannian goddess Hipa or 
Hepa, who figures in the names of the Mitannian princesses Gilu- 
Hipa and Tadu-Hipa (cf. p. lxxii), and in that of Pudu-Hipa, the 
wife of the Hittite kins; Hattusili it. ; and who is enumerated 
among the great deities in the Boghaz Keui documents.* The name 
of the Jebusite of David's time, rnna Arawna (2 Sam. 24 

or iTonx Aranya (Kt., 2 Sam. 24 1S ), which is certainly non-Semitic, 

is Hittite in appearance : we may perhaps compare the Hittite 
king-names Arandas and Arnuanta for the first element in the 
name.j On the other hand, Adoni-sedek of Josh. 10 (cf. Judg. 1 5 " 7 ) 

present form only) to an age much later than the time to which it refers, the possibility 
that the author or editor may have assumed the conditions of a later age for the more 
or less remote period of which he is writing has obviously to be taken into account. 
Cf. the way in which the i'hilistines are represented in Gen. 26 (J in the main) as 
inhabitants of the maritime plain in the Patriarchal period, although evidence leads us 
to couclude that they did not settle in Palestine until a much later date (cf. pp. xciiff.). 
While making this criticism of Prof. Sayce's contention that the historical fact 
that there were Hittites at Hebron in Abraham's time' can now be proved (cf. ET. 
xviii. pp. 418 ff. ; IICM. pp. 143 f. ; and elsewhere), the fact should be noted that, 
while the historical existence of Hittites in southern Palestine at any period has been 
called in question by many scholars, Prof. Sayce has the merit of having all along 
maintained its truth upon evidence which might have been patent to all at least since 
the discovery of the Boghaz Keui documents (which certified the fact that the Arzawa 
language was a Hittite dialect), if not since that of the T.A. Letters. There is no 
a priori reason (so far as we know) why there should not have been Hittite clans in 
southern Cana'an before 2G00 B.C. ; and evidence that such was the case may yet come 
to light. Sayce's evidence {Biblical World, Feb. 1905, pp. 130 ff. ; cf. Archaeology, 
p. 206) in proof that the Hittites were already settled in southern Palestine at least 
as early as the Twelfth Egyptian Dynasty (cir. 2OC0-1788 B.C.) breaks down under the 
criticism of Breasted, AJSL. xxi. (1905), pp. 153-158. Cf. also W. M. Muller, OLZ. 
xii. (1909), 427 f. 

* Cf. MDOQ. xxxv. p. 48. The reason why we transcribe the first element of 
ARAD-Hiba's name according to its value as a Sumerian ideogram is that if, as the 
honorific mention of Hipa implies, he was a Hittite-Mitannian, the ideogram pro- 
bably stands for the Hittite or Mitannian word for ' servant,' which is unknown to 
us. Homniel (Sitzungsberichte der k. bohm. G'esellsch., 1898, vi, p. 10) and Dborme 
(RB., 1909, p. 72) propose the form Arta-Hepa (cf. Artaggumara, Artatama, 
Artamanya) ; while Gustavs {OLZ., 1911, 341 ff. ) offers the form Put-i-.Hepa, the 
Mitannian root, put being interpreted by Bork (MVAG., 1909, 1, p. 1'26) in the sense 
'to serve.' Cf. Weber in Kn. pp. 1333 f. The ordinarily-accepted form Abdi-Hiba 
is based upon the assumption that the man was a Semite, which is very improbable. 

X It is likely that the termination in Aran-ya may be hypocoristic, the name 
bearing the same relation to a fuller form such as Aran Aki-ya does to Aki- 

Tegub ; Aki-izzi, Gili-ya to Gilu-IJepa, and Biridi-ya to Birid-agw 


is good Semitic, and so is Malki-sedek (Gen. 14 18 ), if this can be 
accepted as the genuine name of a king of Jerusalem. 

Now Ezekiel, in characterizing figuratively Jerusalem's idolatrous 
career from the earliest times, states at the opening of his descrip- 
tion, 'Thy father was the Amorite, and thy mother a Hittite' 
(Ezek. 16 3 ; cf. v. 45 ). This statement has been often understood to 
be merely metaphorical — morally considered, Jerusalem may be said 
to have affinity with the early heathen races of Canaan. In the 
light, however, of the facts which we have just noticed, viz. : the 
mixture of Hittite and Semitic names among the pre-Israelite 
inhabitants of Jerusalem as known to us, it becomes highly probable 
that Ezekiol's words preserve an ethnographical fact, and that the 
Jebusites of Jerusalem actually derived their origin from the 
amalgamation of two strains, Amorite and Hittite. * 

By the end of Ahnaton's reign Egypt had practically lost her 
hold upon the whole of her Asiatic dominions. North of the 
Lebanons Subbiluliuma had thoroughly consolidated the Hittite 
domination. Aziru's duplicity in posing as the supporter both of 
Egyptian and of Hittite interests had at length proved disastrous 
to him, and the Hittite king had attacked and defeated him and 
reduced Amurru to vassalage, j The murder of Tusratta in a 
court-conspiracy, producing anarchy in Mitanni, gave Subbiluliuma 
the opportunity of intervening in the affairs of that kingdom ; and 
having placed Mattiuaza, an exiled son of the late king, upon the 
throne, he married him to his daughter and assumed to himself the 
role of suzerain. § Subbiluliuma seems not to have attempted to 
extend his domination to Cana'an ; and here the Habiru and other 
turbulent elements in the population were left to work their will 
unchecked by any effective control by Egypt. The death of 
Ahnaton was speedily followed by the sweeping away of the new 
religion which he had endeavoured to impose upon Egypt, and the 
restoration of the ancient cultus. The reigns of the succeeding 
Pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty, Sakere, Tut'anhaton, and Ay, 
cover in all a period of not more than eight years (dr. B.C. 1358- 
1350), during which the power was really in the hands of the 
Amon-priesthood at Thebes, and the reigning monarch s themselves 
were little more than figureheads. Tut'anhaton (the change of 
whose name to Tutfanhamon marks the re-establishment of Thebes 
as the seat of government and the triumph of the god Amon), may 
possibly have attempted an expedition into Cana'an as well as into 
Nubia ; for under him envoys from Syria are represented, together 

* Cf. Sayce, Archaeology, p. 205 ; Hommel, Grundriss, p. 55 ; Jeremias, OTLAE. i. 
p. 340 ; Bdhl, KH. p. 26 ; Luckenbill, AJTh. xviii. pp 57 f. 

X Cf., for the circumstances, MDOG. xxxv. p. 43; Weber in Kn. pp. 1134 f. ; 
Hall, NE. p. 350 ; Bohl in Theologisch Tijdschrift, 1916, pp. 206 ff. Text in Figulla 
and Weidner, Keilschrifttexte 1, No. 8. 

§ Cf. MDOG. xxxv. p. 36 ; Bohl in Theologisch Tijdschrift, 1916, pp. 170 ff. Text 
in Figulla and Weidner, Keilschriftterie 1. Obv. 11. 48 ff'. 


with Ethiopians from the south, as bringing tribute,* and Haremheb 
is described, when commander-in-chief of the Egyptian forces, as 
'king's follower on his expeditions to the south and north 
country.' j 

It is doubtful, again, whether Haremheb, § who succeeded Ay 
(cir. 1350), attempted to wage war in Syria. The name of Heta (the 
Hittites) appears in a list of names belonging to his reign, and the 
captives whom he is represented as presenting to the gods of Egypt 
may include some Asiatics. || It was probably Haremheb who con- 
cluded the treaty with Subbiluliuma (written S'-p'-rw-rw in Egyptian) 
to which reference is made in the treaty of Ra'messe II. with 
Hattusili (cf. p. xci). 

Ra'messe I., the founder of the Nineteenth Dynasty, must have 
been an old man at his accession {cir. B.C. 1315), and his reign of 
two years or less was uneventful. His son and successor, Sety I. 
{cir. B.C. 1313), early turned his attention to the recovery of 
Egypt's Asiatic dominions. At the beginning of his reign he 
received a report of the condition of affairs in Cana'an : — ' The 
vanquished Sasu, they plan rebellion, rising against the Asiatics of 
Haru. They have taken to cursing and quarrelling, each of them 
slaying his neighbour, and they disregard the laws of the palace.' ^1 
This report, which summarizes the situation in Cana'an as we have 
it in the T.A. Letters, is of high interest as indicating that the 
SA.GAZ-Habiru of the latter were identical with the people whom 
the Egyptians called Sasu, i.e. Asiatic Bedawin.** 

Pushing through the desert without delay, Sety easily routed 
the outposts of the Sasu, and then marched through the whole 
length of Cana'an, conquering or receiving the submission of 
various fortified cities on his route. A boundarv-stone discovered 
by G. A. Smith, at Tell es-Sihab, 22 miles due east of the southern 
end of the sea of Galilee, proves that he must have extended his 
arms east of Jordan to the Hauran. + | His main object, however, 
was to regain possession of the Phoenician coast-cities, in order that, 

* Cf, Breasted, AR. ii. §§ 1027 ff. The fact that the tribute of the north is repre- 
sented as presented to the Pharaoh by the two viceroys of Nubia creates suspicion 
that it may have been added, in imitation of earlier representations, as the conven- 
tional pendant of the tribute of the south. 

X Cf. Breasted, AR. iii. § 20. 

§ Haremheb, who first rose to position as a general and administrator in the 
reign of Ahnaton, seems to have been the real wielder of power during the reigns of 
the weaklings who succeeded this monarch. On the death of Ay he succeeded to the 
kingship as the nominee of the priesthood of Amon (to whose worship he seems 
all along to have adhered), and his position was legitimized by marriage with a 
princess of the royal line. Cf. Breasted, Hist. Eg. pp. 399 ff. ; Hall, NE. pp. 
310 ff. 

|| Cf. Breasted, AR. iii. § 34. IT Cf. Breasted, AR. iii. § 101. 

** Cf. the remarks on p. lxxix as to the identity in meaning of Sasu with SA. GAZ= 

++ Cf. PEF.Qy.SL, 1901, pp. 347 ff. ; 1904, pp. 78 ff. 


following the example of Thutmosi ill., he might obtain a naval 
base for the provision of reinforcements in a future campaign 
against the further north. This successfully accomplished, he 
returned to Egypt with his captives and spoil. 

Resolved in a second (undated) campaign to try conclusions with 
the Hittites — whose king, Mursili (Eg. AZV-.sV), the son of 
Subbiluliuma, had succeeded to the throne after the brief reign of 
his brother Arandas — Sety advanced between the Lebanons, and 
for the first time Egyptian and Hittite forces met in conflict. Sety 
claims to have reached Naharin ; but since he did not gain any 
decisive success against the Hittites, we may suspect that this is an 
exaggeration. After this campaign Sety concluded a treaty with 
xVIursili,* the terms of which probably left Cana'an and Phoenicia 
to Egypt, and the whole of Syria north of the Lebanons to the 
Hittites. During the remainder of Sety's reign (which lasted some 
21 years in all) we hear of no further campaign in Syria. It is in- 
teresting to note that Sety (like Ra'messe II.) mentions a district 
called 'A-sa-ru, corresponding to the hinterland of southern 
Phoenicia | — precisely the position assigned in the Old Testament 
to the Israelite tribe of Ashcr (cf. ch. I 31 note). 

His successor, Ra'messe II. (dr. B.C. 1292), was fired with the 
ambition of recovering Egypt's Asiatic empire as it had existed at 
the end of the reign of the great conqueror Thutmosi III. This was 
a task more difficult than ever before. The Hittite king Mursili, 
and his son and successor Muwattalli (Eg. Mw-t-n-r'), profiting by 
the long period of peace, had occupied Kadesh on the Orontes as a 
frontier-fortress, and rendered it a very formidable obstacle to be 
overcome by an Egyptian army advancing northward between the 
Lebanons. Of Ra'messe's earliest moves we know no more than 
the fact that a limestone stele, cut in the rock at the mouth of the 
Nahr el-Kelb near Berut, bears the Pharaoh's name, and is dated 
the fourth year of his reign. § This shows that, like his father Sety, 
his initial move was to follow the policy of Thutmosi ill. and to 
make sure of his hold upon the Phoenician cities ; but whether 
this cost him any fighting we have no means of determining. In 
any case, his ulterior object was sufficiently obvious to forewarn 
the Hittite king; and when next year he advanced against northern 
Syria in order to try conclusions with the Hittites, Muwattalli || had 

* Mentioned in the treaty of Ra'messe II. with Hattusili. This speaks of a treaty 
with Muwattalli ; but there can be no doubt that the name is an error for Murgili ; 
cf. Breasted, AR. iii. § 377, note c. 

% Cf. Muiler, AE. pp. 236 ff. 

§ Another stele in the same place has been thought to be dated 'year 2' (so Petrie, 
Hist. Eg. iii. p. 46), but the date should more probably be read ' year 10.' There was 
but one campaign before that against Kadesh in ' year 5.' Cf. Breasted, AR. § 297. 

|| Hall makes MurSili the Hittite king whom Ra'messe met at Kadesh, and 
supposes that he died shortly after, 'crushed by the disaster that had befallen his 
armies' [NE. p. 361) ; but the treaty of H^attugili with Ra'messe certainly speaks as 


mustered an army of some 20,000 including his north Syrian 
dependants and allies from Asia Minor, among whom we recognize 
Dardanians (Dardeny), Lycians (Luka), Mysians (Mesa), Kataonians 
(Katawaden), and Cilicians (Kelekes). The bad strategy displayed 
by Ra'messe nearly involved him in defeat, his first and second 
divisions (the first led by the king himself) encountering a surprise- 
attack from behind the city of Kadesh, whilst the third and fourth 
divisions were still straggling some miles in the rear. The second 
division appears to have been cut to pieces in the first onset of the 
Hittites, while the first division (already in camp) was largely put 
to flight ; but the personal bravery of Ra'messe (rallying no doubt 
his own bodyguard and some part of the first division) succeeded 
in holding the foe at bay until reinforcements arrived, when the 
aspect of affairs was changed and the Hittites were beaten off with 
heavy losses. Next day both armies seem to have been too ex- 
hausted to renew the combat ; and Ra'messe had to be content to 
return to Egypt without attempting to reduce the fortress of 

It is easy to see that this campaign, though much magnified by 
Ra'messe on account of the personal part which he played in re- 
trieving the issue of the battle, must have been somewhat disastrous 
to the prestige of Egypt in Syria. We are not surprised, therefore, 
to find that within the next year or so the whole of Cana'an, stirred 
up doubtless by Hittite influence, was in revolt ; and in his eighth 
year Ra'messe had to undertake a campaign for its reconquest, and 
was obliged to lay siege to and reduce even a city so far south as 

Pushing northward, he then captured a number of cities in the 
district of Galilee, among which we recognize the name of Beth- 
e Anath (cf. ch. I 33 note), and seems also to have extended his arms 
into the Lebanon-district, for he records the conquest of a city 
named Dapur ' in the land of Amor ' (Amurru), which was garrisoned 
by Hittites. J Possibly the stele discovered by Schumacher at 

though peace had been broken in the time of Muwattalli (Breasted, AR. iii. § 374), 
and this is the view which is taken by Breasted {Hist. Eg. pp. 423 ff.), Garstang 
(Hittites, p. 343), Luckenbill (AJTh. xviii. p. 49), and King (Bab. p. 235). 

* The fullest accounts of this battle (with plans and Egyptian reliefs) will be 
found in Breasted, A R. iii. §§ 298 ff. ; The Battle of Kadesh (Decennial Publications of 
the University of Chicago, 1904) ; Hist. Eg. pp. 425 ff . ; Petrie, Hist. Eg. iii. pp. 47 ff. 

% The view commonly held (cf. Petrie, Hist. Eg. iii. p. 61 ; Breasted, AR. iii. 
§§ 356 f. ; Hist. Eg. p. 436; Hall, NE. p. 362) that Dapur is the Biblical Tabor in 
the plain of Esdraelon is not very probable. Heb. T\ is not usually represented by 
Eg. d (no instances cited by Burch.), nor 3 by Eg. p (very rare ; cf. Burch. §50); 
and the fact that this city alone is distinguished as 'in the land of Amor' surely 
dissociates it from the group in which it occurs. No Hittite remains have been dis- 
covered further south than Restan, north of the Lebanons. Elsewhere Dapur is 
associated with Kadesh: cf. Muller, AE. p. 221. We find Tabor normally spelt 
among the Asiatic names in the great list of Ra'messe in. at Medinet Habu : cf. 
W. AL Muller, Egypt. Researches (1904) PI. 65, No. 27 ; Burch. No. 1083. 

Sell Sa'd in the Hauran * about three miles north of Tell e A.stara, 

vy "... 

may have been set up during this campaign. 

The records for the following years are scanty, but it is clear 
that they witnessed a long and arduous struggle to recover northern 
Syria from the Hittites. Ka'messe must have advanced into 
Naharin as far as Tunip, conquered this city, and then lost it 
again ; for in a subsequent campaign we find him once more cap- 
turing it, together with Katna and Arvad, and claiming to have 
subdued the whole of northern Syria and Naharin.j It is unlikely 
that he retained possession of his conquests for any length of time. 
Muwattalli, though he might be temporarily worsted, was by no 
means beaten, and probably wrested back most if not all of the 
captured territory as often as Ra'messe returned with his army to 
Egypt. At length, in or shortly before the twenty-first year of 
Iia'messe's reign, Muwattalli died and was succeeded by his brother 
gattusili II. (Eg. ff-tf-s'-r'), who immediately proposed a treaty 
of peace which the Egyptian king was not loath to accept. The 
Egyptian text of this treaty is engraved on the walls of Karnak 
and the Ramesseum, and has long been known §; and parts of a 
copy in cuneiform Babylonian were discovered among the Hittite 
archives at Boghaz Keui.|| It is a diplomatic document of the 
highest interest, dealing in legally phrased clauses with obligations 
of alliance and the mutual right of extradition of emigrants and 
political refugees. Both parties are placed upon a footing of exact 
equality — a fact which proves that neither had any permanent 
advantage to claim as the result of many }< T ears of conflict. There 
is no definition of the boundary-line between the two kingdoms ; 
and our inference must be that it remained as defined or recognized 
in the earlier treaties of Subbiluliuma (cf. p. lxxxviii) and Mursili (cf. 
p. lxxxix), to which the present treaty refers. Thirteen years later 
Ila'messe married the eldest daughter of Hattusili, and the 
Hittite king actually accompanied his daughter to Egypt for the 
ceremony. H 

During the remainder of Ra'messe's long reign of sixty-seven 
years he was never again obliged to take the field in Syria.** His 
son Mineptah was an elderly man when he succeeded him (dr. B.C. 
1225), and his accession seems to have been the signal for a revolt 
in Cana'an, which he quelled in his third year. Mineptah's reference 

* Cf. ZDPV. xiv. pp. 142 ff. 

X Cf. Breasted. AR. iii. §§ 363 ff. 

§ Cf. Breasted, AR. iii. §§ 367 ff. ; Petrie, Hist. Eg. iii. pp. 63 ff. 

\\ Of. MDOG. xxxv. pp. 12 f. 

IT Cf. Breasted, AR. iii. §§ 416 ff. 

To the reign of Ra'niesse II. is assigned the composition of the document con- 
aed in Papyrus Anastasi I., which gives an imaginative and satirical description 
of the perils and difficulties attendant upon travel in Palestine. This document, 
which is of the highest interest on account of the typographical and descriptive in- 
formation which it offers, has been most recently edited by A. H. (rardiner, Egyptian 
Hieratic Texts, Series I. Part I. (1911). 


to this campaign is, from the Biblical point of view, of the highest 
interest, for in it we find Israel mentioned among Palestinian 
localities — Pe-kanan (i.e. ' the Cana'an '), Ashkelon, Gezer, Yeno'am, 
Haru (i.e. southern Palestine) — as plundered and subdued.* Minep- 
tah's statement is 'Israel (y-s-r-'-r) is desolated, his seed is not,' J 
and the name Israel is marked by the Determinative which means 
'men,' showing that it denotes a people and not a country. 

The next event which is of interest for Biblical history is the 
settlement of the Philistines in Cana'an. Already in the reign of 
Mineptah we can trace the beginning of a migratory movement 
among the peoples of the north-eastern Mediterranean. Mineptah 
was obliged, in his fifth year, to repel an extensive invasion into 
the western Delta on the part of the Libyans, together with various 
peoples who came by sea to assist in the raid, those who are named 
being the ; Akay wasa, Turusa, Luka, Sardina, and Sakalusa.§ After 
a lapse of nearly thirty years we find that history repeats itself, 
and the Libyans, profiting by the period of confusion and weakness 
which ensued in Egypt after the death of Mineptah (dr. B.C. 1215), 
again invaded the western Delta in force in the fifth year of 
Ra'messe III. of the Twentieth Dynasty (dr. B.C. 1193), assisted by 
sea-rovers called Pulasati and Takkara,|| some of whom joined the 
land forces of the Libyans, whilst others entered the Nile-mouths 
in their ships. Ra'messe claims a decisive victory against these 

* The inscription in which this reference occurs was discovered by Petrie in 1896, 
and a full account of it was given by him in the Contemporary Review for May of the 
same year. Cf. also Petrie, Hist. Eg. iii. p. 114 ; Breasted, AR. iii. §§ 602 ff. 

X In the expression ' his seed is not,' seed seems to mean posterity ; and the phrase 
does not mean 'their crops are destroyed,' as explained by Petrie and many scholars 
after hirn. This is clear from the fact that the same expression is used five times 
elsewhere of other conquered foes (cf. Breasted, AR. iii. § 604), e.g. of the sea- 
peoples who endeavoured to invade Egypt in the reign of Ra'messe III., of whom this 
king says, 'Those who reached my border are desolated, their seed is not.' Here 
reference to ' crops ' is obviously out of the question. 

§ Cf. Breasted, AR. iii. §§ 569 ff. The 'Akaywaga are probably the 'AxaiFoi, 
Achivi, or proto-Greeks ; the TuruSa may be the TvparjvoL or Tyrrhenians, whose 
migration from Asia Minor to Italy probably took place at about this period ; the 
Luka, as we have already noticed (p. xc), are certainly the Lycians ; the Sardina 
were perhaps originally from Sardis in Asia Minor, and subsequently gave their name 
to Sardinia (some of them had been in the employ of Egypt as mercenaries since the 
days of Almaton : they appear in the T.A. Letters as amilu Serdani; cf. Kn. 122, 
1. 35) ; the Sakaluga were probably from Sagalassos in Asia Minor (Sagalassian mer- 
cenaries are perhaps intended by sabe dlu Sehlali. 'soldiers of the city of Serial,' 
mentioned by Abd-ASirta in one of his letters, Kn. 62 ; so Hall in PSBA. xxxi. p. 
231, n86). Cf. Midler, AE. pp. 357 f., 372 ff. ; Hall, NE. pp. 68 ff., 377. On the 
-Ha and -na terminations of many of these names as nominal suffixes in Asia Minor 
(illustrated by the Lycian -dzi, -aza, etc.), cf. Hall, Oldest Civilization of Greece, 
pp. 178 f. 

|| Or Zakkala, if Hommel (PSBA. xvii., 1895, p. 205; Crundriss, pp. 28, 32, w 4 ) 
is right in connecting with the city-name Zakkalu, mentioned in a Babylonian 
inscription of the KaSsite period (the same that has already been cited for the name 
Harbigihu : cf. p. lxxxi). 


combined forces.* But a greater peril awaited him. In his eighth 
year he had to meet a threatened invasion of the sea-peoples, which 
was clearly no casual raid, but a migration on a large scale. The 
invaders came both by land, moving down the coast of Syria, and 
also by sea, the land-contingent bringing their families and posses- 
sions in heavy two-wheeled ox-carts. ' The isles were disturbed,' 
Ka'messe tells us, and 'no one stood before their hands,' even the 
Hittites being mentioned as wasted before their advance. ' They 
set up a camp in one place in the land of Amor [Amurru]. They 
desolated his people and his land like v that which is not. Their 
main support was Pulasati, Takkara, Sakalusa, Danauna, Wasasa. 
These lands were united, and they laid their hands upon the land 
as far as the Circle of the Earth. Their hearts were confident, full 
of their plans.' | Ra'messe equipped a fleet to meet the invaders, 
and marched into Cana'an himself at the head of his land-army, 
which was composed partly of Egyptians and partly of Sardina 
mercenaries. Somewhere upon the coast of Phoenicia a battle was 
fought in which Ra'messe was victorious ; and his army, having 
accounted for their foes by land, turned their arrows to the assist- 
ance of the Egyptian ships which were engaged in a naval battle 
inshore in one of the harbours. § Ea'messe thus succeeded for the 
time in checking the southern progress of the tide of invasion ; but 
it cannot have been long afterwards — whether later in this Pharaoh's 
reign or in the period of national decay which supervened at his 
death — that the immigrant tribes pressed on and occupied the 
whole of the maritime plain of Cana'an from Carmel to the border 
of Egypt, extending ultimately, as it seems, across the plain of 
Esdraelon to Beth-she'an (cf. p. 24). 

However much doubt may attach to the identification of the 
other invading tribes, j| it is certain that the Pulasati (written 
Pw-r'-s'-t or Pw-r'-s'-ty) are the PHistim of the O.T. The Philistines 
were recognized by the Israelites as immigrant settlers, and their 
earlier home is said to have been "Vifisa Kaphtor (Deut. 2 23 , Am. 9 7 ), 

* Cf. Breasted, AR. iv. §§ 35 ff. + Cf. Breasted, AR. iv. § 64. 

§ Cf. the Egyptian relief as figured by Rosellhii, Monumenti delV Egitto, i. Pi. 
cxxxi. ; Maspero, Melees, p. 469 ; Macalister, Schweich Lectures, p. 119. 

|| The name Takkara has been connected by Petrie (Hist. Eg. iii. p. 151) with the 
place-name Zakro in eastern Crete, and this view is favoured by Hall [NE. p. 71). 
The older identification with the Tevicpol of the Troad, adopted by Lauth, Chabas, 
Lenormant, and ultimately by Brugsch (cf. references in Maspero, Melees, p. 464, n 3 ) 
may also connect this people originally with Crete, whence the Trojan Teucer is said 
to have come (Virgil, Aen. iii. 11. 102 ff.): cf. Hall, Oldest Civilization of Greece, 
p. 176. Maspero {Revue Critique, 1880, p. 110) and Breasted [Hist. Eg. p. 477) think 
of the pre-Greek Sikeli or Sicilians. The Danauna may have been the AavaoL, as is 
commonly thought, in spite of the fact that there was a settlement of them in Cana'an 
some two hundred years before this date (cf. p. xcv). On the Sakalusaas the Sagalas- 
sians, cf. p. xcii. Most difficult of all to identify are the Wagaga, who Hall thinks 
may he ' the people of Fa$6s (Waxos), the 'Oa£6s of Herodotus and 'A£6s of later days, 
a prominent city of Crete' (cf. op. cit. p. 177). 


which is defined in Jer. 47 4 by the term »K \ always applied to the 
islands and coast-lands of the Mediterranean. The identity of 
Kaphtor with the Egyptian Keftiu * and of both with the island of 
Crete, admits of no reasonable doubt ; but it is not unlikely that the 
ancestors of the Philistines had at one time or another connexion 
with the mainland of Asia Minor, especially with Lycia and Caria 
(which may, indeed, be included under the term Keftiu, if, as Hall 
states, it is derived from an Egyptian word meaning 'behind,' and 
so denotes somewhat vaguely 'the back of beyond'). % The term 
W3 K e r$thi, which is often applied in the O.T\ to a section of the 
Philistines (especially David's foreign bodyguard), bears a close 

* The absence of the final r in Keftiu as compared with Kaphtor is explained by 
Spiegelberg (OLZ. xi. 426 f.) as due to elision ; and this seems more probable than 
the rival explanation offered by Wiedemann (OLZ. xiii. 53) that Kaphtor is the 
Egyptian Kaft-hor ' Upper Kefti' (like Retenu-hor ' Upper Retenu'), since it is more 
likely that the Israelites learned the name directly from the Philistines themselves 
than through an Egyptian medium. W. M. Miiller (MVAO., 1900, p. 6) cites the 
Ptolemaic form Kpt'r with retention of r. 

X The men of Keftiu figured on Egyptian tombs of the Eighteenth Dynasty period 
bear striking resemblance to the Minoans, the remains of whose civilization have 
been excavated at Knossos and other sites in Crete, and the vases which they carry 
are identical in workmanship. It is impossible, however, to regard the Philistines as 
identical with these Keftians. The former, as represented in Egyptian reliefs, are 
quite unlike the latter, and always wear a high feathered headdress, such as, accord 
ing to Herodotus (vii. 92) was worn at the battle of Salamis by the Lycians (7repi Se 
ryai KecpaXrjai wiXovs irrepoiaL irepieaTefiavco/uLevovs), whom the same writer believes to 
have come originally from Crete (i. 173). Cf. the feathered headdress worn by the 
figures depicted on an Assyrian relief from Kuyunjik of the seventh century B.C. : 
Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, 2nd Series, Plate 44. Herodotus also btates that the 
Carians came to the mainland from the islands, and were originally subjects of King 
Minos (i. 171 ; cf. also Strabo, xiv. 2, 27), and he ascribes to them, among other 
inventions borrowed by the Greeks, the fastening of crests on helmets — which, how- 
ever, were clearly quite different from the feathered skull-caps of the Lycians and 
Philistines. A head witli feathered headdress, identical with that of the Philistines, 
forms one of the pictographs upon the clay disk discovered by Pernier in the palace 
of Phaestos in Crete. The human figures included among the pictographs on this 
disk are non-Minoan in outline and costume, and the signs as a whole differ consider- 
ably from those of the Minoan signary. Whether the disk should ' be regarded as a 
record of a peaceful connexion between the Minoan lords of Phaestos and some neigh- 
bouring race enjoying a parallel form of civilization,' or as 'the record of an invading 
swarm, the destroyers perhaps of Phaestos itself,' is a question which cannot at 
present be settled. Cf. Evans, Scripta Minoa, i. pp. 22-28, with Plates xii. and xiii. 

The Aegean pottery which has been discovered at sites in Palestine which come 
within the Philistine sphere (Tell es-S;lfiyyeh, Gezer, 'Ain-sems) is of the inferior 
style called ' Late Minoan in.' i.e. belonging to the period subsequent to the destruc- 
tion of Knossos which marks the end of 'Late Minoan II.' cir. B.C. 1400. Late 
Minoan in. style, which follows immediately on Late Minoan II., was very possibly 
the inferior imitation of Minoan art already developed in south-western Asia Minor 
by the invaders of Crete, who may have been the ancestors of the Philistines. 

On the Kefti an and Philistine questions, cf. Hall in Annual of the Brit. School at 
Athens, viii. (1901-2), pp. 157-188 ; NE. pp. 68-74 ; Macalister, The Philistines; their 
History and Civilization (Schweicli Lectures, l&ll, published 1914), chap. i. 


resemblance to 'Cretan,' and is so rendered by fix in Ezek. 25 16 , 

Zepli. 2 ■' ; and an allied tribe, also employed as mercenaries by the 
Judaean kings, bore the name l; -i3 Kdri (2 Sam. 20 23 KL, 2 Kgs. 

11 4 - 19 ), i.e. Carians. 

The O.T. tells us nothing as to the other sea-peoples allied with 
the Philistines ; but we gather from the narrative of the Egyptian 
Wenamon (cf. p. xcvi), that there was a Takkara settlement at Dor 
a little south of Carmel about eighty years after the invasion. It is 
possible that the Danauna may have settled on the sea-coast to the 
north of Phoenicia, where, as we learn from a letter of Abimilki of 
Tyre to Ahnaton, there was a settlement of them some 200 years 
earlier.* So late as the latter half of the 9th century B.C. Kalumu 
king of Ya'di in northern Syria was harassed by the king of the 

Danonim (D'orr "]i>D), and was obliged to hire the assistance of the 
king of Assyria } — a fact which favours the inference that this 
people is to be looked for somewhere upon the north Syrian littoral. 

After having successfully repulsed another invasion of the Libyans 
(this time in alliance with the Masawasa, a north African people 
dwelling to the west of the Libyans), which took place in his 
eleventh year, Ka'messe ill. undertook (probably within the next 
year or two) a second campaign in Syria concerning which our very 
scanty information is derived solely from pictorial reliefs. § He 
seems to have stormed and captured several fortified cities, one of 
which is described as 'in the land of Amor,' whilst another, which 
is represented as surrounded by water, is probably Kadesh. Two 
others are pictured as defended by Hittite troops, and one of these 
bears the name Eret. 

After the death of Ra'messe tti. the Twentieth Dynasty was con- 
tinued by a series of nine rulers, all of whom bore the name 
Ra'messe (iv-Xli). The total period covered by their reign was 
under 80 years (B.C. 1167-1090); and since in the whole line there 
was not one monarch possessing the slightest vigour or initiative, 
the power of the empire suffered a swift and irretrievable decline. 
Early in Ra'messe xn.'s reign we find that a Tanite noble named 
Nesubenebded has made himself ruler of the whole Delta-region, 

* Cf. Kn. 151, 11. 49 ff. Abimilki's words are, 'The King my lord has written to 
me, "What news hast thou of Cana'an ? Send me word." The king of the land of 
Danuna is dead, and his brother has become king in succession, and the land is at 
rest.' It is generally assumed that the O.T. references to the Philistines as occupying 
the maritime plain of southern Cana'an in Patriarchal times (Cen. 21 32 - 34 B, 26 J : 
cf. also Ex. 13 16 E, 15 14 J) are necessarily anachronistic ; but the fact that there were 
Danauna in Syria some two hundred years before the days of Ra'messe III. should 
give us pause before we assert this categorically, since for aught we know there may 
have been an earlier Philistine settlement just as there was an earlier Danauna settle- 
ment. The existence of such an earlier Philistine settlement has been argued by 
Noordzij [De Filistijnen, p. 59), mainly on the ground that by the time of Samson 
and Saul the Philistines were already largely Semitized. 

X Inscription of Kalumu, 11. 7 f. Cf. references p. \7 ±, footnote *. 

§ Cf. Breasted, A R. iv. §§ 115-135. 


while at Thebes the supreme power is in the hands of the high- 
priest of Anion, Hrihor by name. 

A document dated in the fifth year of this reign {dr. B.C. 1114) is 
of the highest interest to us as illustrating Egypt's total loss of 
power and prestige in Syria.* This is the report of a certain 
Wenamon, an official despatched by Hrihor to Phoenicia in order 
to procure timber from the Lebanon for the sacred barge of Amon. 
The report, which is a chapter of misfortunes, is undoubtedly 
authentic, and was apparently drawn up to explain the emissary's 
waste of time and ill-success in accomplishing his errand. 

Starting from Thebes in charge of an image of the god named 
' Amon-of-the-Way,' Wenamon goes to Tanis, and on exhibition of 
his credentials Nesubenebded and his wife Tentamon give him a 
passage on board a trading-vessel commanded by a Syrian in order 
that he may reach Gebal and obtain the timber from Zakar-ba'al 
(Eg. T-h'-r-b--r), the Phoenician prince of that city. In the course 
of the voyage the ship touches at Dor, which belongs to a settle- 
ment of the Takkara under a prince named Badyra, or, it may be, 
Bod'el (Eg. B'-dy-f). J Whilst the ship is in harbour one of the 
crew steals Wenamon's money, amounting to 5 deben of gold and 31 
deben of silver, § and decamps. Wenamon interviews Badyra and 
endeavours to make him responsible for the robbery, on the ground 
that it took place in his harbour; but the Takkara prince not 
unnaturally disclaims all obligation to make good the money, while 
politely promising to search for the thief. After waiting in harbour 
nine days without result, Wenamon is obliged to continue his 
journey. Unfortunately at this point there comes a lacuna in the 
MS. ; but we are able to gather from what remains || that the ship 
put in at Tyre, and that either here or at some other port Wenamon 
met some Takkara travellers bearing a bag of silver amounting to 
30 deben, and incontinently seized it as surety for his own money. 

Arrived at Gebal, Zakar-ba'al refuses to see him, and sends a 
message, 'Begone from my harbour!' Wenamon waits patiently 
for nineteen days, in spite of daily orders to depart ; then one <:. i 
the youths in the prince's retinue falls into a prophetic frenzy, air: 
demands that the god, and the messenger of Amon who has him in 

* The Golenischeff papyrus, discovered in 1891 at El-Fjibeh in Upper Egypt. For 
translation and discussion, cf.W. M. Miiller in M VAG., 1900, 1, pp. 14-29 ; Erman in 
Zeitschr.furaegypt. Sprache, xxxviii (1900), pp. 1-14 ; Breasted, AR. iv. §§ 557 ff. ; 
Maspero, Contes populaires de VEgypte (4 e ed. 1911), pp. 214-230 ; Popular Stories 
of Ancient Egypt (trans, of preceding by Mrs. Johns, revised by Maspero, 1915), 
pp. 202-216. 

X In favour of taking the name as Semitic PfrHl we may compare the Phoenician 
names mTWU Bod-'AStart, mptain Bod-Melkart, nami Bod-Tanith. 13 

is probably a shortened form of 12V ' servant of ' : cf. Cooke, NSI. p. 41. 

§ That is (according to Petrie, Hist. Eg. iii. p. 197) about £60 in gold and £12 in 

|| Maspero (op. cit.) offers a conjectural restoration of the missing section. 


his care, shall be brought into the presence of Zakar-ba'al. Thus 
Wenamon, who, having abandoned hope of accomplishing his 
mission, is loading his belongings on to a ship bound for Egypt, is 
stopped by the harbour-master and ordered to remain until the 
morning. He is then granted an interview with Zakar-ba'al, who, 
in spitfi of the prophecy, is by no means disposed to receive him 
with open arms, but demands his credentials which he has foolishly 
left in the hands of Nesubenebded and Tentamon, and asks why he 
and his god have been sent, not in a special ship, but in a mere 
merchant-vessel, in which he might easily have been wrecked and 
have lost the image of the god.* On Zakar-ba'al's inquiring his 
business, he replies, ' I have come after the timber for the great and 
august barge of Amon-Ee, king of gods. Thy father did it, thy 
grandfather did it, and thou wilt also do it.' Zakar-ba'al admits 
that this is true, and professes himself quite willing to do business 
at a price ; then sending for the journal of his fathers he proves 
from it that they were paid in full for all the timber which they 
supplied, and were under no obligation to supply anything freely to 
Egypt as overlord. | This documentary evidence is clinched by an 
argument which is very noteworthy as proving how utterly the 
Phoenician cities had shaken off the Egyptian suzerainty. ' If,' 
says Zakar-ba'al, 'the ruler of Egypt were the owner of my 
property, and I were also his servant, he would not send silver and 
gold, saying, "Do the command of Anion." It was not the pay- 
ment of r tribute n which they exacted of my father. As for me, I 
am myself neither thy servant nor am I the servant of him that 
sent thee. If I cry out to the Lebanon, the heavens open, and the 
logs lie here on the shore of the sea.' § 

Wenamon blusters in vain ; even the production of the image of 
Amon, and the solemn assurance that the life and health which the 
god is able to bestow is of far greater value than a mere money- 
payment, are without effect. He agrees, therefore, to send his 
scribe back to Egypt with a request to Nesubenebded and Tentamon 
to despatch various goods in payment for the timber ; and, as an 
earnest that he is ready to perform his side of the bargain, Zakar- 
ba'al embarks a small part of the timber on the ship by which the 
messenger sails. The goods arrive from Egypt in due course, and 
Zakar-ba'al immediately gives orders that the timber shall be felled 
and dragged down to the shore. When all is ready for embarka- 

* The precise meaning of Zakar-ba'al's remarks about the ship seems to be open to 
doubt. The interpretation adopted above is based on the rendering «f Breasted. 

X The keeping of this journal by Zakar-ba'al and his ancestors, coupled with the 
fact that among the goods supplied him from Egypt in payment for the timber are 
500 rolls of papyrus, is of the first importance in proof of the high antiquity of the 
use in Cana'an of an alphabetic script written upon papyrus or leather, alongside of 
the use of cuneiform Babylonian written upon clay tablets. Cf. Addit. Note on 
' The use of writing in Cana'an at the time of the Judges,' p. 258. 

§ The actual quotations here given ore derived from Breasted's translation. 


tion he sends for Wenamon, and points out that he himself has 
done as his fathers did, whereas the Egyptian can scarcely make 
the same claim. Then somewhat sarcastically he congratulates 
Wenamon on being more fortunate than his predecessors — certain 
messengers of Hamwese (probably Ka'messe ix.) who were detained 
in the land seventeen years until their deaths : and he suggests that 
Wenamon should go and see their tomb ! 

Wenamon, however, having secured his timber, is only bent on 
embarking it as soon as possible and setting sail ; but, unfortunately 
for him, before he can accomplish this, eleven ships of the Takkara 
appear outside the harbour with the object of stopping his departure 
and arresting him — doubtless on account of his seizure of the silver 
belonging to the Takkara travellers.* Wenamon is in despair ; but 
Zakar-ba'al manages to enable him to embark and slip through 
their fingers. His ship is then driven by a contrary wind to the 
land of Alasa (probably Cyprus) ; and here he is (or fancies that he 
is) in imminent danger of death at the hands of the islanders, and 
only escapes through finding some one who understands Egyptian, 
and who interprets his words to the queen of the country. At 
this point, unfortunately, the MS. breaks off; and we do not know 
what further adventures Wenamon encountered before he managed 
to reach Egypt. 

This narrative of Wenamon — lengthy as it is even when reduced 
to a mere summary — has seemed worthy of inclusion both on 
account of its intrinsic interest as exemplifying Egypt's loss of even 
the shadow of authority in her former Asiatic dominion, and also 
because, illustrating as it does most vividly the condition of 
civilization in Cana'an, it falls into the middle of the period covered 
by the Book of Judges, ancl happens to be the solitary piece of 
extra-Biblical evidence known to us which belongs to that period. 
The reason why — whilst earlier centuries have proved comparatively 
rich in extra-Biblical material bearing on the history of Syria and 
Palestine — the period of the Judges of Israel is thus so barren is 
not far to seek. We have arrived at an age in which no external 
great power was strong enough or free enough to interfere in the 
affairs of Cana'an. This period extends from the early middle part 
of the twelfth century B.C. (end of the reign of Ea'messe ill.) down 
to the middle of the ninth century B.C. when the co-operation of 
Ahab of Israel in the league against Shalmaneser ill. of Assyria 
(B.C. 854) foreshadows the speedy interference of this great power 
in the affairs of the small kingdoms of Cana'an.J 

* The narrative here suggests that a previous attempt to arrest Wenamon had been 
made by the Takkara, and that the account of this has disappeared in the lacuna in 
the middle of the MS. 

X The incursion into southern Cana'an of the Pharaoh of whom it is recorded in 
1 Kgs. 9 1G that he captured Gezer and presented it. as a dowry to his daughter on 
her marriage with Solomon (early middle part of the tenth century B.C.), and the 
invasion of Judah and Israel by Shishak (Sheshonk I.) in the reign of Ilehobo'am of 


The decline of Egyptian power we have outlined. The Hittite 
empire, shaken to its foundations by the irresistible movement of the 
sea-peoples of which we have already spoken (cf. p. xciii), appears to 
have been wiped out, perhaps some two decades later (cir. B.C. 1170) 
through the invasion of a people whom the Assyrians called 
Muskaya,* the Meshech of the Old Testament (Gen. 10 2 , al), and 
the M6crx<H of Herodotus (iii. 94 ; vii. 78), who were probably akin 
to the Phrygians of later times. Thenceforward Carchemish be- 
came the chief centre of Hittite civilization ; but there were other 
independent or semi-independent principalities throughout northern 
Syria, extending apparently as far south as Kadesh on the Orontcs, 
the former frontier-city of the great Hittite empire, j The rulers 

Judah (latter half of the same century), as recorded in 1 Kgs. 14 25 and upon the 
walls of the temple of Amon at Karnak, are isolated incidents merely/and do not 
mark a recrudescence of Egyptian power in Palestine. 

* Tiglath-Pileser I. tells us that in the first year of his reign (cir. B.C. 1120) he 
attacked and defeated 20,000 Muskaya and their five kings who fifty years previously 
had held the lands of Alzi and Purukuzzi, and after a course of unbroken victory had 
'come down' and seized the land of Kummuh, (Commagene, south of the Taurus 
and north of Mesopotamia) : cf. Budge and King, Annals of the Kings of Assyria, 
pp. 35 f. ; KB. i. p. 18. In later times their land, to the north-west of Kummuh on 
the borders of Cappadocia, is known as Mugku or Musku : cf. for collected references 
Delitzsch, Paradies, pp. 250 f. It is on Tiglath-Pileser's information as to this 
Mugkaya-movement — coupled with the facts that Arnuanta, who must have reigned 
cir. B.C. 1200 or a little earlier, is the last Hittite king whose archives have been found 
at Boghaz Keui, and that both Boghaz Keui and Carchemish exhibit signs of destruction 
and subsequent reconstruction at a period not much later than Arnuanta — that the 
conclusion is based that the Muskaya were the destroyers of the Hittite empire. 
Cf. Hogarth, The Ancient East, p. 38 ; Garstang, Hittites, p. 53 ; King, Bab. 
p. 241. 

% This conclusion depends on the emendation of 2 Sam. 24 6 , according to which 
the northern limit of David's kingdom extended 'to the land of the Hittites, unto 

Kadesh' (reading Ht^Tp D^flnn fltf after (E^ in place of the unintelligible 

Wri D^nn pK 'land of Tahtini Hodshi' of W). There is no reason fcr 
doubting the restoration 'unto Kadesh' — with Driver (NHTS. 2 ad loc.) and others — 
on the ground that David's kingdom could not have extended so far north, the 
ordinary northern limit of the kingdom of Israel being Dan (probably Tell el-Kady, 
south of Hermon ; cf. notes on 'Laish,' ch. 18 7 , and on 'from Dan, etc.,' ch. 20 1 ), 
which is one hundred miles south of Kadesh, if, as is probable, the latter city is to 
be located on the Orontes at a point a little south of the lake of Horns (cf. Maspero, 
Melies, pp. 140 f.). The ideal northern limit of the kingdom, which was realized in 
the reigns of David and Solomon and again in that of Jerobo'am II., was 'the entry 
of Hamath' (cf. ch. 3 3 note), which is clearly proved by ch. 3 3 , Josh. 13 5 to have 
been the northern and not the southern end of the pass (el-Buka') between the 
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon ranges. The attempt to identify 'the entry of Hamath' 
with Merg'Ayyun, the southern mouth of el-Buka' (so e.g. van Kasteren, RB. 1895, 
pp. 23-36 ; cf. Buhl, Oeogr. p. 66), produces the ridiculous result that the terminus 
aquoin these two passages ('mount Ba'al-Hermon,' ch. 3 3 ='Ba'al-Gad,' Josh. 13 5 ) 
and the terminus ad quern are in the same locality, or at most separated by five 
or six miles only ; and how ' all Lebanon ' can be said to lie between these two points, 
or, so situated, to be ' eastward ' of • the land of the Gebalites,' passes comprehension. 


of these principalities are 'the kings of the Rittites/ mentioned in 
1 Kgs. 10 29 , 2 Kgs. 7«. 

Lastly, Babylon and Assyria were, during the period of the 
Judges as also two centuries earlier, so much engaged in mutual 
suspicions or open hostilities, that they had no scope for raids of 
conquest in the west. The Synchronistic History of Babylonia and 
Assyria* is a record of boundary-treaties and their violation, of 
invasions and counter-invasions, sufficiently preoccupying to absorb 
the main output of each kingdom's energy so long as their power 
remained, upon the whole, fairly evenly balanced. Taking a com- 
prehensive survey of the four centuries from B.C. 1400 to B.C. 
1000,| we observe that the tendency of Babylon is towards decline 
of power, whereas the tendency of Assj^ria is towards the gathering 
of strength and energy, which gives promise of the predominant 
position which she was to attain in western Asia from the ninth 
until nearly the close of the seventh century B.C. This may be 
largely explained by difference of temperament, the strong infusion 
of Sumerian and Kassite strains in the Semitic blood of the 
Babylonians apparently tending towards a peace-loving and mercan- 
tile disposition ; whereas such infusion as entered into the more 
purely Semitic blood of the Assyrians seems to have been furnished, 
at the beginning of their national history, by an Anatolian strain, 
which has been plausibly supposed to account for the lust of war 
and ruthlessness which distinguished them so markedly in compari- 
son with their southern kinsmen. § 

With the rejection of the southern end of el-Buka' as 'the entry of Hamath,'and 
acceptance of the northern end, van Kasteren's attempt to trace a line south of the 
Lebanons for the ideal description of Israel's northern boundary in Num. 34 7ff - P, 
Ezek. 47 15ff - breaks down entirely. Furrer's attempt {ZDPV. viii., 1885, pp. 27-29) 
to find the line north of the Lebanon-region and including it is probably approxi- 
mately correct, except that he goes too far north in placing ' the entry of Hamath ' 
at er-Restan (Arethusa), nearly fourteen miles north of Horns (which would bring 
Kadesh — if it is to be sought at the site above indicated — nearly thirty miles within 
the border), and in identifying Ziphron of Num. 34 9 with Safraneh, by the expedient 
of placing it before and not after Sedad of v. s ,_ i.e. the modern Sadad. Probably 
the boundary crossed the Orontes near Riblah (modern Ribleh) some twenty miles 

south of Homs (cf. Ezek. 6 14 , reading nr6l"l "ISTIED), ran east-south-east to 
Sadad, and then to the modern Zifran, described by Wetzstein (Reisebericht iiber 
Hauran und Trachonen, p. 88) as an extensive ruined site fourteen hours north-east 
of Damascus. That such a northern extension of territory could be and was claimed 
by David as the result of his successful wars with the Aramaeans and his treaty with 
To'i, king of Hamath (2 Sam. 8, 10) is extremely probable —more especially if the 
territory of Aram-Sobah is to be placed approximately in the neighbourhood of 
Horns (cf. Noldeke in KB. 280). 

* This chronicle has been edited by Peiser and Winckler in KB. i. pp. 194 ff. 

X Cf., on this period of Assyrian and Babylonian history, Budge and King, Annals 
of the Kings of Assyria, pp. xxiv-lvi ; King, Records of the reign of Tukulti-Ninib I. ; 
Bab., chaps, vii., viii.; Rogers, HBAfi pp. 109-132, 144-179; Johns, Ancient 
Ikibylonia, pp. 94-106; Ancient Assyria, pp. 50 78; Hall, NE. pp. 368-370, 384- 
369, 398 f. § Cf. King, Bab. pp. 139 ff. 


In the first half of the thirteenth century P..C. the rise of Assyrian 
power was remarkably rapid, culminating in the reign of Tukulti- 
Ninib I. (cir. B.C. 1275), who actually conquered Babylon and held 
it for seven years. This monarch's reign, however, terminated in 
rebellion and civil war which brought about a period of retrogres- 
sion, during which Assyria had to suffer at least one serious 
invasion by the Babylonians.* In the reign of Asur-dan I. (cir. 
B.C. 1167) the power of Assyria began to revive, } and reached a 
height never before attained in the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I. (cir. 
B.C. 1120), the first really great empire-builder of this kingdom. 
Tiglath-Pileser's conquests, however, extensive as they were (includ- 
ing Babylon, and great tracts of country to the north and north- 
west of Assyria, even as far as the land of Kumani in the Taurus 
region), did not reach so far south-west as the land of Cana'an, 
where at this period the tribes of Israel were slowly gaining their 
footing under the Judges ; though he came into conflict with 
Aramaean tribes in the neighbourhood of Carchemish and drove 
them westward across the Euphrates, and the fact that he claims to 
have set sail on the Mediterranean in ships of Arvad, and to have 
slain a great dolphin or whale, § indicates some extent of penetra- 
tion into northern Syria. After Tiglath-Pileser I. we possess 
practically no knowledge of the course of Assyrian history for a 
hundred and thirty years ; and the silence of the Synchronistic 
History as to Assyrian victories is a sure indication that the king- 
dom must have undergone a long period of decline. || 

Failing thus the interference of any great power in Syria and 
Palestine for a period of some three centuries, a unique opportunity 
was afforded to the smaller peoples of the country to settle down 
and consolidate their power. In the north the Aramaeans, whose 
gathering force and westward migratory movements came into 
evidence in the period of the T.A. Letters, now spread both east- 
ward across the Euphrates into the district of Harran and south- 
westward into Syria, north and east of the Lebanons, founding in 
northern and central Syria a number of small principalities inter- 
spersed among the principalities which, as we have seen, were the 
survivals of the great Hittite Empire. 11 South of the Lebanons 

* According to the Synchronistic History, Adad-Sum-nasir of Babylon slew Enlil- 
kudur-usur of Assyria in battle, and besieged the city of ASsur (cir. B.C. 1213). It 
is probable that this reassertion of Babylonian power was continued under his 
immediate successors: cf. King, Bab. p. 244; Rogers, HBA. 6 p. 125; Hall, NE. 
p. 385. 

X He attacked Babylonia and captured several cities from Zamama-sum-iddin, the 
last king of the Kassite Dynasty. This defeat of Babylon was doubtless contribu- 
tory to the fall of the Third Dynasty, which took place shortly after at the hands of 
the Elamites. 

§ Cf. 'Broken Obelisk,' col. iv. 11. 2f. (Budge and King, op. cit., p. 188.) 

|| Cf. Budge and King, op. cit. p. lvi. 

TI Our knowledge of north Syrian history is far too scanty to enable us even to 
draw inferences as to the relative strength and persistency of the Hittite and 


opportunity favoured the southern branch of the Aramaean stock 
which is known as the Hebrews, among whom the tribes of Israel 
formed an important element. It is a fact worthy of notice that the 
Book of Judges, in recording the experiences of Israel in their 
struggle to obtain a footing in Cana'an, makes no sort of allusion to 
any collision with, or aggression at the hands of, a great power such 
as Egypt or Assyria — as might well have happened had the infor- 
mation embodied in the book been merely vague and anachronistic. 
The absence of such allusion — which, as we have seen, is in strict 
accord with the historical circumstances of the period — should con- 
siderably strengthen our confidence that the course of history as 
described is in the main based upon a trustworthy tradition. The 
historical value of this tradition is discussed in the special introduc- 
tions to the various sections of the book.* 

Aramaean elements. Even the evidence of proper names s fallacious, since it is 
likely that, where Aramaean influence was strong, the Hittites may eventually have 
undergone Semiticization and have adopted Semitic names, just as we know that the 
Philistines did. It is at any rate a fair conjecture that it was in the far north 
(neighbourhood of Carchemish) that the Hittites longest retained their individuality, 
while further south Aramaean influence more speedily prevailed, as much by peaceful 
penetration as by conquest. Hamath, which — until the recent discovery of a Hittite 
inscription at er-Restan (cf. Garstang, Hittites, p. 85, n 2 ) — was the most southerly 
site at which Hittite remains were known, is a state concerning which it is possible 
to bring together a few facts bearing on this question. Originally an important 
Hittite centre (on the Hittite remains, cf. Garstang, Hittites, pp. 93 ff.), it was pro- 
bably still purely Hittite in David's time (B.C. 1000), since its king To'i or To'u was 
anxious to secure David's support against the encroachments of the Aramaeans 
(2 Sam. 8 9f =1 Chr. 18 9f ). The name To'i may well be identical with the name which 
appears in the T. A. Letters as Tuhi, and is borne by the regent of Mitanni during the 
minority of Tugratta (Kn. 17, 1. 12) ; cf. Luckenbill, AJTh. xviii. p. 57. The next 
king known to us is Irhuleni, mentioned by Shalmaneser III. as allied against him with 
Bir-idri (Ben-Hadad 11.), Ahab, etc., at the battle of Karkar(B.c. 854). His name 
is not convincingly Semitic, though we cannot affirm it to be Hittite. Zakir, King of 
Hamath (a little before B.C. 800), whose inscription we possess (cf. p. 173), bears a 
Semitic name and writes in Aramaic, though some at any rate of the seven kings 
with whom he is at war are also Aramaeans ('Bar-Hadad the son of Hazael'=Ben- 
Hadad ill. of 2 Kgs. 13 24 ; ^12 = ' Bar-Gus, probably = ' Arami the son of Gus' 
mentioned by Shalmaneser III., KB. i. p. 170 — a fact not hitherto noticed; and 
' the King of Sam'al '). Later Kings of Hamath are Eniel (who paid tribute to 
Tiglath-Pileser IV., B.C. 738), and Ilu-bi'di or Ya'u-bi'di (subdued by Sargon, B.C. 
720), both of whom bear Semitic names. Here, then, from the time of Zakir 
onwards, we have evidence for the Semiticization of Hamath ; but whether this 
implies an Aramaean conquest or merely a gradual assimilation it is impossible to 

* Taking a comprehensive and summary survey of Judges as a whole, we may con- 
fidently conclude that the figures of Deborah and Barak, Gide'on-Jerubba'al, 'Abime- 
lech, and Micah are historical, and that the narratives concerning them contain a 
very solid substratum of fact. The same may be affirmed with considerable probability 
of Ehud and Jephthah ; though in the case of the narrative of the latter it remains 
ambiguous whether the enemy was 'Amnion or Moab. Balance of probability in- 
clines (in the opinion of the present writer) against the historical character of 
Samson ; thougb in any case the picture which is drawn of relations between 


Thus we conclude our survey of the condition of affairs in 
Cana'an and the surrounding countries prior to and during the 
period of the Judges of Israel. It is probable that the reader may 
notice a seeming omission : viz. that throughout we have advanced 
no theory as to the relation of Israel's early traditions to the course 
of history with which we have been dealing. This has been inten- 
tional. Throughout the section our aim has been to bring together 
relevant information derived from sources contemporary with the 
events to which they refer. The early traditions of the O.T. 
(and here we are speaking of the traditions of Gen. to Josh.) 
are embodied in sources which, in their written form, are certainly 
many centuries later than the events which they narrate. Opinions 
vary greatly as to their historical value; but, whatever view be 
held upon this question, it can hardly be disputed that, for our 
present purpose, the wiser course is not to mix contemporary 
historical evidence with other evidence into the interpretation of 
which the theoretical element is bound to enter in a greater or less 

This principle, however, calls for a certain qualification. External 
history of Cana'an, though unfortunately very barren of informa- 
tion bearing directly upon the early movements of the tribes of 
Israel, does offer a few facts which call for correlation with the 
O.T. traditions : and the interpretations of these facts — especially 
in their chronological relation to the Exodus and the settlement 
in Cana'an — has its bearing upon the historical period covered by 
the Book of Judges. The facts in question have been mentioned 
as they occur. It may be convenient here to tabulate them : — 

Ja'cob-el, the name of a Hyksos chieftain, before B.C. 1580 (cf. 
p. lxvi). 

Israelites and Philistines possesses a real historical interest. 'Othniel and the five 
minor Judges, Tola', Ja'ir, Ibsan, Elon, and'Abdon, are undoubtedly not individuals 
but personified clans. Shamgar, the son of ' Anath, is proved to be an historical 
name by the allusion in ch. 5 6 ; though, since this bare allusion is probably all that 
the author of the late insertion in 3 31 had to go upon, it is at least as likely that he 
was a foreign oppressor as a deliverer (cf. p. 113). Comparison of the contempor- 
ary Song of Deborah with the parallel prose-narrative in ch. 4 affords incontrovertible 
evidence of the large amount of genuine history which may be found in the old 
prose-sources (cf. p. 82), even though (as we must probably assume) they were 
handed down orally for many generations before being committed to writing; and 
it is a fair inference that other old narratives which contain intrinsic evidence of 
their appropriateness to the circumstances of the period (e.g. the J narrative of 
Gide'on, and the stories of Abimelech and Micah) are no less historical. The only 
narrative which appears not to possess any historical value is the story of the outrage 
at Gibe'ah and the ensuing vengeance taken by Israel on the tribe of Benjamin ; since 
the oldest form of the story (which we assign to J) is clearly constructed in close 
imitation of earlier J narratives, and appears to offer mai'ked evidence of a special 
motive, viz. animosity to the memory of Saul. Even here, however, it would be bold 
to assert categorically (especially in view of the Shiloh-story in 21 19ff ') that no histor- 
ical elements at all have entered into the narrative 


Ja'cob-el and Joseph-el (?), place-names in Cana'an, cir. B.C. 1479 

(cf. pp. lxvii f.). 
Habiru pressing into Syria-Palestine, cir. B.C. 1375 (cf. pp. lxxiii ff.). 
Samhuna, a place-name in Cana'an, cir. B.C. 1375, possibly = 

Sime'on (cf . p. lxxv, footnote). 
The name Asher occurs in western Galilee, cir. B.C. 1313 (cf. 

p. lxxxix). 
Mineptah defeats a people called Israel in Cana'an, cir. B.C. 1223 

(cf. p. xcii). 

The question of prime importance to us here is the terminus a quo 
which we are to assign to the period of the Judges. This depends 
upon the date at which the Exodus is placed ; and on this point, 
fortunately, we possess reliable information. Ex. I 11 J states that 
the Israelites, under the system of forced labour imposed upon 
them, 'built for Pharaoh store-cities, Pithom and Ra'amses'; and 
Naville has proved that the site of Pithom (called in Egyptian 
P-etom, i.e. 'the abode of Etom,' a form of the Sun-god) was the 
modern Tell el-Mashuta, in the east of the Wady Tumllat, near the 
ancient frontier of Egypt, and that the founder of the city was 
R-a'messe II.* Thus, granted the historical truth of the Israelite 
tradition (and in such a matter there is no reason to suspect it), it 
follows that Ra'messe II. (cir. B.C. 1292-1225) was the Pharaoh of 
the oppression, and his successor Mineptah (cir. B.C. 1225-1215), 
probably the Pharaoh of the Exodus. J 

If this is so, however, we observe at once that the external 
allusions above noted, which seem to refer to the presence of 
Israelite tribes in Cana'an, are all prior to the Exodus ; and that 
at any rate the last two appear to postulate the existence there of 
Israelite elements which must have been distinct from those that 
made their escape from Egypt under Mineptah. Asher is occupy- 
ing in the reigns of Sety I. and Ra'messe II. the precise position in 
Galilee which, according to later Biblical tradition, was allotted to 
him after the settlement in Cana'an effected through the conquests 
of Joshua 4 ; and a people named Israel forms a tribal element in 
Cana'an (as is implied by its mention in the midst of Cana'anite 

* Cf. Naville, The Store Qity of Pithom and the Route of the Exodus (ed. 1, 1885 ; 
ed. 4, 1903) ; W. M. Miiller in EB. 3782 ff. ; Sayce in DB. iii. pp. 886 f. ; M c Neile, 
Exodus [Westm. Comm.), p. xciii ; Driver, Exodus (Camb. Bib.), pp. xxx, 4. 

X So at least we infer from Ex. 2 23 ,4 19 J, which indicate that, in the view of the 
narrator, the Pharaoh of the Exodus was the next after the great oppressor. Ob- 
viously, however, we cannot postulate the same degree of accuracy for this conclusion 
as for the statement of Ex. 1 u . Mineptah's reign was not very long (about ten years) ; 
and supposing that the Exodus took place not under him but in the period of weak- 
ness and anarchy which immediately followed his reign, we cannot be sure that the 
J writer would have known of this, or, knowing it, would have thought it necessary 
to make the point clear. In any case, however, it is obvious from the Hebrew narra- 
tive that the Exodus followed at no long interval after the death of the Pharaoh of 
the oppression. 


place-names *) at a date nearly coincident with (or rather earlier 
than) the Biblical Exodus. 

The conclusion that the historical Exodus from Egypt did not 
include the whole of the tribes which were subsequently known 
as ' Israel ' is not, however, to be drawn from these external refer- 
ences merely, but is inherent in the earliest traditions of the 
O.T. itself, if they be read between the lines. It is clear that 
the conception of Israel as a unity of twelve tribes, effecting the 
conquest of Cana'an in a body under the leadership of Joshua', can 
only have arisen long after these twelve tribes had been welded 
into a political whole under the monarchy. Indeed, we can trace, 
in the different strata of the Biblical narrative, the growth and 
hardening of this conception. 

The oldest account of Israel's settlement in Cana'an, as we have 
it in Judg. 1 1 -2 5 from the narrative of J, representing as it does 
Israel's occupation as very gradual and partial, effected largely by 
the individual efforts of each of the tribes rather than by a great 
united movement, differs widely from the impression produced by 
R D in Josh., according to which the whole of Cana'an, except the 
maritime plain and the Lebanon district (cf. Josh. 13 1 " 6 ), was con- 
quered by the combined tribes under the leadership of Joshua' • and 
the impression produced by the theory of R D has been heightened 
and stereotyped in the document which forms the main part of 
Josh. 13 15 -21 42 , in which a post-exilic priestly writer (P) represents 
the detailed allocation of the whole of Cana'an among the tribes as 
the work of Joshua' subsequent to the conquest (cf. pp. 1 f.). In 
choosing between these differing conceptions of the conquest of 
Cana'an, we cannot hesitate for an instant in selecting the presenta- 
tion of J as nearer to the truth, and in explaining that of R D and 
P as coloured by the circumstances of later times. It is true that 
even J, as we have the historian's work in Judg. 1 (cf. the original 
form of the narrative as reconstructed in Addit. note, p. 47), seems 
to represent the tribes as assembled at Gilgal (2 l ) or at Jericho 
(1 16 ), and as starting their individual efforts from this point largely 
under the direction of Joshua' (cf. ch. 1 3 , note) ; but that this con- 
ception sits very lightly upon the narrative is clear. Careful 
examination of the movements of separate tribes in the light of 
all available Biblical information proves e.g. that Judah must have 
conquered his inheritance, not by moving southward from Jericho, 
but by moving northward from Kadesh-Barnea' into the Negeb, and 
subsequently into the district of Hebron (cf. Addit. note, p. 44) — 
therefore independently of Joshua'. The settlement of half- 
Manasseh east of Jordan, in northern Gile'ad, which the later 

* In view of the grouping in which the reference to Israel occurs, the alternative 
explanation which suggests itself — viz. that we may have here Mineptah's version of 
the Exodus, the disappearance of Israel in the waterless desert being, from the 
Egyptian point of view, regarded as equivalent to their extinction— may be dismissed 
as out of the question. 


sources in the Biblical narrative assume to have been decided 
upon by Moses and confirmed by Joshua' (cf. Deut. 3 13 , Num. 
32 ;;;; R p ,* Josh. 13 29 ' 81 P), is shown by the J narrative of the settle- 
ment (if Josh. 17 14 ' 18 as slightly modified, and, in sequence, Num. 
32KUL42 j osn> 1 3 13 ? are rightly assigned to it: cf. pp. 49 ff.) to 
have been really an overflow-movement from the west of Jordan 
owing to want of room in the latter district; and though the J 
narrator himself assumes that the movement was made at the 
advice of Joshua', the reference to the Machir-clan of Manasseh 
in Judg. 5 14 as still west-Jordanic in the time of Deborah leads 
us to infer that it did not take place until some time after Joshua"s 
death (cf. note on 'Machir,' pp. 134 f.). 

Concluding, therefore, as we seem bound to do, that the repre- 
sentation of Joshua 1 as the head of a united body of twelve tribes, 
their leader in the conquest of the main part of Cana'an, and the 
subsequent arbiter as to the precise extent of their heritages, is a 
comparatively late conception, finding little or no support in the 
earliest information which we possess, the way is prepared for the 
further inference that the tribes which he did lead across Jordan 
to the conquest of a footing in Cana'an were probably a part merely 
and not the whole of the elements which went to form united Israel 
in later times ; and, since tradition is doubtless correct in making 
him the successor of Moses in the leadership of Israel, that there- 
fore the Israelites whom Moses led out of Egypt at the Exodus 
were not the whole of Israel, as the term was subsequently under- 
stood ; but that certain elements which eventually formed part of 
the nation must have gained their heritages in Cana'an by other 
means and at other periods. 

This inference, which, as we have seen, is pressed upon us by the 
extra-Biblical evidence which seems to postulate the existence of 
Israelite tribes already settled in Cana'an at the period when the 
tribes eventually delivered from bondage by Moses must have 
been still in Egypt, is further borne out by the evidence of the 
O.T. The tribe Asher, which appears from Egyptian evidence to 
have been settled in its permanent heritage by the reign of Sety I., 
i.e. about one hundred years before the Exodus, belongs to the group 
of tribes which Israelite tradition represents as descended from the 
sons of handmaids and not full wives — a tradition which can hardly 
mean anything else than that' these tribes were regarded in later 
times as holding an inferior position in the Israelite confederacy, 
perhaps because they were not purely Israelite by race. The terms 
in which Dan — another member of the same tribal group — is men- 
tioned in the old poem called 'The Blessing of Ja'cob,' Gen. 49 16 , 
are best explained as meaning that full tribal rights in the con- 

* Num. 32, which appears to be a mixed narrative formed by combination of JE 
and P (cf. Driver, LOT* pp. 68 f. ; Gray, Numbers {ICG.), pp. 425 ff.) deals through- 
out with the negotiations of Gad and Re'uben alone. It is only in v zz that half- 
Manas. u eh is introduced— evidently by a very late hand. 


federacy, though eventually won, were not won until some little 
time at least had elapsed after the final settlement of all the tribes 
in Cana'an (cf. p. 392). Other facts which make in the same direc- 
tion are the detachment of the handmaid-tribes Gad, Dan, and 
Asher from the common interests of Israel in the time of Deborah, 
as evinced by their failure to respond to the call to arms (Judg. 
5 1T *) ; and the names of these same three tribes, which point to 
their primitive adhesion to forms of cultus other than pure Yahweh- 
worship (cf. pp. 197, 392). { In J's account of the settlement, 
Asher, Naphtali, and Dan are very far from appearing in the light 
of recent and successful invaders. The two former ' dwelt in the 
midst of the Cana'anites,' i.e. it is the Cana'anites who hold the 
predominance, both in numbers and in power § ; while the last- 
named is actually ousted from his territory and driven up into the 
hills (ch. 1 31 " 34 ).|| Gad is unmentioned. 

* Naphtali, the remaining handmaid-tribe, forms an exception — probably because, 
owing to his geographical position, his interests were directly concerned. 

X If there was a god Asher who was a form of the Moon-god (as is suggested by the 
evidence brought together on pp. 196 if.), he may also have been regarded as a par- 
ticular aspect of the God Yahweh (cf. p. 197, footnote* ; Addit. note, p. 249) by the 
Cana'anite worshippers of that Deity ; and this may explain why the symbol of his 
(assumed) consort Ashera was so often set up by the side of Yahweh's altar, and also 
the keen antipathy with which the Ashera was regarded by the exponents of the 
ethical (Mosaic) form of Yahweh-religion. For the theory of two forms of Yahweh- 
religion, one long indigenous in Cana'an and marked by naturalistic characteristics, 
the other, highly ethical in character, owing its origin to Moses (or rather to the 
revelation vouchsafed to him), and introduced into Cana'an by the Israelite tribes 
who came under Moses' influence, cf. the present writer's article in JTS. ix. (1908), 
pp. 321 ff. If Dan, however, is a title of the Sun-god (cf. p. 392), then here we can 
trace no connexion with Yahweh, however remote ; and it is open to conjecture that 
this tribe may not have embraced the worship of Yahweh until their migration to the 
north and forcible appropriation of Micah's sacra and his Yahweh -priest, whose worth 
had been proved for them by the oracle indicating the success of their undertaking. 
If the interpretation of ch. 18 5 suggested in the note ad loc. is correct, the Danite 
spies do not ask for an oracle from Yahweh in the first place, but from the Teraphim 
('Zlohim) ; and it is the latter which returns the answer as from Yahweh. As to Gad, 
the god of Fortune, in relation to Yahweh we can affirm nothing. 

§ Contrast the statement with regard to Ephraim {ch. 1 29 ), from which we learn 
that, though this tribe 'did not dispossess the Cana'anites that dwelt in Gezer,'yet 
'the Cana'anites dwelt in the midst of Ephraim,' and not vice-versa. 

|| Steuernagel (Die Einwanderung der israelitischen Stamme in Kanaan, pp. 28 f.) 
has suggested with some plausibility that, since Naphtali and Dan were originally one 
tribe (Bilhah), and Dan at first dwelt south-west of Ephraim, Naphtali's earliest 
home was probably in the same neighbourhood, and he, like Dan, eventually had to 
seek a new home further north. Thus, in the statement of Judg. 1 33 that 'Naphtali 
did not dispossess the inhabitants of Beth-shemesh and Beth-'anath,' the reference 
may be to the southern Beth-shemesh ('Am-gems). The mention of these two cities 
in the north in Josh. 19 38 P is then a later assumption based on the fact that 
Naphtali later on occupied a northern position. This view gains some support from 
the blessing of Naphtali in Deut. 33 23 — 'Possess thou the Sea and the South' 
(i"l£"V Dill) W)- Here Naphtali (according to Steuernagel) appears, like Dan, to 


Not merely the four handmaid-tribes, however, but probably also 
some of the tribes which were reckoned as full members of the 
Israelite confederacy, may be conjectured to have taken no part in 
the historical Exodus. The northern tribe Zebulun stands in J's 
narrative (ch. 1 30 ) on much the same footing as the handmaid-tribes 
Asher, Naphtali, and Dan ; i.e. so far as the information offered us 
is concerned, he is there in Cana'an maintaining a precarious footing 
among the Cana'anites, and nothing is told us as to how he came to 
he there. Another northern tribe, Issachar, is unmcntioned in the 
document as we know it; and the same is true of the trans- Jordanic 
Re'uben. In fact, the only tribes of which the J writer records 
conquests fall into two groups : (1) Judah and Sime'on, and (2) the 
house of Joseph. We have found reason to believe that the con- 
quests of the first group took place not under Joshua' from the east 
of Jordan, but by a northward move from Kadesh-Barnea\ The 
house of Joseph, on the other hand, is explicitly connected with 
Joshua 6 in the part of the narrative which now stands in Josh. 
15 14 - 18 ; and there are indications which suggest that the southern 
campaign as described by JE in Josh. — viz. the conquest of Jericho, 
1 Ai, and Bethel, and the defeat of the Amorite league at the descent 
of Beth-boron — was really carried out by these Joseph-tribes under 
Joshua''s leadership, and not by united Israel (cf. 1 22 notes). 

It is clear that the tradition which connects the Joseph-tribes 
with Egypt is primitive and authentic. Whether they were the 
only tribes which suffered under Egyptian bondage and were 
delivered by Moses is a further question. We find in early times 
certain Israelite or related clans dwelling in the south of the Negeb 
close to the borders of Egypt. These are the north Arabian 
clans which ultimately went to form the tribe of Judah (Kenites, 
Jerahme'elites, etc. ; cf. p. 45) ; the remnant of Sime'on which, 
after a tribal disaster in central Cana'an, appears to have sought 
a home in the extreme south, in the neighbourhood of the Judah- 
clans (cf . ch. 1 3 note) ; and probably the remnant of Levi — as we 
may conjecture from the early association of this tribe with 
Sime'on in the raid on Shcchem with its disastrous results, and 
from its subsequent association chiefly with the tribe of Judah 
(cf. Addit. note, pp. 436 ff.). Whether any of these Israelite clans 
crossed the frontier into Egypt we cannot say for certain ; but 
considering the comparatively hard conditions of existence in the 
region south of the Negeb, and the readiness with which permission 

be hard-pressed by foes, and the wish is expressed for him that lie may exert his 
power and conquer the Philistine maritime plain (yam) and the darfrm, i.e. the Sheph- 
elah, which is so designated in late Jewish usage (cf. Neubauer, Giographie du 
Talmud, pp. 62 f. ; Buhl., Geogr. p. 85, and references to Daroma in OS., where we 
find cities such as Eleutheropolis, 'Anab, Eshtemoa', and Siklag assigned to the 
region). On the ordinary assumption that Naphtali is here pictured as occupying his 
final northern position, 'sea' is explained as the sea of Galilee ; but no commentator 
has succeeded in offering a plausible explanation of dardm. 


to pass into the region of Goshen (the Wady Tumilat) was granted 
by Egyptian kings of the Empire-period to similar tribes when 
impelled by stress of famine,* it is highly probable that they may 
have crossed and recrossed on more than one occasion — as often in 
fact as the pinch of hunger compelled them to seek a more fertile 
pasture-land, or the return of favourable seasons lured them back 
to the nomadic life to which they were accustomed. Evidence that 
Sime'on was in Egypt at the period of the oppression may per- 
haps be found in the Joseph-story, according to which Sime'on 
is the brother selected to be bound and retained as a hostage 
(Gen. 42 24 - 36 E). That Levi, at least in part, was also there, seems 
to follow with the acceptance of the traditional view of the identity 
of the earlier secular tribe with the later priestly body (the view 
maintained in Addit. note, p. 436), since Moses was a Levite, and 
the Egyptian names borne by him and by Phinehas offer valid 
evidence both for the historical existence of the bearers and for 
their Egyptian connexions (cf. ch. 20 - s note, and footnote). Tradition 
is clear that some of the elements which subsequently went to 
form the tribe of Judah (e.g. the Kenites) were not in Egypt but 
in the wilderness (Midian) ; though it is conceivable that other 
elements of the tribe may have taken part in the Exodus. In any 
case there is good reason to believe that the Joseph- and Judah- 
groups were associated at Kadesh-Barnea' for a considerable period, 
and together came under the influence and teaching of Moses 
(cf. Addit. note, pp. 439 f.). 

Another point, which for our purpose it is important to notice, 
is the fact that the O.T. traditions represent the migration of 
Israel's ancestors from their early home in the east westward into 
Cana'an, not as a single movement completed in a short space of 
time, but as a series of movements extending over a very con- 
siderable period. Assuming (as we are bound to do) that these 
early traditions deal in the main with the movements of tribes 
under the guise of individuals,! the earliest of these tribal move- 

Cf. the inscriptions mentioned on p. 439, footnote *. 
^ The explanation of individuals as personified tribes, and of their doings as tribal 
movements, which is in fact forced upon us in regard to much that is related in the 
patriarchal narratives (cf., as typical instances, the accounts of Abraham's descend- 
ants by his second wife, Keturah, Gen. 25 lff -, and of the relations of Ja'cob's 'sons' 
with Shechem, Gen. 34), must of course not be pressed to account for every detail in 
the stories ; since some elements may possibly be due to the admixture of remi- 
niscences as to actual individuals (tribal leaders, etc.), and a good deal in the setting 
of the stories (especially of those which are most picturesque and lifelike) undoubtedly 
belongs to the art of the story-teller. The literature which deals with this subject 
is endless. It is sufficient here to refer to the Introduction to Skinner's Genesis (ICC), 
pp. iii-xxxii, and to Kittel, GVI. 2 i. pp. 386-455, as offering markedly sane and 
judicious estimates of the character of the Genesis-narratives. Guthe (Gesch. des 
Volkes Isr. pp. 1-6) lays down canons for the interpretation of the narratives in their 
historical reference to tribal movements which are helpful so long as the qualifications 
above suggested are borne in mind. 


ments is represented by the journey of Abraham (Abram) and his 
nephew Lot from Harran into southern Cana'an— a movement 
which tradition regarded as responsible for the formation of the 
different divisions of the ' Hebrew ' race, Ja'cob, Edom, Moab, and 
'Amnion, not to mention various Arabian tribal groups to whom 
Israel acknowledged a relation more or less remote. Now the 
tradition embodied in Gen. 14 makes Abraham contemporary with 
Hammurabi (Amraphel), dating him therefore dr. B.C. 2100. The 
traces of lunar worship in early Hebrew religion centre primarily 
round the Abraham-tradition, and undoubtedly connect Abraham 
with Ur and Harran, and with the First Dynasty period (cf. the 
facts cited in Addit. note, pp. 249 ff.). Whether, therefore, we 
regard Abraham as an historical clan-chieftain or as the ideal per- 
sonification of the clan itself, there is good ground for believing in 
the historical truth of a Semitic clan-movement at this period from 
Ur to Harran, and thence to southern Cana'an (Be'er-sheba'). And 
since, as we have seen (pp. lxxxi, lxxxiii), there were Habiru in 
Babylonia as early as the time of Hammurabi and Eim-Sin, it is 
reasonable to conclude that this migration was (as the O.T. tradition 
represents it) the beginning of the Hebrew westward movement — 
itself but a part of the larger Aramaean movement which indisput- 
ably continued during a period of many centuries. 

A subsequent accession from the east seems to be represented by 
the arrival of the Aramaean tribe Eebekah, who, by union with 
Isaac, Abraham's 'son,' produces the two tribal groups, 'Esau-Edom 
and Ja'cob. These for a while dwell together in southern Cana'an, 
until the hostile pressure ©f the former compels the latter to cross 
the Jordan in the direction of his ancestral home, where, in course 
of time, he unites with fresh Aramaean elements (Ja'cob's wives). 
Ultimately the whole tribal body thus formed moves once more 
towards Cana'an, impelled as it appears by the westward pressure 
of other Aramaeans (the pursuit of Laban), with whom eventually 
a friendly treaty is formed, fixing the tribal boundary at or near 
Mispah in Gile'ad.* When this Hebrew group, thus modified by 
fresh accessions, once more enters Cana'an, it no longer bears the 
common name of Ja'cob, but is known as Israel. \ 

We may now observe that this tribal interpretation of early 
Israelite traditions — taken in broad outline as they stand, and with- 

* Cf., for the interpretation of early tradition embodied in this paragraph, 
Steuernagel, Die Einwanderung der israelitischen Stamme in Kanaan (1901), 
§§ 6 ff. Steuernagel's book is a far-seeing and suggestive examination of early 
Israelite tradition which merits careful study. 

X It is possible, as Steuernagel assumes, that the Le'ah- and Zilpah-tribes may 
have been in Cana'an earlier than the Bilhah- and Ja'cob-Rachel-tribes, and, coming 
subsequently to be regarded as ' brothers ' of the latter, were not unnaturally traced 
back to a common ' father. ' Thus, owing to priority of settlement, Le'ah comes to 
be regarded as the earlier wife, while Rachel is the more closely united and better- 
loved wife. Cf. op. cit. p. l)L 


out any shuffling or rearrangement to fit in with a preconceived 
theory — offers us a chronological solution of most of the facts 
derived from extra-Biblical evidence (pp. ciii f.) which seem to have 
a bearing upon the history of Israel's ancestors. If the Hebrew 
immigration into Cana'an represented by Abraham really took 
place as early as cir. B.C. 2100, it is natural that a tribe called 
Ja'cob, descended from Abraham, should have given its name to 
a site Ja'cob-el in southern or central Cana'an by B.C. 1479.* 
And if the Ja'cob-tribe, having again crossed the Jordan eastward, 
returned to Cana'an at a later period increased by fresh Aramaean 
accessions, this may well have been in process of happening, cir. B.C. 
1375, when, as we know from the T.A. Letters, an Aramaean people 
called Habiru were pressing into Cana'an, and gradually gaining 
a footing there upon a semi-nomadic basis (i.e. transitional between 
the nomadic and the settled stage), much as Ja'cob-Israel and his 
'sons' are represented in Gen. as doing.]: The fact that Ja'cob, in 
making his westward migration, is pressed by the Aramaean Laban 
agrees with the T.A. presentation of the Habiru-movement as of 
a part with a widespread Aramaean movement as represented by 
the SA.GAZ and the Sutuj and the seizure of the district of 
Shechem by the Habiru (cf . p. lxxiii) may well be identified with the 
events of which we have an echo in Gen. 34, 48 2L22 . Indeed, the 
latter passage can hardly be explained except upon the assumption 
that the Shechem-district, which eventually came in post-Exodus 
times to form part of the possession of the Joseph-tribes, had been 
captured at an earlier period by another section of Israel. Finally, 
the allusion to Israel as a people in Cana'an in the reign of Mineptah, 
cir. B.C. 1223, agrees with the Biblical tradition that Ja'cob on his 
second entry into Cana'an assumed the new name Israel. If it b& 
merely a coincidence that prior to the Habiru-invasion we have 
external evidence for Ja'cob in Cana'an, while subsequently to it 
we have like evidence for Israel, it is certainly a remarkable one. 

A further question upon which we have not yet touched con- 
cerns the period at which the Joseph-tribes broke off from the 
rest of Israel and migrated to Egypt. It has commonly been 

* The name Ja'cob (Ya'akob), like Isaac (Yishak), Joseph, etc., is a verbal form 
implying the elision of -'el, ' God,' as subject of the verb. Cf. the personal and place- 
name Yiphtah (Judg. 11 iff., Josh. 15 43 ) with the place-name Yiphtah'el (Josh. 
1914.27), and the place-name Yabneh (2 Chr. 26 *)?=Ydbn*' el (Josh. 15 1 ' 1 ). Other 
examples of tribal-names thus formed are YisrcCel and Yismd'el (but probably not 
Y e rahm e 'el ; cf. p. 252). Other place-names so formed are Yizr^el, Y e kabs e 'el (Neh, 
11&= If abs* el, Josh. 15 21 , 2 Sam. 23 20), Yoktfo'el (Josh. 15 38, 2 Kgs. 147), Yirp«'el 
(Josh. 18 27). On the transference of tribal names to places or districts, cf. Burch. 
ii. p. 84. The West Semitic names Yahkub-cl, Yakub-el (without expression of y, 
which is represented in the first example by h), Yakubum (hypocoristic, exactly like 
Ja'cob) occur in early Bab. documents ; though we cannot be quite sure of their 
equivalence to Ja'cob, since the syllable kub may also stand for kup, kub, kup. Cf. 
Ranke as cited by Gressmann, ZATW. xxx. (1910), p. 6. 

X Cf. Kit. G VI fi i. p. 410. 


assumed that this must have taken place during the Hyksos 
domination. This conclusion is based partty upon the assumption 
that the entry of Semitic tribes into Egypt would have been most 
likely to have occurred under the Hyksos, who were themselves in 
all probability Asiatic Semites ; partly upon the fact that the 
duration of Israel's sojourn in Egypt, as given in Ex. 12 40 P, viz. 
430 years, if reckoned backward from the probable date of the 
Exodus in the reign of Mineptah — say, from B.C. 1220, gives 
B.C. 1650 as the date of entry, which falls well within the Hyksos- 
period, whether we adopt the long or the short scheme of reckoning 
that period (cf. p. lxvi). If, however, we are correct in identifying 
the immigration of Israel and his ' sons ' into Cana'an with the 
invasion of the Habiru, dr. B.C. 1400, and if, again, it is the 
fact that the O.T. traditions preserve a substantially correct 
recollection of the order of events (as we gathered from our pre- 
ceding discussion), then it appears that Joseph did not break off 
from his brethren and go down into Egypt until after the Habiru- 
invasion, i.e. perhaps two centuries after the expulsion of the 
Hyksos by Alimosi I., the founder of the Eighteenth Dynasty. It 
is remarkable, indeed, that if the Pharaoh under whom Joseph is 
represented as rising to power was a member of the Hyksos- 
dynasty, the 'new king, who knew not Joseph' (Ex. I s ), and 
instituted an era of oppressive measures in order to check the 
increase of Israel, is found, not in Alimosi L, who expelled the 
hated Semitic invaders, but in Ra'messe II. of the Nineteenth 
Dynasty, nearly 300 years later. The Biblical estimate of 430 
years for the duration of the sojourn in Egypt belongs to the 
latest stratum of the narrative, and is clearly bound up with a 
purely artificial system of calculation (cf. p. cxvi). A different 
tradition is preserved in the (5r text of the passage, where the 
addition of the words kgu lv yfj Xavaav makes the 430 years include 
the whole patriarchal period as well as the sojourn in Egypt ; and 
since on the Biblical reckoning the former lasted 215 years, the 
latter is therefore reduced to a like period. This reckoning would 
give us B.C. 1435 as the date of the entry, i.e. during the reign of 
Amenhotp II. 

Increasing knowledge of the history of Egypt during the Empire 
proves beyond a doubt that the period of the Eighteenth Dynasty, 
from the reign of Thutmosi in. onwards, when Cana'an was a 
province of Egypt and the intercourse between the two countries 
was (as we learn from the T.A. Letters) close and constant, is in all 
respects suited to the condition of affairs which, according to the 
Genesis-tradition, brought about the entry of Israel's ancestors into 
Egypt. The Egyptian inscription noticed on p. 439 footnote, in 
which Asiatic refugees crave, and receive, admission into Egypt,* 
belongs either to the reign of Haremheb or to that of one of the 
successors of Ahnaton under whom Haremheb held the position of 

* Cf. Breasted, AR. iii. §§ 10 ff. 


general. Here the Asiatics beg the Pharaoh to grant them a home 
within the border of Egypt 'after the manner of your fathers' 
fathers since the beginning' — a statement which indicates that it 
had long been customary for the Pharaohs to grant sucli admission. 
Under Amenhotp III., when the power and luxury of the Empire 
were at their height, the development of trade between Syria and 
Egypt left its mark upon the Egyptian language through the 
introduction of a large Semitic vocabulary.* The Semitic popula- 
tion of Egypt must have been considerable, partly drawn thither 
by trade and partly as slave?, the captives of Asiatic campaigns. 
' As this host of foreigners intermarried with the natives, the large 
infusion of strange blood made itself felt in a new and composite 
type of face, if we may trust the artists of the day.' J Some of 
these Semitic foreigners rose to important positions of trust and 
authority in the state. Such were Dudu and Yanhamu, two high 
officials bearing Semitic names who are often mentioned in the 
T.A. Letters. § Indeed, the position of the latter, who was high 
commissioner over Yarimuta, a great corn-growing district, || offers 
several points of analogy to the position of Joseph as pictured in 
Gen., and he has been thought with some plausibility to be the 
historical figure round whom the story of Joseph's rise to power in 

* Cf. Breasted, Hist. Eg. p. 337. 

% Cf. Breasted, Hist. Eg. p. 339. 

§ On the name Dudu, cf. p. 291. Yanhamu may stand for DW> which is known 
as a Sabean proper name : cf. Weber in Kn. p. 1171. 

|| Yarimuta was reached by sea from Gebal, and thence the Gebalites imported the 
necessities of life, especially corn, for which, when reduced to straits, they were 
obliged to barter their sons and daughters, and the furniture of their bouses (a fact 
which reminds us of Gen. 47 18ff -): cf. references given by Weber in Kn. p. 1153. 
The view that Yarimuta lay in the Delta, and was possibly identical with the land 
of Goshen, is favoured by Niebuhr in MVAG., 1896, 4, pp. 34-36 ; W. M. Midler in 
MVAG., 1897, 3, pp. 27 f. ; Weber in Kn. p. 1153; Dhorme, RB., 1909, p. 370; 
Hall, NE. p. 346. If, however, it is the same as Yarmuti in 'the upper land' to 
which Sargon of Akkad lays claim in the inscription recently published by Poebel 
{cf. p. lv, footnote^), it can hardly have lain in the Nile-Delta, but must be sought 
upon the Syrian seaboard. Poebel suggests ' the plain of Antioch, along the lower 
course and at the mouth of the Orontes river' {op. cit. pp. 225 f.). The resemblance 
of the Biblical name mD'V Yarmuth is striking ; and so is that of the Benjaminite 

clan-name ni^T Y e rimoth or Y e remoth. The former was a Cana'anite city of 
some importance (associated with Jerusalem, Hebron, etc., in Josh. 10 3 - 5 - 23 JE), and 
situated in the Shephelah (J'osh. 15 S5 P) — a fact which would seem to exclude com- 
parison with the maritime Yarimuta, unless (as is not impossible) the name was 
extended to denote not merely the city but the southern maritime plain which after- 
wards belonged to the Philistines, and which was, and still is, an excellent corn-grow- 
ing country : cf. the description of it by Eshmun'azar, king of Sidon (quoted on p. 387, 
footnote*), which suggests that Sidon was dependent upon the district for its corn- 
supply. Whether, however, Yarimuta actually lay within the borders of Egypt or 
not, the fact that Yanhamu was constantly in Egypt and in close touch with the 
Pharaoh as a high official of the court remains undoubted : cf. the conspectus of 
\llusions to him given bv Weber in Kn. pp. 1169 ff. 



Egypt was constructed.* If, then, we may assume that the entry 
of the Joseph-tribes into Egypt took place during the nourishing 
period of the Empire, J it is likely that the change of policy under 
lia'messe II., which led him to take measures to oppress and to 
check the increase of the Hebrews, may have been dictated by the 
fact that the loss of Egypt's hold upon her Asiatic empire, which 
resulted from the weakness of Ahnaton and his successors, tended 
to make the presence of a considerable body of Semitic aliens 
upon the north-east border of Egypt a menace to the safety of 
the state.§ 

While, however, our theory places the entry of the Joseph-tribe 
into Egypt considerably later than the Hyksos-period, this does not 
forbid the view that earlier ancestors of Israel may have been in 
Egypt with the Hyksos. If Abraham represents a Hebrew migra- 
tion to Cana'an some centuries before the Hyksos-invasion of Egypt, 
and if this invasion was a southward movement of the people of 
Amurru (cf. p. lxvi), it seems not at all unlikely that some of Israel's 
ancestors, who (as tradition informs us) occupied southern Cana'an, 

* Cf. J. Marquart, Ghronologische Untersuchungen (Philologies Zeitschr. fur das 
class. AUerthum: Supplementband vii. 1899), pp. 677-680; Winckler, Abraham als 
Babylonier, Joseph als Agypter (1903), p. 31 ; Cheyne in EB. 2593 ; Jeremias, 
OTLAE. ii. pp. 72 ff. ; Weber in Kn. p. 1171. 

X Evidence does not allow of our fixing a more exact date. We naturally infer 
that it was after the invasion of Cana'an by the Habiru had begun, if tbis is rightly 
identified with the entry of the tribes of Israel into that country ; but the T. A. Letters, 
though they show us this invasion in full flow, afford no evidence as to the date at 
which it began. The theory that the people (marked as foreigners by a Determinative) 
called 'Apuriu or 'Apriu in Egyptian inscriptions were the Hebrews, which was first 
advanced by Chabas (Melanges Egyptologiques, I. Ser. , 1862, pp. 42-55; II. Ser., 
1864, pp. 108-165), accepted by Ebers (Aegypten unci die Biicher Mose's, 1868, p. 316 ; 
Durch Gosen zum Sinai 2 , 1881, pp. 505 f.), and then generally contested and rejected 
by Egyptologists, has been revived by Hommel (AHT. p. 259), and supported with 
strong arguments by Heyes (Bibel und Agypten, 1904, pp. 146-158), and is regarded as 
plausible by Skinner (Genesis (IGG. ), pp. 218 f. ). Driver, Exodus (Camb. Bib. ) pp. xli f.), 
and other Biblical scholars ; though among modern Egyptologists Maspero (MiUes, 
p. 443, w 8 ; Gontes populaires, p. 119, n. z ) and Breasted (AR. iv. § 281, n e ) definitely 
reject it, while W. M. Midler (EB. 1243) more guardedly refuses to decide either for 
or against it. The chief objection to the identification seems to be found in the 
representation of Heb. b by Eg. p ; but that this interchange, though rare, does 
actually occur is proved by Heyes (cf. op. cit. p. 148 ; his best instance is Eg. hurpu— 
Heb. hirebh, 'sword'): cf. also Burch. §50. The 'Apuriu find mention in inscrip- 
tions ranging from the reign of Thutmosi III. to that of Ba'messe IV. (cir. B.C. 1167) : 
thus, if they were really the Hebrews, the inference must be that some Hebrews 
(not necessarily Israelites) remained behind in Egypt after the Exodus. Cf. the 
discussion by Kit. (GVI.t i. p. 453, n 2 ), who concludes that, though they may have 
been Hebrews in the wider sense, they can hardly have been Israelites. The in- 
scriptions picture them as performing (like the Hebrews of Ex. 1 llff -) heavy manual 
labour in connexion with the building operations of the Pharaohs, especially the 
quarrying and transportation of stone. Driver (op. cit. ) gives a convenient conspectus 
of the passages in which they are mentioned. 

§ Cf. Spiegelberg, Der Aufenthalt Israels in Aegypten (1904), pp. 35 ff. 


mny have been implicated in it. The tradition of Gen. 12 10 - 20 J, 
which brings Abraham and his wife and followers to Egypt in time 
of famine, looks not unlike an echo of the Hyksos-period ; and the 
way in which the patriarch is represented as escorted out of the 
land may not impossibly amount to the placing of the best inter- 
pretation upon a dismissal winch may really have been an expulsion 
— possibly based on a vague recollection of the actual expulsion of 
the Hyksos by Ahmosi I. If this is so, it is not impossible that the 
Hyksos-chieftain Ja e cob-el may have been a representative of the 

Thus the only extra-Biblical allusion to Israel's ancestors for 
which, on our interpretation of the Biblical tradition, we fail to find 
an explanation is the supposed occurrence of Joseph-el as a place- 
name in Cana'an, dr. B.C. 1479 ; since, on our theory, the Joseph- 
tribe can scarcely have been in Cana'an at this date. The 
interpretation of Y-s-p-ci-ra as Joseph-el is, however, as we have 
noticed (p. lxviii), of very doubtful validity. 

The view which makes Ra'messe II. the Pharaoh of the oppres- 
sion, and Mineptah, or one of his immediate successors, the Pharaoh 
of the Exodus, though favoured by the majority of scholars, is not 
universally accepted. The fact is certainly remarkable that, if we 
take the Biblical scheme of computation as it stands, and adding 
480 years to B.C. 967 (which is fixed with approximate certainty 
for the fourth year of Solomon : cf . p. liii, footnote), in accordance 
with the statement of 1 Kgs. 6 1 R p , obtain B.C. 1447 (in the reign 
of Amenhotp II.) as the date of the Exodus; then add 430 years 
for Israel's residence in Egypt (cf. Ex. 12 40 P), and obtain B.C. 
1877 (in the Hyksos-period according to Petrie's longer scheme of 
chronology, though earlier according to Breasted and Hall) for the 
entry into Egypt; then add 215 years for the Patriarchal period 
(according to Gen. 12 4b , 21 5 , 25 2(5b , 47 9a , all P*), and obtain B.C. 
2092 for Abraham's departure from Harran ; this last date falls 
within the reign of Hammurabi (dr. B.C. 2123-2081) in accordance 
with the tradition of Gen. 14. Thus Hommel % adopts the reign 
of Amenhotp II. for the Exodus. 

It should not, however, escape our notice that the one fact which 
makes this computation remarkable is the approximate correctness 
of the exterior dates, viz. that 1125 years appear accurately to 
represent the period from a date in Hammurabi's reign to a date 
in Solomon's reign. This is probably not the result of accident, 
but may well be due to the fact that a Jewish chronologist living 
in Babylon during the exile may easily have obtained from Baby- 

* According to this scheme Abraham is seventy-five on his departure from Harran, 
and one hundred at the birth of Isaac ; Isaac is sixty at the birth of Ja'cob, and 
Ja'cob is one hundred and thirty when he enters Egypt with his sons. 

X ST. x.(1899), pp. 210 ff. Hommel assigns in each case a date nine years later 
than those given above. Orr, Problem of the Old Testament (190S), pp. 422-424, 
adopts the conclusions of Hommel. 


Ionian sources the figure which represented the period from 
Hammurabi to his own day.* This, however, argues nothing for 
the correctness of the sectional periods within the external limits. 
The back-reckoning to Solomon is of course based upon the 
(approximately correct) chronology of Kgs. ; but the Babylonians 
could supply no information as to the date of the Exodus, or of 
Israel's entry into Egypt, or of the lives of the patriarchs. As we 
have seen (§ 5) in discussing the period assigned in 1 Kgs. 6 1 for 
the Exodus to the fourth year of Solomon, 480 years is a purely 
artificial computation, based on the theory of twelve generations of 
forty years each, and worked out within the period by the use of 
suspiciously recurrent periods of forty years. If, however, we cannot 
find even an approximately historical basis for the Biblical chrono- 
logy of this period, why should we pin our faith to the correctness 
of the earlier periods given for Israel's sojourn in Egypt (based, 
apparently, on the assumption of four generations of one hundred 
years each !|), and for the lives of the patriarchs? The reign of 
Amenhotp II., when Egypt's hold upon her Asiatic empire was at 
its strongest immediately after the victorious reign of Thutmosi in., 
may well be thought to be the least probable period for the Exodus 
and settlement in Cana'an by force of arms. 

Another view as to the date of the Exodus is represented by 
Hall (NJE., pp. 403 ft'.), who attempts to revive the theory of 
Josephus (C. Ap. I. 14) by connecting the Exodus with the expul- 
sion of the Hyksos ; and further supposes that the aggressions of 
the Habiru, as we read of them in the T.A. Letters, are identical 
with the invasion of Cana'an by the Israelites under the leadership 
of Joshua 1 . This theory is obliged to do great violence to the 
Biblical tradition ; for not only are the circumstances of Ahmosi's 
expulsion of the Hyksos widely different from the Biblical account 
of the Exodus, but, in order to dispose of the inference (based on 
Ex. 1 n ) that Ra'messe n. was the Pharaoh of the oppression, the 
names Pithom and Ra'amses have to be explained as ' the interpreta- 
tions of a scribe who knew their names as those of Egyptian cities 
which existed in his time in and near the land of Goshen ' (p. 405), 
and, to bridge the interval between Ahmosi I. and Amenhotp ill., 
the ' forty ' years in the wilderness (probably intended to represent 
the length of a generation §) have to be expanded to nearly two 
hundred years (p. 408), and thus the possibility of a real historical 
connexion between Joshua' and Moses is necessarily excluded. 
On the identification of Joshua"s conquests with the Habiru- 
invasion we cannot, as Hall confesses (p. 410), identify any of the 
persons mentioned in the one source with those who are mentioned 

* The care and accuracy with which the Babylonians preserved their chronological 
data, even back to the earliest period of their history, are familiar facts. Cf. Rogers, 
HBA* i. pp. 470 ff. 

X Cf. Driver, Exodus (Camb. Bib.), p. xlv, and notes on 6 27 , 12 40 . 

§ Cf Num. 112G-35 jep, 32 13 P, Deut. 2", and the remarks on p. liv, 


in the other.* The question whether the character of the Habiru- 
aggressions closely resembles the Biblical narrative of Israel's doings 
as depicted in Josh, must be largely a matter of individual opinion. 
In the view of the present writer the position of Habiru and 
SA.GAZ in Cana'an is more nearly analogous to that of the floating, 
semi-nomadic population which has at all times formed a feature 
of Palestine — a population living at peace with the settled inhabi- 
tants of cities and villages when the country is under a strong 
government, though even then ever ready to seize the opportunity 
for blackmail and petty aggression ; but a really dangerous element 
when affairs are unsettled and the government is weak or non- 
existent, and without scruple as regards selling their services for 
warfare and intrigue to the highest bidder. Such a relation 
towards the Cana'anites — normally peaceful, but sometimes aggres- 

* Orr (The Problem of the Old Testament, pp. 423 f.) likewise holds that the invasion 
of the Habiru ' synchronises very closely with the conquest of Cana'an by the 
Israelites,' and finds in this c a coincidence of much importance.' It is curious 
that this writer, whose book is a defence of the historical character of the O.T. 
against the attacks of criticism (cf. especially ch. iii.), and who rightly (in the 
opinion of the present writer) objects to the sweeping statement of Kuenen that 'the 
description of the Exodus from Egypt, the wandering in the desert, and partition of 
Canaan ... to put it in a word, are utterly unhistoricaV (cf. p. 57), should fail to 
observe that the identification of the Habiru-invasion with that of Israel at once cuts 
at the roots of the historical character of the old narratives in Josh. Comparison 
of the names of Cana'anite kings in Josh, and the T.A. Letters, where we have infor- 
mation from both sources, yields the following result : — 

Book of Josh. T.A. Letters. 

Jerusalem Adoni-sedek (10 3 ) ARAD-Hiba (Kn. 285 ff.). 

Lachish Yaphia' (10*) H^f^S' 

* V IZimrida (Kn. 329). 

Gezer Horam (10") Yapahi (Kn. 297 ff.). 

Hasor Yabin (IP) Abdi-Tirgi (Kn. 228). 

Here, since the T.A. names, as derived from actual contemporary letters, must 
necessarily be correct, the Biblical names, if referred to identically the same period, 
are ipso facto declared to be false ; and if this is the fact with every name which can 
be tested, what ground have we left for holding that any names, or indeed any facts, 
mentioned in the Biblical account of the conquest of Cana'an are of the slightest 
historical value? The only supposed historical gain arising from identification of 
the Habiru-invasion with the conquests of Joshua', is that it fits in well enough with 
the late Biblical scheme of chronology which we have already discussed (p. cxv) ; yet, 
while we can attach a real historical value to an ancient narrative in which the main 
outline (i.e. as concerns names, scenes, and actions) appears to be approximately 
true to fact, even though chronological data are lacking (as in J and E upon the view 
which we maintain), it is difficiilt to see what importance can be attached to the 
maintenance of a chronological scheme which (on the test of external evidence) at 
once wrecks the historical character of the narratives to which it is applied. To do 
Dr. Orr justice, it is probable that he did not realize the further implications of his 
argument as they are here pointed out ; yet, if this is so, what is the value of an 
argument which, basing itself upon the supposed identity between two sets of cir- 
cumstances as pictured in Biblical and extra-Biblical sources, neglects so obvious a 
precaution as the comparison of the names of some of the principal actors? 


sive — appears more nearly to correspond to the position of Israel 
in Caiman in patriarchal times (cf. for the aggressive side, Gen. 34), 
than to the invasion of the Joseph-tribes under Joshua' which, 
when we have made all allowance for the exaggerations of R D , was 
still a definitely organized campaign of conquest. In any case, 
since, as we have seen (cf. pp. lxxv ff.), it is impossible to separate the 
Habiru from the SA.G-AZ, or to deny that the former were, at 
least to a large extent, identical with the latter, the Habiru- 
invasion must have extended over a far wider (more northerly) area 
than did Israel's career of conquest even as interpreted by the 
later editors of the old narratives in Josh. 

The outstanding advantage which seems to accrue from Hall's 
theory of the Exodus, as also from that of Hommel, is that we 
gain a far longer period for the course of events from the Exodus 
to the fourth year of Solomon, for which, as we have seen, the late 
author of 1 Kgs. 6 1 assigns 480 years, but which, if we place the 
Exodus under Mineptah, cannot really have covered much more 
than 250 years (cf. p. liii). Considering, however, the facts 
noticed on pp. liii f., no valid reason can be advanced in proof that 
a longer period than 250 years is required. On the other hand, 
supposing that we identify Joshua" 's conquest of Cana'an with the 
Habiru-invasion, we are faced by the very real difficulty that 
the Syrian campaigns of Sety I. (which dealt primarily with the 
Habiru-aggressions ; cf. p. lxxxviii), Bamesse n., Mineptah (who 
actually defeated Israel), and Ra'messe III. all fall within the period 
of the Judges ; yet, while much is told us in Judg. of the aggres- 
sions of comparatively petty antagonists, not a word is said as to 
any collision with the great power of Egypt. Such an omission, 
which, on the theory of the Exodus which we adopt, is an argument 
from silence which may be taken to favour the general authenticity 
of the narratives of Judg. (cf. p. cii), must surely be deemed very 
strange if we are to throw Israel's occupation of Cana'an under 
Joshua' back to the period of the T.A. Letters. 

§ 7. The Permanent Keligious Value of Judges. 

The religious value of any O.T. Book may be considered under 
a twofold aspect — (1) its place in the record of Eevelation, i.e. the 
historical evidence which it affords as to the evolutionary process 
through which the religion of Israel attained its full growth ; and 
(2) the extent to which its teaching is fitted to awaken a response 
in the human conscience of to-day. The value of the first aspect 
may be defined as evidential ; that of the second as spiritual. Both 
these aspects are bo be discerned in most of the O.T. writings; 
though it goes without saying that each aspect is not equally pro- 
minent in all. Without doubt the Prophetic writings exhibit the 
fullest combination of the two aspects, invaluable as they are, both 


as marking stages in the development of Israel's religion, and also 
as making a direct appeal, whether it be to the collective or to the 
individual conscience, which can never become obsolete. 

It should not, however, escape our notice that here there exists 
some amount of interaction between the two aspects. The spiritual 
value of the teaching of the Prophets has (as the outcome of modern 
critical study of the O.T. Scriptures) been greatly enhanced through 
the understanding of the circumstances of the times which called it 
forth, and of the relation which it bears to earlier thought. 

In other parts of the O.T. literature we observe the one aspect 
greatly predominating over the other. Thus, e.g. a very large 
number of the Psalms, owing to an entire absence of historical 
allusions or any similar criteria of date, are difficult to place in 
their historical, or even in their logical, position in the line of 
religious development ; yet at the same time their abiding spiritual 
worth, as evidenced by the manner in which they touch men's souls 
to-day, causing them to vibrate in spiritual sympathy, and voicing 
their highest and deepest aspirations in relation to God, is as 
great as that of any part of the O.T. Conversely, some portions 
of the historical literature — and perhaps most markedly the Book 
of Judges — are insignificant in their direct spiritual value as com- 
pared with the Prophets and the Psalms ; yet their importance for 
the understanding of the historical evolution of Israel is unique. 

Taking the O.T. as a whole, however, we notice, in part as com- 
pared with part, the same kind of interaction between the two 
aspects of religious value as we observed especially in the Prophetic 
writings when considered by themselves. The Psalm which voices 
the most inward feelings of Christian faith, invaluable as it is in 
itself, attains an enhanced value when the fact is clearly recognized 
that it is the product of a stage in a long line of religious develop- 
ment, for the tracing of which the historical books, as analysed and 
understood by modern critical methods, are of prime importance. 
For the question is at once raised how, out of beginnings exhibiting 
elements that are crude, primitive, and it may be even repulsive, 
there can have sprung to being thoughts and aspirations which, as 
the expression of all that we understand by Religion, have never 
been surpassed; and the only possible answer is found in the 
recognition of an inward Principle of Divine Inspiration, guiding 
and determining the course of Israel's religious evolution. Con- 
versely, such a record of Israel's early history as the Book of 
Judges, which, taken by itself, might (so far as its religious aspect 
is concerned) be deemed to possess a value not much deeper than 
that represented by the interests of the anthropologist or student 
of comparative mythology, becomes, in the light of that which 
O.T. Eeligion taken as a ivhole has produced {e.g. the level of faith 
and practice represented by the Prophets and Psalms), of deep, 
if not of vital, importance for the study of the antecedents of 
historical and practical Christianity. 


(1) The value of Judg. for the history of Israel's social and 
religious evolution is obvious. The Book covers a period of transi- 
tion from the unsettled and disintegrated tribal life to the more or 
less organized federation of tribes on the way to be moulded into 
a nation. The extent of the disintegration of the tribal units 
which afterwards went to form the nation can only be gathered 
from Judg., and would hardly be realized by us if we only 
possessed the records contained in the Pentateuch and Josh, in 
the form in which they have come down to us. We see the tribes 
acting to a large extent independently of their fellows, settling 
down as best they could in the midst of an alien population, which 
for the most part they seem to have been unable to subdue, 
adopting forms of religious cultus which were coloured by the 
beliefs and practices of their heathen neighbours, if not identical 
with them. When, however, a period of oppression at the hands 
of a foreign foe and of desperate misfortune supervenes, the man 
whom the crisis produces as leader and deliverer, and who at 
least in some cases (witness the Song of Deborah) succeeds in 
rousing the scattered tribes to such a measure of common action 
as foreshadows the later unity of Israel as a nation, acts in the 
name and at the instigation, not of some local Cana'anite or 
Israelite Ba'al, but of Yahweh, the warrior-God whose ancient 
seat was found, not within Cana'an, but at Mount Sinai in the 
desert-region of Se'ir, external to the land of Israel's settlement 
(cf . ch. 5 4 ). 

Here, then, are raised problems which press for solution before 
we can attain any really satisfactory grasp of the development of 
the early religion of Israel. How did Yahweh, whose earlier sphere 
of influence appears to have been conceived as extraneous to the 
land of Cana'an, come to be regarded as asserting and maintaining 
His influence over Israel, and in Israel's favour, when the tribes 
were settled in the land of their inheritance 1 ? What was there 
in Yahweh's character and claim which enabled Him at times of 
special crisis to exercise a unifying influence over the scattered and 
somewhat heterogeneous elements out of which the nation of Israel 
was eventually produced 1 How was it that, when evidence points 
to the recognition of 'gods many and lords many,' and that not 
merely among the earlier Cana'anite inhabitants, but among the 
tribes of Israel themselves, in spite of all, the worship of Yahweh, 
fostered apparently by crisis and misfortune, emerged as the 
dominant religion, and came (amid such unpromising surround- 
ings) to be of the lofty spiritual and ethical character which we 
find exemplified in the Prophetical writings of the eighth century 
B.C. and onwards 1 Biblical history, as we know it, claims to 
supply answers to these questions. A special Providence, a chosen 
people, a unique Revelation made at an early period in the history 
of the race to a leader and teacher endowed with exceptional 
qualifications for his office — these are factors which tradition 


pictures as guiding and determining the evolution ; and however 
much modern scientific study may modify our conceptions of the 
process, it will be found that, apart from the recognition of such 
factors, the history of Israel's religious development remains an 
insoluble enigma. 

(2) While, however, it is true that there is nothing in Judg. 
which makes a direct spiritual appeal to men's consciences at the 
present day at all comparable to that which is made by the teaching 
of the later Prophets, the fact must not be overlooked that the 
book is placed in the Hebrew Canon among ' the Former Prophets,' 
and occupies this position because it is history written with a 
purpose, and that purpose a religious one (cf. § 1). This religious 
purpose stands out very prominently in the main redactor's phil- 
osophy of history, according to which neglect of Yahweh's ordin- 
ances and the worship of strange gods lead to punishment, but 
true repentance is followed by a renewal of the Divine favour. 
The fact that God deals with nations in accordance with their 
regard or disregard for His moral laws offers a lesson the empha- 
sizing of which can never become superfluous, especially at such 
a crisis as that through which the world is passing at the present 
time (1918). If it be objected that the editor of Juclg. is reading 
into past history the standpoint of his own much later time, and 
drawing conclusions as to Yahweh's moral government which could 
not have been drawn by Israel in the time of the Judges, it may 
be replied, firstly, that the lesson as deduced by the editor would 
remain for the instruction of subsequent ages, fortified by the 
teaching of the later Prophets and of our Lord Himself, as well 
as by the experience of history, even if the historical data upon 
which it is based were only susceptible of such an interpretation 
in the light of more developed experience of Yahweh's moral 
dealings with His people ; but ; secondly, that it is by no means 
certain (in view of what has been said above on the personality of 
Moses and his inculcation of ethical Yahwism as of the nature of 
historical postulates in the evolution of Israel's religion) that at any 
rate some part of Israel (e.g. those, such as the Joseph-tribes, who 
had incontestably come under the influence of Moses) were uncon- 
scious that, in rejecting Yahweh and following the Ba'als and the 
Ashtarts, they were lapsing from a higher form of religion to a 
lower, and infringing the covenant into which Israel had entered 
with Yahweh as the outcome of the signal deliverance from Egypt, 
and the events which immediately followed it. It should be 
noticed that the doctrine of sin, chastisement, repentance, and 
salvation is not confined to the main redactor's pragmatic setting, 
but is worked out and emphasized by the lessons of past history in 
portions of the book which belong to the later school of E — ch. 6 7 - 10 , 
10 6 " 16 , and in parts of 1 Sam. which seem to emanate from the 
same hand, and doubtless originally belonged to the same con- 
nected work— 1 Sam. 7 2 " 14 , 8 7 - 8 , 10 18 - 19a , 12 1 " 25 . These passages, 


as we have already noticed (§ 4), are closely connected in thought 
with the formula? of R E2 , and seem to have supplied their model. 

If we go back to the most ancient parts of the narrative, we find 
the utmost emphasis laid upon the fact that the Judges act in the 
Divine strength which inspires and supports them, enabling them 
to gain the victory against odds which, from the human point of 
view, might seem to be insuperable. It is Yahweh who com- 
missions them either by a prophetic message (4 6 ) or by a Self- 
manifestation (6 llff -, 13 3ff -), who promises His presence and 
support (6 1416 ), and vouchsafes special signs in confirmation of 
His promise (6 17ff - 36ff - 5 13 19ff -). His Spirit 'comes upon' them 
(ll 29 ; cf. 3 10 R E2 ), or 'clothes itself in' them (6 34 ), or 'rushes 
upon' them (14 6 - 19 , 15 u ), or strengthens them in answer to prayer 
(15 18 - 19 , 16 28ff -). He goes forth before His host in the visible 
manifestations of nature (5 4 - 5 ; cf. 4 14 ), discomfits (4 15 ) and gives 
into their hands their foes (3 28 , 6 9 - 15 , 8 3 - 7 , 11 30 , 12 3 ; with 'before 
me ' in place of ' into my hand,' 11 9 ), and gives them victory (15 18 ). 

It is this fact that the achievements of the Judges were wrought 
in reliance upon the Divine guidance and power which impresses 
the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and enables him to regard 
them as the heroes of Faith: — 'the time will fail me if I tell of 
Gide'on, Barak, Samson, Jephthah ; . . . who through faith sub- 
dued kingdoms, . . . from weakness were made strong, waxed 
mighty in war, turned to flight armies of aliens' (Heb. II 32 " 34 ). 
Without inquiring too closely into the ethical character of this 
' faith ' as viewed from the Christian standpoint, it is sufficient for 
us to reflect that it fulfilled, in relation to the age which produced 
it, the function which is fulfilled by the quality as we understand 
it at the present in the full light of Revelation ; and thus we are 
still able to number these ancient heroes among the ' great cloud of 
witnesses ' whose example and inspiration may help us to ' run with 
patience the race that is set before us.' 

§ 8. Hebrew Text and Ancient Versions. 

Hebrew Text. If we except the Song of Deborah, the Heb. Text 
(5^) of Judg. may be said to be well preserved, being comparable 
in this respect with the narrative-portions of Josh, and Kgs., 
and superior to Sam. Such corruptions as occur are due to the 
ordinary causes which have affected the Heb. Text of the O.T. as 
a whole, and a rough classification of them may be not without 
value for the purposes of textual criticism ; though the fact must 
be borne in mind that, from the nature of the subject, anything 
like an exhaustive and well-defined classification is out of the 
question. Reference is made throughout to the pages of the 
Commentary where the points in question are discussed. 


1. Alteration. 

Confusion of letters: — 3 for 3j, pp. 122, 136; 3 for D, p. 114; 
1 for 3* pp. 123, 149, 486 ; 1 for D, p. 231 ; n for 1* pp. 39, 119, 
225, 428, 434; n for •»*, pp. 212, 383, 461; n for Vj, pp. 479, 
485 ; n for P, p. 366 ; 1 for 3* p. 157 ; 1 for D, p. 62 ; D for »J, 
p. 112: " for 1J, pp. 122, 123, 131, 186, 273; 3 for l* p. 388, 

483; h for J, p. 156; f> for », p. 122; !> for n, p. 226; » for X, 
p. 364 ; » for 3, p. 390 ; » for f>, p. 123 ; J for 1, p. 419 ; 3 for !>*, 
p. 328 ; J for n, p. 115 ; D for Dj, p. 232 ; D for "i, p. 365 ; y for B>, 
p. 233; Q for a*, p. 112; V for 3, p. 212 : X for 3 (or y for }1|), 
p. 435; V for yj, p. 282 (cf. p. 207); ¥ for 5, p. 366; * for p, 
p. 128; 1 for n,*, pp. 33, 219, 365 (cf. pp. 65, 122) ; 1 for p, p. 217 ; 
n for k* p. 281 (cf. p. 325) ; n for $>, p. 319. 

Here the examples marked * are most likely to have arisen in 
the ancient script, and those marked J in the square script. Many 
examples, however, can hardly be explained as due to similarity, 
and may have arisen from such an accident as the obliteration or 
illegibility of a letter, combined with the influence of the context 
in determining what the original word in which it occurs may have 
been. Such a case is no doubt to be seen in the substitution of 
1 for original D in Tnnn for D'Hnn, ch. 8 12 . 

Transposition of letters :— pp. 33, 119, 120, 128, 129, 133, 225, 312, 
326, 491 (cf. p. 208). 

Transposition of clauses :— pp. 102, 120, 124, 210, 387, 417. 

Confusion of similar words and forms: — pp. 65, 74, 119, 129, 132, 
227, 228, 277, 279, 280, 323, 361, 429, 459, 463, 471, 474, 478, 
479, 480, 484, 485. 

Substitution through propinquity : — pp. 1 37 (13B>B* for ^riS3), 369 

(niop3 for nnea), 376 (nWn for dim), 474 (^3^ for D3^). 

Wrong division (a) of words ;— pp. 119 f., 136, 150, 230, 474, 484; 
(b) of sentences : — p. 130. 

Error due to the use of abbreviation in uniting : — pp. 119 f., 123 f., 
129, 149, 150, 307, 466. 

Error in vocalization :— pp. 90, 93, 114, 120, 130, 147, 152 f., 188, 
230, 278, 287, 316, 317, 326, 334, 372, 488, 492, 493. 

Grammatical solecisms: — Masc. for Fem., pp. 93, 321, 493 (cf. 
p. 129); Fem. for Masc, p. 383 bis, 463; Sing, for Plur., pp. 226, 
229, 463, 474, 492; Plur. for Sing., pp. 61, 68, 285, 287, 310, 347, 
348, 480, 483; False Tense, pp. 73, 214, 383, 483. 

Intentional perversion : — pp. 5, 58, 64, 65 f., 228, 434, 461 (cf. 
p. 32). 

2. Insertion. 

Dittography (a) of words .-—pp. 61, 225, 475, 482 (cf. p. 68); (b) of 
letters:— pp. 90, 114, 316, 470, 482 (cf. p. 35). 

Doublets:— pp. 57, 130, 139, 232, 327, 350, 351 f., 415, 423 f., 
474, 4S5. 


Other marginal notes inserted in the text: — pp. 113, 350, 382. 415, 
428 (cf. p. 484). 

Insertions explicative of an already corrupt text: — pp. 148, 151, 327, 
366, 470. 

Unclassified .-—pp. 142, 152, 273. 
3. Omission. 

Homoeoteleuton : — pp. 380, 470. 

Haplography of letters : — pp. 282, 472. 

Unclassified omissions (a) of single words or parts of words : — pp. 1 7, 
205, 319, 326, 369, 427 f., 473 ; (b) of sentences or parts of sentences: — 
pp. 22, 38, 140, 209, 490. 

The Septuagint. The fact has long been remarked that in the 
(5r version of Judg. the uncial MSS. A and B exhibit a divergency 
which is without parallel in any other part of the O.T., and which 
raises the question whether they should not be ranked as two 
distinct translations from the Hebrew. The learned Septuagint 
scholar J. E. Grabe, writing in 1705 to Dr. John Mill, Principal of 
St. Edmund Hall, Oxford, deals with the subject of this divergency, 
remarking ' Omnibus mediocriter tantum Graecae linguae peritis 
primo intuitu patet Vaticano et Alexandrino codice duas diversas 
dicti libri versiones, vel saltern duas editiones saepissime ac multum 
inter se discrepantes continent This Epistola ad Millium, which 
runs to 56 quarto pages, aims at establishing the fact that Cod. A 
represents the genuine Or text; while Cod. B offers the recension 
of Hesychius, which, as we know from the often-quoted statement 
of Jerome, was current in Egypt at the time when he wrote. 
Whatever view be taken as to Grabe's conclusions, the fact can 
hardly be disputed that he raised a very genuine problem when he 
emphasized the divergency of A and B in Judg. — a problem which 
calls for serious consideration before €r can satisfactorily be em- 
ployed for the elucidation of the text of the book. 

The divergency between the two (5x versions of Judg. was most 
thoroughly exemplified by P. de Lagarde in his Septuaginta Studien, 
Erster Theil, 1891, in which he printed the two texts of chs. 1-5 on 
opposite pages, thus exhibiting their variation in as striking a 
manner as possible. Lagarde did not rest content with reproducing 
merely the texts of the two uncials A and B. Together with A he 
grouped the A.ldine and Complutensian editions, the five cursive 
MSS. which appear in the notation of HP. as 108, 19, 54, 118, and 
29, and the Armenian (Arm.), Old Latin (U), and Syro-hexaplaric 
(S h ) versions. With B he associated the text of the Sixtine edition, 
the Codex Musei Britannici Add. 20,002, the Catena Nicephori, and 
the short extant fragments of the Sahidic and Bohairic versions. 
Lagarde printed the texts of A and B in exlenso, and recorded in 
footnotes the variants which are found in his other authorities for 
each respective version of the (Si text. 

Professor Moore, in the course of his studies in preparation for his 
Commentary on Judg., had reached independently the same con- 


elusions as Lagarde in a paper read before the Society of Biblical 
Literature in May 1890; and when his Commentary appeared in 
1895 he offered an enriched conspectus of the MS. and other 
authorities which represent each version respectively. His sum- 
mary conclusion as to the (3r versions is as follows : — 'I say versions; 
for Lagarde has demonstrated in the most conclusive way, by 
printing them face to face through five chapters, that we have two 
Greek translations of Judges. It would probably be going too 
far to say that they are independent ; the author of the younger 
of them may have known and used the older ; but it is certain that 
his work is not a recension or revision of his predecessor's, but 
a new translation.'* 

The editors of the Larger Edition of the Cambridge Septuagint, 
Messrs. Brooke and M c Lean, have decided that it would be impos- 
sible to present the textual evidence for the (& text of Judg. clearly 
if the text of B alone were taken as a standard, the readings of 
MSS. which contain the A recension being treated as variants. 
They are therefore proposing to follow the plan inaugurated by 
Lagarde, and to print the text of A and B on opposite pages. % 
Pending the preparation of this edition, they have published 
(1897) a trustworthy edition of the text of A in Judg. which 
forms the most available source for purposes of collation. The 
primd facie conclusion of these scholars as to the relationship of 
the two versions is as follows: — 'No final verdict can as yet be 
pronounced, but a preliminary investigation of the earlier chapters 
leads to the surmise that the true text of the Septuagint is probably 
contained neither in the one nor in the other exclusively, but must 

* Moore's notation is as follows : — 

1. Older ffi version : Uncials : 

dS A =Cod. Alexandrinus. 

ffi p (or ffic* in SBOT.) = Cod. Coislianus=HP. X. 
<E V (or ffi Bs in SBOT.)=Cod. Basiliano-Vaticanus=HY. XI. 
ffis (ffisr in SBOT.( = Cod. Sarravianus=UF. IV, V. 
Cursives in three groups : 

ffi L =HP. 19, 108, 118, the Complutensian Polyglot, and Lagarde's 

Libr. V. T. Canon, pars prior, 1883 (cf. p. exxvi). 
<£m ( or <£L P in SBOT.) = RP. 54, 59, 75, 82, and the fragments of a 

Leipzig uncial palimpsest, 
ffio ( or ffivn in SBOT.) = nV. 120, 121, and the Aldine edition (Venice, 


2. Younger ffif version : Uncials: 

ffiB (or (£ v in SBOT.) = Cod. Vaticanus. 
ffi o ( 0r ffiBm i n SBOT.) = Cod. Mus. Brit. 20, 002. 
Cursives : 
«E N =HP. 16, 30, 52, 53, 58, 63, 77, 85, 131, 144, 209, 236, 237, and the 
text printed in the Catena Nicephori (Leipzig, 1773). 
X Since the above was written, the part containing Judges has appeared (1917). 
The editors .have not carried out their original intention, but have printed the text 
of B in full, and have given prominence to the variant readings of the A-text by the 
use cf Clarendon type, 


be sought for by comparing in detail, verse by verse, and word by 
word, the two recensions, in the light of all other available evidence, 
and especially of the extant remains of the Hexapla.' 

So much may suffice to illustrate the stage at which the question 
of the two (& texts of Judg. has arrived at the present time. We 
may now proceed to statement of the main results which seem to 
accrue from examination of the two texts. 

The outstanding fact is that the text of Cod. A, together with 
other members of the same family as noted by Lagarde and Moore, 
is really identical with that text of (& which Lagarde has, with 
high probability, argued to be the recension which was the work 
of Lucian, the presbyter and martyr of Antioch — a recension which 
Jerome states to have been current in Constantinople and Asia 
Minor, as far west as Antioch. 

The stages by which the recovery of Lucian's recension was 
effected were as follows. Vercellone, in his Variae Lectiones Vulgatae 
Latinae Bibliorum Editionis, Tom. ii. (1864), p. 436, had remarked 
that the four ffic MSS. which appear in HP. notation as 19, 82, 93, 
and 108 exhibited a text which very frequently coincided with the 
extant remains of IE ; and that this is also the case with the ffir text 
of the Complutensian Polyglot, which has been shown to be based 
substantially upon HP. 108. When Wellhausen published his 
Text der Bilcher Samuelis (1871), he commented on the fact that 
the same four MSS. frequently offered readings which are intrin- 
sically more probable than those contained in Cod. B. Ceriani in 
1863 had suggested (Hexapla, p. lxxxvii) that the recension of 
Lucian was contained in these MSS. ; but it was not till 1883 that 
Lagarde published his Librorum Veteris Testamenti Canonicorum, pars 
prior, containing the (Si text of the O.T. from Genesis to Esther 
based upon these four MSS. with the addition of HP. 118. In his 
preface to this work the editor pointed to the numerous agreements 
between the readings of these five MSS. and the Biblical quotations 
of St. Chrysostom, who, since he was a priest of Antioch and bishop 
of Constantinople, may be presumed to have made use of that 
recension of (5r which was current in Antioch and Constantinople, 
viz., as Jerome informs us, the recension of Lucian. 

Of the five MSS. upon which Lagarde bases his text of Lucian, 
118 is complete for Judg., while 19 and 108 exhibit considerable 
lacunae. 82, which is also available for Judg., is placed by Moore 
in another group of the A version family, which he distinguishes by 
the signature (& M . We have already noticed that the three Codd. 
19, 108, and 118 are cited by Lagarde for his A group in Septuaginta 
Studien, together with the Complutensian (based upon 108), and j£, 
the correspondence of which with Lucian's recension in the other 
historical books has been noted.* 

* Cf. the examples cited by Driver for Samuel in NHTS. 2 pp. lxxvii-lxxx and by 
the present writer for Kings in NHTK. pp. xxxvi-xl. 


Adequate discussion of the characteristics of the two 6c versions 
and their relation one to the other demands a separate treatise. 
It is only possible here to state summarily the conclusions which 
seem to result from comparison of the two texts. 

1. They are distinct translations, in the sense that each pre- 
supposes the independent use of a II eb. original. 

2. The two Heb. originals, while possessing much in common 
which differentiated them from J§, yet varied in many important 
particulars. That used by @i B was the nearer to fl]. That used 
by (& AL exhibited many readings which possess the stamp of 

3. Though the two (& texts may be classed as distinct translations 
in the sense above specified, they exhibit identities in rendering 
which cannot be the result of chance, and which indicate that the 
younger translation (whichever that may have been) was made by 
the aid of reference to the older. 

4. Both translations, and perhaps especially that represented 
by (5i AL , have been extensively worked over, and contain many 

The Vulgate (U), Peshittd (& v ), and Tar gum (5E) are of but slight 
critical value as compared with the two (& texts, since all represent 
recensions of the original Heb. much more closely akin to f^ ; and 
their main importance lies in the early traditions of interpretation 
which they embody. The principal characteristics of these versions 
may be gathered from modern works and articles (such as those of 
DB.) which deal with the textual criticism of the O.T., and need 
not be noticed here. It is worth while, however, in the case of 
JS P — a version of which we possess no authoritative critical text, 
and of the origin of which little is known— to point out certain 
affinities with other versions which are apparent in the text of 

1. Affinities with (3r are fairly frequent, especially with the version 
represented by ffi AL .| 

2 i. 'J1 Thy*. S p prefixes V*jlo sio) U^cn. Cf. & B rdBe Aeyei 


5 8 . Dnyp nrb rx. 5 P 1-Aso? ^s-kA ^^cno. Cf. ffi AL o>s aprov 

KpiOivov, 5E 'velut panem hordeaceum,' JS h Ij^CO) ]Lq j^kW? y»J\. 

* This version (as represented by dS , «y>, IL) preserves superior readings to p? and 
to «G B in thj following passages in Judg. :— 5 414 , 7 5 - 6 , 8 4 , lO", 1120.34, 122.3, 132^ 
14H-19, 15 6 , 1619-24, 173, 193.3.30, 2Q15-33. In 512, 1126.35, 1816, 1625, 189 the readings of 
the version have claims to consideration, though they are not actually adopted in the 
present commentary Cf. notes ad loc. 

X The same phenomenon has been noted in the £> p text of Sam. by Driver, NHTS.* 
p. lxxi, and in that of Kgs. by the present writer in NHTK. p. xxxii. In citations 
from S p the text of Walton's Polyglot has been collated with that of Ceriani's fac- 
simile of the Codex Ambrosianus. 


5 n . Wins. S p ^^t-Col? « which he multiplied.' Cf. & B a%or. 
7 5 . At end of verse <£ p adds "Jj-kkd") ^_iOT.j-LCLiuiDl (in^> initf ^Vn). 
So ^ S h . 

7 22 . runOPI faa. £ p omits 1, with <£ B , £ Ij . 

9 48 . rmmpn. £ p L^j (onpn). So (& AL , £ h , U. 

10 x . nn p. & p 0155 p> (understanding 1111 to mean 'his 
uncle'). Cf. (5r ihos>ov a^Tov, U 'patrui Abimeleeh.' 

10 n . £ p agrees with & AL , S h , £ L , U in omitting |D and taking 
list of nations as subj. of wrb. 

10 34 . wao. & p ctllLd j-A (nana). So & AL , & h . 

11 35 .- £ p sides with & B , F (cf. note ad be.). 

12 3 . jw» l^K V. & P ^A ^)^5 _k> ZlAi (yw» pK ^). So 
& AL , & h . 
14 3 . nay. £ p «^n> froy). So (£ L . 

H 7 . -QT1 111. & p oWoO oZu^JO. So €r «ai Karkp-qcrav 
#cai IA.aA.T7 era i'. 

U 15 . *y*ni?n. & p 1 » v » n3 (wn). So ffi BA , 3L L . 
15 3 . ooy. S p v o^i (D3oy). So & AL , U. 
15 6 . n^na n*o. & p choral A > o\ n (iraK n^n n&o). So Pf ISS -, 
& AL , £ h . 
20 16a . S p omits ninn . . . oyn i?nD with <£, U. 

2. There are clear instances of affinity with % — and this of 
a character which is not to be explained merely by the fact that 
both versions are Aramaic, or by the probability that both may 
have been influenced by a similar Jewish tradition of exegesis, 
but which suggests actual connexion between the two.* 

3 3 , al. ••no. & p Ijo^. % <mp. 

3 19 . t>dh -pfo 4 mo -inn. £ p |io}j ^A L>] 1>Aid> ]A\Ld 
tiiiLD ^X. & arte -py k&d$> ^ n^« Ninon Nnjns. 
3 25 . mi iy fam. & p .-j^id o3A^o, & *:id iy bmnt 
5 25 . onnx ijaoa. & p 1,-m ,t? fan;^. & anaa ^an. 
5 28 . lan. & p op) cnAriDjio. & nn nid^di '•nii^ni. 
6 26 . nmysn. S p l5 r £<i£}. & anon. 

7 18 . pyi^i mn»S>. & p ^oiy^Ao UjinX Udj-k». & Dip |d TSin 
pyia h*» S>y arrival ". 

18 6 . onnn "> roa. £ p ^m^o] <_qAj V»j.Ld. & pnniix « ppmt 
20 48 . d^eito. <S P U'Q-^ <^o \jul ojia^o. E panoa pnTipD. 

* Cf. for Sam. NETS* pp. lxxi f. and for Kgs. NHTK. pp. xxxiv i\ 


p. lxii. Footnote ||. The relation between the Babylonian Perman- 
sive and the Hebrew Perfect, and between the Babylonian Praeterite 
and the Hebrew Imperfect with waw co?isecutive, briefly mentioned 
at the end of this foot?iote (p. lxiii), has been worked out in detail by 
the present writer mJTS. April 19 19, pp. 200-214. 

p. lxxi. Footnote § on the Hittite language. The theory of the 
Indo-Germanic character of the Hittite language, outlined by Hrozny 
in MDOG. lvi. December 191 5, has been more fully worked out by 
him in Die Sprache der Hcthiter, ihr Bau und ihre Zugehorigkeit 
zum indogermanischen Sftrachstamm, 19 16- 17 {Boghazkoi-Studien, 
herausg. von O. Weber, 1, 2 Hefte), and he has followed this by a 
transcription and translation of seven important Hittite documents, 
the cuneiform autographs of which are contained in Figulla and 
Weidner, Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi, ii. (1916), iii. 1 (1919). 
Since these Hittite texts are largely written in Sumerian ideograms, 
with some admixture of phonetically-spelt Semitic Babylonian words 
and phrases, and we now know the meaning of a number of Hittite 
words given in the Sumerian- Akkadian- Hittite vocabularies from 
Boghaz Keui {Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi, i. Nos. 30-59), it is 
possible to gather at any rate the general drift of the documents, and 
so to some extent to test Hrozny's theory ; and it must be admitted 
that his evidence — especially as regards case-endings, pronouns, and 
verbal forms — seems to make out a strong case ; though whether he 
is further justified in claiming that it proves that Hittite belongs to 
the western or Centum-group* of Indo-Germanic languages, and is 
somewhat closely akin to Latin, is a question which calls for closer 
study upon the part of experts, and a fuller body of evidence. The 
Indo-Germanic theory is also maintained (upon the basis of a smaller 

* The Indo-Germanic languages are divided by philologists into two groups, 
the one retaining certain original velar guttural sounds, k (c), g, kh, gh, the other 
converting them into spirants. A typical instance of this is seen in the word for 
'hundred' — Greek eKarov, Latin centum (pronounced kentum), Old Irish cet, 
Gallic cant, Gothic hund ; but Sanskrit satam, Zend satem, Lithuanian szimtas, 
Old Slavonic siito. The first group is therefore called the Centum-group, and 
embraces Greek, Italic, Celtic, Germanic, and, in addition to this European 
group, the Tocharian of Turkestan. The second group, named the Satem- 
group, consists of Aryan or Indo-Iranian, Armenian, Balto-Slavonic, Albanian, 
Thracian, and Fhrygian. 

2 cxxix 


amount of material than was available to Hrozny) by C. J. S. Mar- 
strander, Caractcre Indo-Europeen de la langne Hittite, 19 19 
( Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter). 

On the other hand, E. F. Weidner, Studien zur hethitischen 
Sprachwissenschaft, i. 191 7, while admitting (p. 32) that a certain 
Aryan admixture in Hittite is not to be denied, holds that the lan- 
guage belongs to the Caucasian group, and is akin to Mitannian and 
Elamite — a view which is also taken by Bork {OLZ. Okt. 1916, 289 ff.). 
Weidner, in the first part of his treatise (which is all that has as yet 
appeared), confines himself mainly to investigation of the phonology 
of the language, and, following closely in the footsteps of Bork {Die 
Mitannisprache, MVAG. 1909, 1 and 2), argues that Hittite, like 
Mitannian and Elamite, knew no distinction between the Lenes, 
b, g, d, and the Fortes, p, k, t, this being apparent from its indifferent 
employment of such signs as ba, pa ; gu, ku ; du, tu ; etc. It should 
be noted that similar phenomena have been pointed out by Bohl 
{Die Sprache der Amarnabriefe, pp. 16 ff.) as specially characteristic 
of the T.A. Letters from Mitanni and from districts in northern Syria 
which were under Hittite domination, in contradistinction from the 
letters of the Semitic chieftains of Canaan (p. 21). This is an argu- 
ment which may easily be pressed for more than it is worth ; for it is 
clear (as a glance at Bohl's classified instances proves) that such 
confusion of cuneiform sign-groups is by no means confined in the 
T.A. Letters to Mitannians and Hittites, but also occurs with some 
frequency in letters from Egypt, from Babylon, from Abi-milki of 
Tyre, and from the Amorite chieftains Abd-Asirta and Aziru. 

The one fact which is generally recognized is that the Hittite 
language, at the period at which it comes before us, is of an extra- 
ordinarily mixed character. The Indo-Germanic characteristics 
upon which Hrozny builds his argument are mainly pronominal and 
inflectional ; and while he urges Indo-Germanic affinities for a 
limited number of nouns, verbs, and particles, he proves nothing for 
the Indo-Germanic character of the vocabulary in the main. Weid- 
ner, in holding that the Indo-Germanic characteristics of Hittite are 
merely due to admixture, seeks to explain this admixture as due to the 
Aryan invasion and conquest of the neighbouring state of Mitanni ; 
and the same view has been offered by King as a possibility {Journal 
of Egyptian Archaeology, 1917, pp. 190 ff.). It should be remarked, 
however, that the question of an Indo-Germanic admixture in the 
Mitannian language does not seem to arise ; whereas, on this theory, 
it ought to be even more marked in Mitannian than in Hittite. It is 
also worthy of note that, while Aryan names are frequent and striking 
among the Mitannians (cf. pp. lxxxiv f. of Commentary), such names 
are not similarly known to have existed among the Hittites themselves. 

pp. lxxxix-xci. P'or material from the Boghaz Keui documents 
bearing on Hittite relations with Egypt during this period, cf. B. 


Meissner, 'Die Beziehungen Agyptens zum Hattireiche nach hatti- 
schen Quellen,' ZDMG. lxxii. (191 8), pp. 32-64. 

p. xci. Meissner {ZDMG. lxxii. p. 45) quotes a passage from a 
letter of Hattusili II. to the Kassite king Kadasman-Enlil II. (cf. 
Figulla and Weidner, Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi, i. No. 10 Obv. 
11. 59 ff.) as proving that war between the Egyptians and Hittites did 
not end at once on Hattusili's accession. The passage runs as 
follows : — ' 69 . . . And since the king of Egypt 60 [and I w]ere at 
variance, I wrote to thy father Kadasman-Turgu 61 [thus : " The 
king of Egypt] is at hostilities with me " ; and thy father replied 
62 [thus : "My troops] shall march against Egypt, and I will go with 
thee ; 63 [I will] go, and the hosts and chariots as many as I have [are 
ready] to march. 64 [N]ow, my brother, ask thy nobles (?), that they 
may tell thee (that this was so).' At the time when Hattusili wrote to 
Kadasman-Enlil, however, peace with Egypt had been concluded, as 
the Hittite king states (Obv. 11. 55 ff. ; cf. Meissner, op. cit. p. 60). 

The cuneiform fragment of the treaty between Ra'messe and 
Hattusili is given in Figulla and Weidner, Keilschrifttexte aus Bog- 
hazkoi, i. No. 7. Meissner {op. cit. pp. 50 ff.) gives parallel trans- 
lations of the Hittite and Egyptian copies of the treaty, so far as the 
cuneiform fragment extends (45 lines). 

p. 41. The evidence that the term Amurru, as used at the period 
of the T.A. Letters and later (15th to 13th centuries B.C.), embraced 
not merely the Lebanon-district, but also the Syrian desert to the 
east of this as far as the Euphrates, is found in the important letter 
of the Hittite king Hattusili 11. to Kadasman-Enlil II., king of 
Kardunias (Babylon), the text of which is given in Figulla and 
Weidner, Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi, i. No. 10 (cf. Rev. 11. 26 ff.). 
The Babylonian king had made complaint against Bantisinni, chief- 
tain of Amurru, a successor of Abd-Asirta and Aziru (cf. pp. lxxii f., 
lxxx, lxxxvii of our Introduction), and vassal of Hattusili, on the 
charge of harassing his land, and, when taxed by the Hittite king 
with the misdemeanour, Bantisinni had replied by advancing a 
counter-charge for thirty talents of silver against the people of 
Akkad. It seems, therefore, to follow that the district known as 
Amurru, which was under the sway of Bantisinni, must have extended 
to the Euphrates and been contiguous with the territory of the king 
of Kardunias. The Amorite chieftain would thus have command of 
the important caravan-route from Babylonia to Syria along the line 
Ed-Der, Suhneh, Tudmur, Damascus (see Frontispiece-Map), and 
failure to satisfy the demand for dues which he doubtless exacted 
from the caravans using the route seems to have led him to indemnify 
himself by encroachments upon Babylonian territory. 

p. 97. Footnote *. On barred division of Babylonian verse-lines 
into four parts cf. also King, The Seven Tablets of Creation, i. (1902), 
pp. cxxii ff. 


p. 210. Ch. 7 6 - 6 . J. G. Frazer, Folk-lore in the Old Testament, ii. 
(1918), pp. 465 ff., illustrates the two methods of drinking practised 
by Gideon's men by a number of interesting" parallels. 

p. 250. Footnote %. The name A-ba-ra-ha-am occurs on an early 
Babylonian tablet from Larsa. Cf. H. F. Lutz, Early Babylonian 
Letters from Larsa {Yale Oriental Series, Bab. Texts, ii. 19 17), 
No. 15, 1. 13. Translation, p. 22 ; discussion, pp. 5 f. 

p. 365. Ch. 14 18 . The practice of deferring the consummation of 
marriage until the seventh day, which appears in the case of Samson, 
is strikingly illustrated by the custom at Darfur, as described in 
Travels of an Arab Merchant [Mohammed Ibn-Omar El Tounsy] 
in Soudan, abridged from the French by Bayle St. John (1854), 
p. 107, quoted by J. G. Frazer, Folk-lore in the Old Testament, i. 
p. 514 : 'It must be observed that the marriage is seldom considered 
as completely celebrated until the seventh day, and never until the 
third. A husband always shuns the insulting epithet of the impatient 
man. Each day of temperance is dedicated to some particular per- 
son : the first to the father of the bride, the second to the mother, 
and so on.' A large number of instances of deferring consummation 
of marriage for various periods are cited by Frazer in this chapter. 

p. 478. Footnote *. On the interchange of sibilants in Heb. Mose'= 
Eg. Most, and the use of Eg. Mosi by itself, without express mention 
of the name of a deity, cf. J. M. Powis Smith, AJSL. Jan. 1919, 
pp. 1 10 rT. 


I. i-2. 5. Survey of Israel's settlement in Canaan. 

Besides the Commentaries, etc., cited throughout the book, cf. Eduard 
Meyer, Kritik der Berichte iiber die Eroberung Palaestinas, ZATW. i. (1881), 
pp. 117-146; L. B. Paton, Israel's Conquest of Canaan, JBL. xxxii. (1913), 

PP- i-53- 

This section was added by a post-exilic editor of the Priestly 
school of thought (R p ) as a fresh introduction to his new edition of 
the history of the Judges. The introduction is composed in the main 
of extracts culled from the old Judaean document (J) of the ninth 
century B.C. J's narrative originally gave an account of the first 
settlement of the tribes of Israel in Cana'an, describing the gradual 
and partial manner in which it was effected. Extracts from the same 
narrative are found in the Book of Joshua', several of them being 
parallel to passages in Judg. 1, and, where not identical in wording, 
appearing in a more original form. Thus Josh. 1 5 14 ' 19 = Judg. 

x '20-lOb (in part). 11-15 . J osh> i 5 63 = T u dg. I 21 ; Josh. l6 10 = Judg. I 29 ; 

Josh. i7 1113 = Judg. i 27 - 28 . Further extracts from the same narrative, 
not contained in Judg. 1, are found in Josh. 13 13 , 17 14-18 , 19 47 , and 
probably in Num. 32 39 - 4 i- 42 . The original form of J's narrative of the 
settlement in Cana'an has been very skilfully reconstructed by Bu. : 
cf. Additional note, p. 47. 

The reason why the old narrative of J did not appear in full in Josh, 
doubtless was that, as picturing the settlement in Cana'an as the work 
of individual tribes, and as only very partially effected, it conflicted 
with the view taken by the Deuteronomic editor (R D ) of JE in Josh., 
according to which practically the whole of the promised land, with 
the exception of the maritime plain, was summarily conquered by all 
Israel in a series of campaigns under the leadership of Joshua'; and 
was even more sharply opposed to the presentation of affairs as given 
by the Priestly writer (P) in Josh., which makes the accurate delimi- 
tation of the conquered territory among the twelve tribes to have 
been settled by Joshua' after the conquest. Cf. further Introd. 
pp. xxxiv f. 

In utilizing J's matter for his introduction to Judges, R p regards it 
as referring, not to the first settlement in Cana an, but to the outcome 
of events ' after the death of Joshua ' {v. 1 ). Thus, in order to illustrate 
(from his point of view) the slackness of Israel in failing to carry out 



what they might have accomplished in obedience to Yahweh's com- 
mand, he alters in several passages J's statement that they ' could not 
dispossess' the Cana'anites into i did not dispossess.' So in vv. 21 - 27 as 
compared with the parallel passages in Josh. ; and doubtless also in 
v. 19 (cf. note). R 1 ' also adds statements with regard to the conquest 
of Jerusalem (t'. 8 ) and the Philistine cities (v. ls ) which actually con- 
flict with statements from J which he incorporates (vv. 2lA9 ). Cf. 
further notes following. 

The standpoint of ch. 2 w is clearly that of R p . The severe censure 
of Israel as a whole on the ground that they have wilfully neglected 
Yahweh's command by failure to extirpate the inhabitants of Cana'an 
is of a piece (Bu. RS. p. 20) with the deliberate alteration of 'could 
not dispossess' into 'did not dispossess' noticed above. The 
representation of the tribes of Israel as apparently assembled in one 
body at Bethel (cf. note on 2 x ) is at variance with the narrative of J in 
ch. 1, which represents them as scattered throughout the land, and 
each making its own settlement as best it could. The speech which 
is put into the mouth of the Angel of Yahweh appears to be a free 
composition by R p , based upon reminiscence of passages in the 
Pentateuch and Josh. (cf. notes ad loc). Wellh., however, is doubtless 
correct in recognizing (Comfl* p. 210) that in vv. la5b we have genuine 
fragments of the old narrative of J, describing the removal of the 
religious centre of Israel from Gilgal to Bethel after the conquest of 
the latter city by the house of Joseph, as narrated in 1 22 ff. 

The purpose of R p 's introduction is to explain the unsettled con- 
dition of affairs as related in the narrative of Judges, by the addition 
of details known to him which had not been incorporated by the main 
editor (R E2 ) in his introduction, ch. 2 6 -3 6 . 

The following words and phrases are to be noticed as characteristic 
of J: — 'the Cana'anites,'" as a general term for the inhabitants of 
Palestine, 1 ! (see note) ; 'the Cana'anites and the Perizzites' coupled, 

I 6 (note); 'at the first' (i"6nm), i 1 ; 'deal kindly with' (lit. 'do 
kindness with,' DJJ 1QH n^), 1 24 ; 'dependencies' (lit. 'daughters,' 
JTI32), 1 27 , five times ; 'and it came to pass, when' ( s 3 TT'I), 1 28 ; 'dwelt 
in the midst of ' (21pn 3B»), 'prevailed' (lit. 'was heavy,' 

TM), 1 35 ; ' the Angel of Yahweh ' (rW 1&6&), 2 M*>. Cf. CH J . 

I, 1. R p Now after the death of Joshua*, J the children of 

1, 1. after the death of Joshua'. As related in Josh. 24 29 - 30 (E). R p 
assumes that he is taking up the history from the point reached in 
the closing chapter of Josh. The proper continuation of Josh. 24 is 
found, however, in R E2 's introduction to Judg., contained in ch. 2 6ff -, 
where vv. 69 are nearly verbally identical with Josh. 24 28 -3i.29.3o > g 
far from dealing with events which happened subsequently to Joshua's 
death, the old narrative of J pictures Israel as still at Gilgal (2 1 ), or 


Israel enquired of Yahweh, saying, ' Who shall go up for us first 
against the Cana'anites to fight against them?' 2. And Yahweh 
said, ' Judah shall go up : behold, I have given the land into 
his hand.' 3. And Judah said to Sime'on his brother, 'Go up 
with me into my lot, that we may fight against the Cana'anites, 

close by at Jericho (1 16 ), shortly after the passage of the Jordan and 
before the tribes had entered upon their inheritances. 

the children of Israel enquired, etc. Literally translated, v. 1 runs, 
'And it came to pass, after the death of Joshua', and the children of 
Israel enquired, etc.', the use of 'and' to introduce the sentence to 
which the time-determination refers being idiomatic in Hebrew. 
Thus, apart from R p 's note of time, the sentence is to be rendered, 
' And the children, etc' This may have formed the commencement 
of J's narrative of the tribal conquests : cf. Additional note, p. 47. 

enquired of Yahweh. The reference doubtless is to consultation 
of the oracle by means of the sacred lot ; cf. the use of the phrase 
in 1 Sam. 14 37 , 22 10 , 23 s2 , 30 8 , etc. This lot was cast by means of 
Urim and Tummim, as appears from the undoubtedly original form 
of 1 Sam. 14 41 , preserved by €r. Here Saul's address to Yahweh runs, 
'O Yahweh, God of Israel, wherefore hast thou not answered thy 
servant to-day? If this iniquity be in me, or in Jonathan my son, 
O Yahweh, God of Israel, give Urim ; but if it be in thy people Israel, 
give Tummim.' Cf. also 1 Sam. 28 6 . Thus Urim and Tummim were 
apparently two concrete objects employed in connexion with the 
Ephod. Cf. 1 Sam. 14 18 , where (Qr BL preserves the true reading 
'Ephod' in place of 'Ark of God' in p?. On the nature of the 
Ephod, cf. note on ch. 8 27 . 

Who shall go up. From the Jordan valley, which is the point of 
departure in v. 16 , into the hill-country to the west. The expression 
'did 'go up' is used, however, in a general way of a military expedi- 
tion. Cf. ch. 12 3 , 18 9 , 1 Sam. 7 7 , Isa. 36 10 , al. 

against the Candanites. The use of ' Cana'anite' as a general term 
to describe the inhabitants of the country west of Jordan is char- 
acteristic of T ; while E uses 'Amorite' in the same general sense. 
When greater accuracy is deemed desirable, the Cana'anites are de- 
fined as the dwellers in the lowlands, i.e. the maritime plain and the 
Jordan valley, and the Amorites as inhabitants of the hill-country 
which lies between. So in Num. 13 29 (prob. R JE ), Josh. 11 3 (R D ) ; 
cf. Deut. i*»» Josh. 5 1 , 13 34 (both R D ). The inhabitants of the 
mountain-range east of Jordan and north of the Arnon are described 
as Amorites by E and by writers influenced by this source (R JE and 
school of D). Upon the evidence as to the use of the terms from 
extraneous sources, cf. Additional note, p. 41. 

3. into my lot. J, like E and R D and P in Josh., doubtless repre- 
sented the partition of Canaan among the tribes of Israel as decided 

4 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 4. 5. 

and I also will go up with thee into thy lot.' So Sime'on went 
with him. 4. R p And Judah went up ; and Yahweh gave the 
Cana'anites and the Perizzites into their hand ; and they smote 
them in Bezek — ten thousand men. 5. J And they came upon 

by lot under the direction of Joshua'. Cf. Introd. p. cv. The position 
and (ideal) extent of Judah's Mot' is described in Josh. 15 1 - 12 P. It 
was bounded on the east by the Dead Sea and on the west by the 
Mediterranean, while the northern border ran from the Jordan near 
its junction with the Dead Sea, and passing close to the south of 
Jerusalem (which fell within the territory of Benjamin), terminated at 
the Mediterranean near Jabne'el (Yebna). The southern border is 
noticed under v. 3Q 'from the Crag.' 

So Simeon went with him. The cities assigned to Sime'on in 
Josh. 19 L ' 8 (P) fall within the territory of Judah ; and most, if not all, 
of them are reckoned to Judah in Josh. 15 26 ' 32 - 42 (P). The tribe of 
Sime'on seems to have been very small. The story of Gen. 34 (J 
and P combined) probably reflects an early attempt made by this tribe 
and the tribe of. Levi {Additional note, p. 437) to settle in central 
Palestine ; when an attack made upon the Cana'anite city of Shechem, 
in violation of friendly treaty, provoked (as we may infer from 
Gen. 49 7 J) such reprisals on the part of the Cana'anites as decimated 
the aggressors and caused the dispersion of the remnant of their 
clans to seek a settlement in other parts of the land. As to when this 
Shechem-incident may have occurred, cf. Additional note, pp. 437 ff. 
In the so-called 'Blessing of Moses,' Deut. 33 (E), dated by Driver 
(Deut., ICC, p. 387) either shortly after the rupture under Jerobo'am I., 
or during the middle and prosperous part of the reign of Jerobo'am II. 
{c. 780 B.C.), Sime'on is not mentioned at all ; unless we follow the 
suggestion of ffi AL in v. 6h , and read, 'and let Sime'on be few in 
number ' (}1VD^ for VDft. The rendering 7ro\vs iv apiO^ rests on a 
false interpretation of "iDDft as implying a large number). 

4. The verse seems to be a summary statement by R p of the result 
of the campaign, based upon the information afforded by J in the 
following verses. 

5. And they came upon Adoni-bezek in Bezek. The name Adoni- 
bezek is open to grave suspicion, since nowhere else do we find a 
Hebrew proper name which describes a man as 'lord' of his city or 
country. The form of name which we should expect as a compound 
of Adoni is ' such and such a deity is lord ' : cf. Adonijah, ' Yah or 
Yahweh is lord,' Adoniram, ' the High one is lord,' and in Phoenician 
Adoni-eshmun, ' Eshmun is lord,' etc. It is conceivable that Bezek 
may have been the name of a local Cana'anite deity; but such a 
deity is otherwise quite unknown, and it is scarcely possible that the 
city should bear the name of the deity, without some such prefix as 
Beth, 'house of (cf. Beth-'anath, Beth-dagon). Moreover, no city 


Adoni-bezek in Bezek, and they fought against him, and smote 

named Bezek in southern Palestine is mentioned elsewhere in the O. T.; 
and the Bezek of I Sam. 1 1 8 (the modern JJ irbet Ibzik, seventeen miles 
N.N.E. of Nablus on the road to Besan) cannot be the place 
intended, since Judah and Sime'on are represented as moving in 
a westerly or south-westerly direction from Jericho (v. 16 \ into the 
territory allotted to Judah. A site Hirbet Bezkeh, six miles S.E. of 
Lydda, has been advocated by Conder (SWP. Mem. iii. 36), but 
this seems too far to the west to have been the scene of action. 

The mention of Jerusalem in v. 7 , as the city to which the king was 
taken, apparently by his own followers (cf. note\ after his mutilation 
by the Judaeans, makes it probable that we have here to do with 
Adoni-sedek, king of Jerusalem, who is named in Josh. 10 l (E) as the 
head of the confederacy against Joshua' in southern Palestine; in which 
case we would seem to have an account of his fate different from that 
given by E in Josh. 10 22 ff. The view that, in Adoni-sedek, Sedek is 
the name of a Cana anite deity is plausible, but the evidence is in- 
conclusive. Cf. Additional note, p. 41. Adoni-sedek may denote 'my 
lord is righteous ' (lit. ' is righteousness ' ; in accordance with the 
common substitution of substantive for adjective in Heb.), or 'lord of 

If Adoni-sedek be the original form of the name in our passage, 
the form Adoni-bezek, unless merely due to accidental corruption, is 
probably an intentional perversion made by a late scribe in order to 
cast ridicule upon the name of a heathen deity. Sedek, either the 
deity's name, or ascribing ' righteousness ' to the heathen divine ' lord,' 
is changed v into bezek, a word unknown to us in Heb., but very likely 
existing with the meaning ' pebble ' or small ' fragment ' of stone, as 
in Syr. bezkd, Aram, bizka, perhaps in jesting allusion to the material 
and helpless idol : cf. Hab. 2 19 , where the idol is described as a 
'dumb stone.' Such perversion of the title of a heathen deity is 
most probably seen in ( Baal-zebub, 'lord of flies,' 2 Kgs. 1 2 - 3 - 6 - 16 , for 
an original Baal-zebul (cf. BeeX£V|3ovA, Mk. 3 22 and parallels, Matt. 
10 25 ), 'lord of the mansion' (temple, or heavenly abode ; applied to 
Yahweh's abode in 1 Kgs. 8 13 , Isa. 63 15 : cf. Cheyne in EB. col. 407 f.) ; 
and in the substitution of bosetk, 'shameful thing,' for Baal where 
it occurs in proper names, as in Ishbosheth in 2 Sam. 2 8 , etc., for 
Eshba'al, 1 Chr. 8 33 , 9 s9 , and in other cases : cf. the present editor's 
Outlines of O. T. Theology, pp. 27 f. Similar instances of the 
perversion of names in jest are noticed in ch. 3 s note. The form 
Adwvi(3e(eK has been adopted by (8r in Josh. 10 (2 codd. Adoovi&fieic ; 
so Josephus and other writers : cf. Mo., Comm., p. 17). 

Upon this view of the origin of the name Adoni-bezek, it is 
probable that the words 'in Bezek' were added still later as an 
explanatory gloss, when the proper name had come to be under- 
stood as 'lord of Bezek.' The statement 'they came upon Adoni- 


6 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 6. 7. 8. 

the Cana'anites and the Perizzites. 6. And Adoni-bezek fled; 
and they pursued after him, and captured him, and cut off his 
thumbs and his great toes. 7. And Adoni-bezek said, 'Seventy 
kings, with their thumbs and their great toes cut off, used to 
pick up food under my table : as I did, so hath God requited 
me.' And they brought him to Jerusalem, and he died there. 

8. R p And the children of Judah fought against Jerusalem, and 

Sedek' does not necessarily postulate mention of the locality where 
the encounter took place, though this may have existed in the full 
narrative of J. Bu. would supply ' the king of Jerusalem ' after the 
proper name. 

The Cand amies and the Perizzites. The two terms are so coupled 
only in J, Gen. 13 7 , 34 30 t : the occurrence in z/. 4 (R 1 ) being adopted 
directly from J in v. b . 

The view that the Perizzites were a remnant of the pre-Cana'anitish 
inhabitants of Palestine (cf. Kautzsch in Riehm, J/WB. 2 \\. p. 121 1) 
is based upon insufficient grounds. More probably the term, like 
ft e razi in 1 Sam. 6 18 , Deut. 3 6 , denotes the dwellers in unwalled 
hamlets ; just as the term Hivvites appears to denote communities 
of tent-dwellers (cf. note on ch. 10 4 ). 

6. cut off his thumbs and his great toes. Le Clerc and commen- 
tators after him compare the statement of Aelian ( Var. Hist. 11. 9) 
that the Athenians voted to cut off the thumb of the right hand of 
every one of the Aeginetans, that they might be unable to carry a 
spear, but able to propel an oar. Similar mutilations of prisoners of 
war are noticed by Mo. ad loc. Probably, however, La. is correct in 
concluding, with Calmet, that the mutilation was intended to degrade 
the captive to the position of a punished slave, rather than to prevent 
the bearing of arms ; though the latter motive may also have beea 

7. Seventy kings. A large round number. Cf. note on ch. 8 30 . 

as I did, etc. There is perhaps an etiological connexion between 
the tradition of Adoni-sedek's speech and the name which he bears ; 
the idea of ' measure for measure ' being suggested by ' the Lord is 
righteous' {i.e. just; cf. use of term in Deut. 25 ,5 , at.). 

they brought him to Jerusalem. The subject of the verb must be 
Adoni-sedek's own followers ; since J, the author of the narrative 
tells us in 2/. 2l = Josh. 15 63 that the Judaeans were unable to conquer 
Jerusalem. It is likely, however, that R H referred the verb to the 
victorious Judaeans, and so introduced his statement as to the 
conquest of Jerusalem in the verse following. 

8. And the children of Judah fought against Jerusalem, etc. This 
statement by R p is obviously incorrect. So far from the city having 
been captured and set on fire, we are told by J in Josh. 1 5 63 that the 


took it, and smote it at the edge of the sword, and the city they 
set on fire. 9. And afterward the children of Judah went down 
to fight against the Cana'anites dwelling in the hill-country and 
the Negeb and the Shephelah. 10. And Judah went against 

sons of Judah were unable to dispossess the Jebusites dwelling in 
Jerusalem (so v. 21 , with the variation 'did not dispossess' noticed 
in the opening section). With this failure to capture Jerusalem agree 
the facts of history as otherwise known to us. In the old story of 
Judg. 19 Jerusalem or Jebus is a 'city of the Jebusites, . . . the city of 
foreigners who are not of the children of Israel ' (vv. 1012 ). And in 2 Sam. 
5 6ff - the capture of the city from its Jebusite inhabitants is related as 
one of the great achievements of David. Even R D in Josh., who 
relates in io 28ff - the capture and destruction of the cities of three of 
the kings who took part in the southern confederacy (10 3 E), viz. 
Lachish, 'Eglon, and Hebron, makes no statement as to the capture 
of Jerusalem ; though it is true that the king of Jerusalem is included 
(v. 10 ) in the list of vanquished kings given in Josh. 12. 

at the edge of the sword. Lit. ' according to the mouth of the 
sword ' Q of norm in ^th as in i73N ''D? lit. 'according to the mouth 
of his eating,' Ex. 16 18 ), i.e. 'as the sword devours,' viz. without quarter. 

9. the children of Judah went down. Jerusalem is 2593 feet above 
the Mediterranean sea-level, Hebron (v. 10 ) 3040 feet ; and the inter- 
vening country rises slightly on the whole rather than falls. Thus 
the expression ' went down ' would be in this respect inappropriate. 
The writer, however, is thinking, not merely of the much lower Negeb 
and Shephelah, but also of the fall in the hill-country from the 
central plateau on which Jerusalem stands, both westward towards 
the Shephelah, and towards the wilderness of Judah in the direction 
of the Dead Sea. 

the Negeb. The arid steppe-region extending from a little south of 
Hebron, where the hill-country gradually ^sinks, to Kadesh-Barnea' 
about fifty miles south of Be'er-sheba' on the border of the desert. 
The root 333 in New Heb. and Aram, means ' to be dry or parched'; 
and Negeb accordingly must denote 'the dry region' : cf. v. ls where 
springs of water are named as a desideratum. From the standpoint 
of Palestine 'the Negeb,' or, 'towards the Negeb,' is a common 
designation of the south. Negeb is in R.V. always rendered 'the 
South' (with capital S) ; but its application to a particular region 
of southern Palestine requires the retention of the Hebrew term. 

the Shephelah. A term meaning 'lowland,' and, according to 
Smith (HG. pp. 201 ff.), properly applied to the low hills or downs 
lying between the Judaean hill-country to the east and the maritime 
plain (called *entek, 'the Vale,' by J in v. 19 ) to the west — a region 
which, as distinct both from hill-country and plain, was constantly 
debatable ground between the Israelites and Philistines. Smith 


the Cana'anites who dwelt in Hebron : (now the name of Hebron 

clearly proves the distinct character of this region, as separated 
from the hill-country of Judah by a series of valleys running south- 
ward from Aijalon, a distinction which does not exist north of Aijalon, 
where the hill-country slopes down directly into the maritime plain. 
Yet there are indications that the use of the term Shephelah was not 
always or at all times thus limited in its application. As Buhl (Geogr. 
p. 104, n 1C4 ) remarks, the specification of the cities in the Shephelah 
in Josh. 15 33ff - points to a wider application, especially vv. 46 " 47 which 
include the Philistine cities with their neighbouring villages as far 
west as the sea and as far south as the wady of Egypt (wady el- Aris) ; 
these latter verses indicating the linguistic usage of the term at the 
period at which they were penned, even if they be regarded as a later 
interpolation. The same inference may be drawn from the (5r render- 
ing nediou or fj 7re8ivr), and from Eusebius' statement (OS. 296 10 ) that 
the term includes all the low country (iredivr)) lying about Eleuther- 
opolis (Bet-Gibrin) to the north and west.* On the other hand, the 
fact must not be overlooked that Ob. 19 , 2 Chr. 28 18 appear expressly 
to distinguish the Shephelah from the territory of the Philistines (the 
maritime plain) ; and the same seems to be true of Zech. 7 7 , which 
refers to the period when the Shephelah was inhabited by Judah. 
The usage of the term thus appears to have fluctuated between a 
wider and narrower application, the wider and looser usage probably* 
being relatively later. 

10. And Judah went, etc. J's account of the conquest of Hebron 
and Debir is found in Josh. 15 1419 . There, after a statement by a 
late Priestly writer (v. 13 ) that Caleb was given Hebron or Kiriath- 
arba' as his portion, we read: — ' 14 - And Caleb dispossessed from 
thence the three sons of 'Anak, Sheshai, and Ahiman, and Talmai. 
16 - And he went up thence against the inhabitants of Debir, etc.,' vv. 
16-19 being verbally identical with Judg. 1 n " 15 , except for the variation 
\?*\ 'and he went,' Judg. i 11 , for PJW 'and he went up,' Josh. 15 16 , 
and the addition 1JED PP^, ' who was younger than he,' in Judg. 1 13 , 
after the words ' the brother of Caleb.' The parallel to v. 14 of Josh, 
is found in Judg. i 20b and the names of the sons of'Anak at the end 
of v. ,0 . 

Judg. i 20a , 'And they gave Hebron to Caleb, as Moses had said,' 
is J's statement upon which Josh. 15 13 is based by a late redactor 
who inserted the narrative of J into the midst of the P document in 
Josh. The original form of J's narrative is found if we place Judg.i 20a 
before Josh. 15 1419 : cf. Additional note, p. 48. The dislocation in 
Judg. 1 by which v. 20 comes later on instead of prior to v. 10end is due 
to R H , who, by his insertion of vv. 9A0 down to 'and they smote,' 

* Buhl's further objections to Smith's view appear to be satisfactorily met by 
the latter writer in Expositor, 1896, pp. 404 ff. 


formerly was Kiriath-aiba* :) and they smote J Sheshai and Ahiman, 

doubtless intended to represent the whole tribe of Judah as acting in 

Hebron. The modern el-Halil, i.e. 'the Friend' an abbreviation 
of ' Town of the Friend of God ' (the Mohammedan title for Abraham), 
about eighteen miles a little west of due south of Jerusalem. 

now the ?iame of Hebron formerly, etc. So exactly Josh. 14 15 (in 
a section 14 615 R D , but probably a later note). The statement that 
Kiriath-arba' was the same as Hebron is also found in Gen. 23 2 , 35 27 , 
Josh. 15 13 - 64 , 20 7 , 21 ll (all P), and the name appears in a list of cities 
inhabited by the children of Judah in Nehemiah's time, Neh. u 25 t. 

Kiriath-arba. The name means 'City of Four'; and there can 
be little doubt that 'Four,' like 'Seven' in Be'er-sheba, 'Well of 
Seven,' is a divine title. Probably both ' Four ' and ' Seven ' repre- 
sent aspects of the Moon-god, the former referring to the four phases 
of the moon, the latter to one quarter, or the seven-day week. For the 
evidence upon which this view is based, cf. Additional note, p. 43. 
The view generally adopted that 'City of Four' means Tetrapolis, 
fourfold city or city of four federated tribes, is based merely upon 
conjecture ; and no evidence can be adduced in support of it, unless it 
be found in the fact that the name Hebron may possibly be explained 
as 'association' or 'federation.' The Priestly writer in Josh. 15 13 , 
2 1 11 flj would appear to suppose Arba' to have been the ancestor of 
the'Anakite clans originally inhabiting Hebron ; and in Josh. 14 15 f$ 
Arba' is stated to have been 'the greatest man among the 'Anakites.' 
In all these passages, however, (& reads 'the metropolis of 'Anak,' 
or 'of the 'Anakites ' (/nr?rpo7roXis = DJ< 'mother,' i.e. 'mother-city,' as 
in 2 Sam. 20 19 ) ; and Mo. argues with reason that this was the original 
reading, and that the alteration in ^ is due to a scribe who mis- 
understood the sense in which the term ' mother ' is used. 

Sheshai, and Ahiman, and Talmai. Described in v. 20 as 'the 
three sons of 'Anak ' — a statement with which the three proper names 
were originally connected in J's account. Cf. the first note on v. w . 
The reference is to three 'Anakite clans rather than to three indivi- 
duals. In Num. 13 22 (JE) the spies, and notably Caleb (cf. note on 
v. 12 ), come across the same three in their reconnaissance of Hebron 
— a fact which perhaps has its bearing upon the question of Caleb's 
conquest of Hebron (cf. Additional note, p. 46). Mo. speaks of the 
'Anakite names as 'of distinctively Aramaic type' ; but it is more to 
the point to observe that they seem to exhibit the influence of North 
Arabia. It should be noticed that names with the termination -ai, as 
in Talmai and Sheshai, appear to have been specially numerous 
among the Judaeans, and not least among the Calibbite and Jerah- 
me'elite elements of this mixed tribe. Cf. the genealogy of 1 Chr. 2, 
and notice besides Hushai, 2 Sam. 15 32 , al, and the Gittite Ittai, 
2 Sam. 15 19 , al. The name Talmai occurs in 2 Sam. 3 3 , 13 37 as 


to THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. it. 

and Talmai. n. r And they went up" 1 thence against the in- 
habitants of Debir. (Now the name of Debir formerly was 

borne by a king of the Aramaean state Geshur (probably north of 
Gile'ad), and Talmi has been found in inscriptions from el-' Ola near 
Terna. as the name of two kings of Lihhyan (D. H. Mtiller, Epi- 
graphische Denkmaler aus Arabien, p. 5, quoted by Sayce, HCM. 
p. 189 n.). The Nabatean form is Talmu or Talimii : cf. CIS. ii. 
321, 344, 348. The name is closely akin to Bab. talimu, Sam. 
Plim^ ' uterine brother ' ; cf. Aram. Bar-tulmai (Bartholomew). 
Sheshai P^V, ® L Secret, B 2ecrcret. Josh. I5 14 (S UL Sovcret, A Sovcrat. 

Num. 13 22 © L Secret, B 2ecrcret. Cf. Shashai, W Ezr. 10 40 & BA Secret, 

- T ' 

identical with (5r B Secret?, A Secrcret? of I Esdr. 9 s4 ) is apparently a 
variation of the name Shisha or Shavsha (Nt^t^ NEW) borne by a 

Judaean of the time of David and Solomon (1 Kgs. 4 3 , 1 Chr. 18 16 ) ; 
and names with this termination -a (with final N) are likewise charac- 
teristic of Judah (cf. 1 Chr. 2), and point to North Arabian influence, 
which may thus be supposed to have been operative in southern 
Cana'an as early as the time of the'Anakites. Shavsha (more original 
than Shisha : cf. NHTK. p. 38) undoubtedly stands for Shamsha, 
i.e. 'the Sun'; cf. Aram. Ki-Savas (Bn^D) for Bab. Ki-samaS in 
an inscription of B.C. 504 : CIS. ii. 65 (cited by Cheyne in EB. 
4433). Sheshai, which, as the (3r variants indicate, may have been 
originally Shavshai, Shashshai, or Shishshai (^"l^ *W } itfw), 

may be compared with the late Bab. sassu for samsu, 'sun.' It is 
worth noticing that the Heb. Samson (properly Shimshon ; Bab. 
Samsanu, BDB. s.v.) perhaps 'Sun-man,' and the place-name 
Beth-shemesh, ' House of the Sun,' also belong to southern Palestine. 
In Ahiman the element man is probably the name or title of a 
deity, perhaps Meni, the god of fate or destiny mentioned in Isa. 65 n . 
Cf. the goddess Manothu in the Nabatean inscriptions ; Ar. Manat, 
Kuran 53 20 . The name belongs to the familiar class which claims 
relationship to a deity : — ' Brother of Man,' or ' Man is my brother.' 
The occurrence of the name fiTDTlNV) in the list of Levites in 1 Chr. 

9 17 is probably an erroneous dittography of the following DrpflKl 
' and their brethren.' 

11. And they went up. Reading ^V^ with (3r B and || Josh. 15 15 , in 

place of f^ ?p s 1. The singular verb is taken by R p to refer, as a 

collective, to the tribe of Judah mentioned by him in v. 10 ; but in the 
original narrative of J it referred to Caleb. Cf. the first note on 

Debir. The site commonly accepted for Debir is ez-Zahariyyeh, 
which lies about eleven miles south-west of Hebron, and which 'may 


Kiriath-sepher.) 12. And Caleb said, 'He that smiteth Kiriath- 

be regarded as the frontier town between the hill-country and the 
Negeb' (Smith, HG. p. 279 ; cf. Trumbull, Kadesh-Barnea, pp. 104 f.). 
This identification depends merely upon conjecture. It suits the, 
connexion in which Debir stands in Josh. 15 48 - 51 with Socoh (the 
modern Suwekeh), 'Anab (Anab), and Eshtemoh (elsewhere Esh- 
temoa, probably the modern es-Semu), which are all in close 
proximity, and the narrative of vv. 14ff - (cf. note on v. vs )\ but is 
opposed by the fact noticed by Sayce (DB. i. p. 578a) that Petrie found 
no traces at ez-Zahariyyeh of anything older than the Roman period.* 
It may also be observed that, while Hebron stands 3040 feet above 
the sea, the elevation of ez-Zahariyyeh (2150 feet) is nearly 900 feet 
lower, and the descent from the former site to the latter appears, in 
the main, to be gradual and continuous. \ Thus, if the reading ' And 
they went up from thence {i.e. from Hebron) to Debir' is correct, the 
identification of Debir with ez-Zahariyyeh would seem to be excluded, 
unless we regard the expression 'went up' as used in the general 
sense of making a campaign (cf. note on v. 1 ), an explanation which 
the precise 'from thence' (D$D) may be thought to render somewhat 

improbable. The only site south of Hebron which seems to stand 
on a higher elevation is Yutta (3747 feet) ; but this corresponds in 
name at least with the Biblical Juttah, Josh. 15 55 , 21 16 . 

Kitiath-sepher. As vocalized, the name appears to mean 'book- 
city' : fflr AL iraXis ypafi/xdroiv (and so (ffir" AL in Josh. 15 15 - 16 , and in 
1 5 49 , where ft? reads Kiriath-sannah, probably a textual error) ; 
IL 'civitas litterarum' ; J5 h 'city of writings' ; & 'archive-city.' Upon 
this slight basis, merely, Sayce builds the theory that the city 'must have 
been the seat of a library like those of the great cities of Babylonia 
and Assyria, — a library which doubtless consisted in large measure 

* Conder's statement {Tent Work, p. 245) that the name Debir ' has the same 
meaning ' as ez-Zahariyyeh is wholly incorrect. It may be true that the name of 
the modern village is ' derived from its situation on the "back " of a long ridge.' 
Zahr means ' back, and zahar is applied to ' the exterior and elevated part of a 
stony tract' (so Lane), both words being derived from a verb Sahara, 'to be 
outward, exterior, apparent.' But Debir, on the contrary, can only be explained 
from Ar. dabara, 'to be behind,' whence dabr and dnbr, 'hindmost or back 
part,' and is the same, apparently, as the Heb. word used in 1 Kgs. 6 16 al. as 
the older name of the most holy place in Solomon's temple, which, upon this 
etymology, maybe rendered 'shrine.' The contrast in sense between the two 
roots is clearly seen if we compare zdhir, 'exterior' (commonly opposed to 
bdtin, 'interior') with dabr, 'the location or quarter that is behind a thing' 
(so Lane). 

% Cf. SWP. Great Map, xxi. Smith {loc. cit.), though regarding the identi- 
fication of ez-Zahariyyeh with Debir as probable, describes the journey from 
Hebron as a descent ' over moors and through wheat-fields, arranged in the 
narrower wadies in careful terraces, but lavishly spread over many of the 
broader valleys.' 

12 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 12. 13. 

sepher, and taketh it, I will give him 'Achsah my daughter as 
wife.' 13. And 'Othniel, the son of Kenaz, the RP younger 

of books on clay which may yet be brought to light ' (HCM. p. 54). 
If the name really meant ' city of books,' or rather ' records,' we should 
expect the form D'HSD JTHp (Kiriath-s e pharim : cf. Kiriath-y e 'arim) ; 
and it is possible that the plur. D'HDD may have been written in the 
abbreviated form "12D, which came to be mistaken for the singular 
(cf. footnote § on p. 124). (5r B in this passage reads Kapiaao-axfrap, 
i.e., apparently, Kiriath-sopher, ' city of the scribe ' ; a name which 
W. M. Miiller would recognize in the Egyptian Bai-ti-tu-pa-ira, 
'house of the scribe' (AE. p. 174). This vocalization of the Heb. 
name is in itself more probable. 

12. And Caleb said. The statement evidently points back to an 
earlier mention of Caleb in J's original narrative. Cf. the first note 
on 1/. 10 . Caleb is called 'the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite 5 in 
Num. 32 12 (P), Josh. 14 614 (R D ). In JE's narrative of the mission of 
the spies to explore the Negeb (Num. 13, 14) he is the only spy men- 
tioned by name, and the only one among the number who maintains 
the possibility of the conquest of the c Anakites inhabiting the region 
(Num. 13 30 ). In the later narrative of P, which is interwoven with 
that of JE in these two chapters, and in which the twelve spies (one 
for every tribe, and all named) explore the whole of Cana'an, Joshua' 
is associated with Caleb (the representative of Judah) in urging the 
immediate conquest of the land. Cf. for the analysis of the narra- 
tive, Gray, Numbers (ICC), pp. 128 ff. In Josh. 14 ° 15 (R D based on 
JE) Joshua' grants Hebron to Caleb in response to his request, and 
in remembrance of the promise of Moses made to Caleb after the 
return of the spies. 

Caleb's clan of the Kenizzites appears from Gen. 36 n to have 
belonged to the Edomites, and, like the allied clan of the Jerahme'el- 
ites (1 Chr. 2 918 - 42 ), still remained distinct from Judah in the early days 
of David : cf. 1 Sam. 27 10 , 30 14 . Evidence seems to indicate that 
the Kenizzites, like other elements which went to form the mixed 
tribe of Judah, really entered and settled in the Negeb by advancing 
northward from the neighbourhood of Kadesh-Barnea', and that the 
tradition which makes the granting of Hebron and Debir to Caleb 
subsequent to and dependent upon the invasion and conquest of 
Cana'an under Joshua', represents a later adjustment of facts. Cf. 
Additional note, p. 44. 

13. ' Othniel, the son of Kenaz. The reference is probably, as in 
the case of Caleb, to a Kenizzite family rather than an individual. 
'Othniel is named in ch. 3 9 as the deliverer of Israel from a foreign 

the younger brother of Caleb. The sentence may be construed 
grammatically as referring either to Kenaz (so (Br) or to 'Othniel 

1. i 4 . 15.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 13 

J brother of Caleb, took it : and he gave him 'Achsah his daughter 
as wife. 14. And when she came, The 1 incited f her^ to ask of 
her father a field : and she lighted down from off the ass ; and 
Caleb said to her, 'What wouldest thou?' 15. And she said to 
him, ' Grant me a present ; for thou hast set me in the land of 
the Negeb ; so give me springs of water.' And Caleb gave her 
the upper spring n and the nether spring^ 1 . 

(so U) ; but, since Caleb is himself called 'the Kenizzite' (cf. note 
above), it seems clear that he too is regarded as a descendant or 
'son' of Kenaz, and that Caleb and 'Othniel are ranked as brothers. 
This was the view of R p , who added, after ' the brother of Caleb,' the 
words ' who was younger than he ' (so ch. 3 9 ), in order to explain how 
the fact that' Othniel married his own niece did not imply a great 
disparity in age. R p, s addition is not found in the parallel narrative 
of J in Josh. Cf. the first note on v. 10 . 

he gave him ' Achsah, etc. Probably the story implies the union of 
two families of the Kenizzites. 

14. when she came. Apparently, as Mo. suggests, 'Achsah is pic- 
tured as arriving to meet her father and her future husband from 
some place of safety, such as Hebron, where she had been left during 
the attack on Debir. 

he incited her. Reading DIVD"^ with <5x, ?L, & h , U here, and TS and 

some MSS. of (5r in || Josh. 15 1S , in place of f^ ' she incited him.' The 
correction is necessary in view of the fact that the request, as nar- 
rated, comes from 'Achsah. 

1 5. a present. Lit. ' a blessing,' in the tangible form of a gift. 
The expression is so used in Gen. 33 u (E), 1 Sam. 25 27 , 30 26 , 
2 Kgs. 5 15 . 

thou hast set me, etc. The character of the district (Negeb, 'the 
dry region' ; cf. v. 9 note) justifies the request. 

springs of water. The Heb. word gu 116 ih, here rendered 'springs,' 
is otherwise unknown, and the meaning can only be inferred from 
the context.* It may perhaps be an old Cana'anite word which 
dropped into disuse in later Hebrew; or, as Mo. thinks, 'a proper 
name of alien origin' (so Bu.). 

the upper spring and the lower spring. Reading n^3 sing, with 

the old fern, termination, as is demanded by the sing, adjectives 
rv?y and rvnnri. This old termination, as seen in gullath, is frequent, 

* Cf., however, ?2 in Cant. 4™, which, if not merely a corruption of J3 
'garden,' which occurs in the first half of the verse (as presupposed by <£, y, &p), 
probably means 'spring': p^i 73 parallel to DlJin PVD 

T - T 't: - 

14 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 16. 

1 6. And r Hobab the"! Kenite, the father-in-law of Moses, 

as Bu. remarks, in Cana'anite place-names, e.g. Sephath, Baalath, 
Sarephath: cf. NHTK. p. 42 f. || Josh. 15 l9 has the plur. 'the 
upper springs, etc' The springs in question have been plausibly 
identified with the springs of Seil ed-Dilbeh between Hebron and 
ez-Zahariyyeh, 'on the north, the 'Ain Hegireh with a shadoof for 
irrigation, and on the south the 'Ain Dilbeh, a square pool covered 
with weeds '(Smith, NG. p. 279, n 2 ). Cf. SWP. Mem. iii. p. 302. 
Mo. notices the fact that these springs are somewhat nearer to Hebron 
than to ez-Zahariyyeh, and appositely remarks that the story 'is 
told to explain or establish the claim of 'Achsah, a branch of the 
Kenizzite clan'Othniel of Debir, to waters which by their situation 
seemed naturally to belong to the older branch, the Calebites of 

16. And Hobab the Kenite. Reading ^yprt 22h) with Mo., Bu., 

... - T . 

No. (cf. ch. 4 11 ), in place of $ ^J? ^2\ 'And the children of Kenite,' 

which cannot be original, since the geniilic adjective ' Kenite ' cannot 
be used of an individual without the Article, which is tacitly inserted 
in R. V. The words, ' the father-in-law of Moses,' which follow, seem 
to demand mention of the proper name. (£ AL , 5> h read, 'And the 
children of Hobab the Kenite,' a text which suits the pi. verb ^y 
'went up,' in 7/. 1Ga , but not the sing. 2W*) TJ^ S 1 'and he went and 

dwelt,' in v. mh . (JR B reads 'Jethro' in place of 'Hobab.' These 
variations suggest that the original of (5r already lacked the proper 
name, and that the lacuna was differently supplied in different MSS. 
(Stu., Meyer); though it is possible that the reading 'Jethro' repre- 
sents the substitution of the better known name of Moses' father-in- 
law, in place of Hobab (Mo., La.). The reading of (3r AL is adopted 
by La., Kit., and may be original : but the sing, verbal forms in v. 16b 
favour the reading adopted above ; and it is easy to suppose that the 
pi. verb in 2/. 16a has been altered from sing. Tv?V to suit the subject 

T T 

as it stands in p?. Meyer {IN. p. 90) emends \*p) simply, and thus 

reads, 'And Kain, the father-in-law of Moses, went up, etc.'; but, as 
Mo. notices, the mention of 'Hobab the Kenite' in ch. 4 11 , whether 
it be original or a later gloss, depends upon and substantiates the 
reading in our passage, Moses' father-in-law being elsewhere 
described not as a Kenite but as a Midianite. 

Kain occurs as the tribal name of the Kenites in ch. 4 n , Num. 24 22 
(JE). The name may denote a worker in metal, and perhaps indi- 
cates that this form of industry was characteristic of the tribe. For 
the theory that the story of Cain (Kain) and his descendants (Gen. 4 J) 
was intended to explain the nomadic life of the Kenites and their skill 
as artificers, cf. Cheyne, EB. 621 f. ; Skinner, Genesis {ICC.)-, pp. m fi\ 

1. i6.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 15 

Hwent up from the City of Palms with the children of Judah 
into the wilderness of Judah which is in the Negeb of 'Arad ; and 

the father-in-law of Moses. Moses' father-in-law, when first intro- 
duced in Ex. 2 18 (J), is called Re'uel. The document E, which takes 
up the narrative in Ex. 3, speaks of him by the name Jethro; and 
this name is uniformly employed elsewhere in E. Num. 10 * 29 (J) 
mentions 'Hobab, the son of Re'uel, the father-in-law of Moses.' 
Here it is ambiguous whether the title 'father-in-law' refers to 
Hobab or Re'uel ; and, if this passage stood alone in mentioning 
Hobab, we should naturally refer the title to Re'uel in agreement with 
Ex. 2 18 , and regard Hobab as brother to Sipporah, Moses' wife, and 
brother-in-law to Moses. But from Judg. 4 n the title 'father-in-law' 
is clearly seen to refer to Hobab. It is true that R.V. text, in order 
to solve the difficulty, renders 'brother-in-law'; but this is quite 
unwarrantable. The Heb. term employed, ho then, is the same as 
the Ar. hatin, properly 'circumciser,' the original reference being to 
the nomadic custom by which the father-in-law performed the rite of 
circumcision upon the bridegroom (Heb. hathan, 'the circumcised') 
shortly before marriage. Probably Hobab is the true name of Moses' 
father-in-law according to J, and Re'uel is a remoter ancestor — per- 
haps the clan-name. 

went tip. Cf. note on v. \ ' who shall go up.' The 3rd sing, rpy 

is read in place of pi. }7V in f^. Cf. the first note on this verse. 


the City of Palms. Mentioned again in ch. 3 13 , Deut. 34 s , 
2 Chr. 28 15 f, the two latter passages showing the reference to be to 
Jericho. Jos. (Bf. IV. viii. 3) alludes to the 'many kinds of date- 
palms, differing from each other in flavour and name,' which flourished 
in his day in the neighbourhood of Jericho, owing to the fertilizing 
influence of Elisha''s fountain. Other references are collected by 
Smith, HG. p. 266, n 4 . At the present day the palms have entirely 
disappeared. The site of Jericho is undoubtedly the modern Tell 
es-Sultan, a large mound which lies in the Jordan valley five miles 
west of Jordan, and at the foot of the central range of hills, close to 
the mouth of the Wady el-Kelt, which affords a passage into the hill- 
country of Ephraim, and is thought to be the ancient valley of 'Achor. 
Just below Tell es-Sultan lies the 'Ain es-Sultan, which must be 
identified as Elisha''s fountain. The modern Jericho (Eriha) is a 
squalid village lying one and a half miles to the south. 

with the children of fudah. Num. io 29ff - (J) records Moses' 
invitation to Hobab to throw in his lot with Israel, and join in the 
occupation of Cana'an. 

into the wilderness of Judah which is in the Negeb of'Arad. The 
description is somewhat obscure, and the text may be suspected ; but 
the case for its rejection is not convincing. Mo. regards the state- 
ment as 'self-contradictory,' because 'the wilderness of Judah, the 

16 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 16. 

he went and dwelt with r the 'Amalekites" 1 . 17. And Judah went 

barren steeps in which the mountains break down to the Dead Sea, 
and the Negeb are distinct regions.' The fact that in Josh. 15 2162 (P), 
the territory of Judah is divided into 'the Negeb' {vv. 21-32 ), 'the 
Shephelah' (w. 3347 ), 'the Hill-country' {vv. ™-™\ and 'the Wilder- 
ness ' {vv. 61 - 62 ), would seem at first sight to draw such a distinction ; 
but the precise term, 'the wilderness of Judah,' only occurs once 
again in the O. T. in the heading of Ps. 63, and is there applied to 
the scene of David's wanderings during his outlaw life, including 
doubtless 'the wilderness of Ziph' (1 Sam. 23 14 , 26 2 ; Tell Zif), 'the 
wilderness of Ma'on,' in the ''Arabah south of Jeshimon' (1 Sam. 23 s4 , 
25 l ffi B ; Tell Main), close to Carmel (1 Sam. 25 2 ; el-Kurmul, about 
one mile north of Main), 'the wilderness of 'En-gedi' (1 Sam. 24 * ; 
'Ain Gidi). Ziph, Ma on, and Carmel are assigned in Josh. 15 66 not 
to 'the Wilderness' but to 'the Hill-country.' The wilderness of Ziph 
and of Ma'on may be thought of, then, as the region immediately 
eastward of these cities breaking down towards the Dead Sea ; but, 
if this part of the Wilderness actually took its name from two cities in 
the Hill-country, it might be said to extend into the Hill-country, and 
(conceivably) to be 'the Wilderness of Judah which is in the Hill- 
country.' 'Arad is to be identified with Tell 'Arid, 'a barren-looking 
eminence rising above the country around' (Rob. BR\ ii. p. 101), 
which lies seventeen miles nearly due south of Hebron, and about half 
that distance due south of Ma'on. Some eight miles south-west of Tell 
'Arid is el-Milh, which is probably the City of Salt (Heb. 'ir ham- 
melah) mentioned in Josh. 15 62 as one of the six cities in 'the Wilder- 
ness.' 'En-gedi, the only other one of these six cities which can be 
identified, lies approximately twenty miles north-east of Tell 'Arad, 
and the three sites are so placed that a line drawn from 'En-gedi to 
el-Milh would fall upon Tell 'Arad (cf. Map IV). Thus it would seem 
that 'Arad (though assigned to the Negeb in the possibly composite 
passage, Num. 21 x JE) might have been included in 'the Wilderness' 
if it had been enumerated among the cities of Judah in Josh. 15. 
Just as the wilderness of Ziph and Ma'on appears to denote not 
precisely the region in which these cities were situated, but the barren 
country to the east which bordered upon them, so the Negeb of 'Arad 
may denote that part of the Negeb bordering upon 'Arad to the south, 
into which the wilderness of Judah might be said to extend (cf. 'the 
Negeb of the Kenites,' 1 Sam. 27 10 ). 
All suggested emendations of the passage base themselves, to some 

extent, upon (5r. fflt B reads els rr)V eprj/xov rrjv ovaav iv t<o vora lovda, 
rj ivTiv iirl Kftra/3ao-ea>? ApaS. (3i AL , <S h (besides omitting f\ i<rrtv) 
transpose IouSa and place . it after eprjfxov as in ffi ; but the word is 
marked with an asterisk in £> h , and it seems clear that (Sr B represents 
the more original form of (Sr. Hence La. reads 2H2 -|2>K "QTtsa 

w : v -: t : • - 

Tl5? l*li)02 mW 'into the wilderness which is in the Negeb of 

T— ■ » * T •* 

1. i7.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 17 

with Sime on his brother, and they smote the Cana'anites who 
inhabited Sephath, and devoted it to destruction. And the name 

Judah at the descent of 'Arad'; van Doorninck (Theol. Literatur- 
zeitung, 1884, p. 211), followed by Bu. (RS. p. 10) 1K>K iTTliT "12*10 

"PU Tvi03 'into the wilderness of Judah which is at the descent of 

T-; - : ' 

'Arad.' It is not clear, however, considering the site of Tell 'Arad, 
to what 'the descent of Arad' could refer. The Heb. term rendered 
'descent' is used in Josh, io 11 , Jer. 48 s , and probably also in Josh. 7 5 , 
of a steep pass between mountains. La.'s contention that ' if Tell 
'Arad is on a plain, the plateau descends not far off from it, towards 
the east,' is not very convincing as to the appropriateness of the 
expression in this connexion. Examination of the rendering of AS 8 
can scarcely fail to suggest that the words rrjv ova-av iv rco v6t<d and 
rj ianv iirl Karapdo-eos represent a double rendering of a single phrase 
in the Hebrew ; in which case "JTID2 or TUD2 (eVi Kara^daeoos) is 
simply a corruption of 2332 (iv r^J vorco), the resemblance between the 
two words in the ancient character being not remote. Mo. regards 
TV1D2 as an old error for ~I2102, ' into the wilderness,' as in Josh. 8 24 ffi. 
In his view *njj *i;-nft2 'into the wilderness of 'Arad' represents the 

t - : - : • : 

original text ; 2332 "IK>K, ' which is in the Negeb,' is a gloss to 'Arad 
from Num. 21 1 introduced into the text in the wrong place (i.e. before 
instead of after ''Arad'); and "12102, 'into the wilderness (of),' being 
thus left without a genitive, has finally been explained by the addition 
of rmn' 1 , ' into the wilderness of Judah.' Mo.'s view is adopted by 
No., Kit., and approved by Bu. in his Comm., except that Bu. favours 
retention of the words 2332 "IKW after Tiy, thus reading, ' into the 
wilderness of 'Arad which is in the Negeb.' 

with the * Amalekites. Reading , wOyn~riK with all recent com- 

• •■ T -• T 

mentators. The reading occurs as a doublet (jxera rov Xaov AfiaXrjK) 
in (Gr N , IL L , Copt. The Kenites are found among the 'Amalekites in 
1 Sam. 15 6 , and are associated with them in Bala'am's prophecy 
(Num. 24 20 "' 1 JE). $?, 'and he went and dwelt with the people,' 
gives no intelligible sense. Heb. hd-dm, 'the people,' is doubtless 
a remnant of the original reading hd- amdleki. 

17. Sephath. Only mentioned here. The ruined site Sebaita, 
nearly thirty miles south of Be'er-sheba, is favoured by many ; but 
there is no philological connexion between this name and the Heb. 
Sephath. In this respect nothing can be alleged against Rob.'s 
finding of the name (BR Z . ii. p. 181) in nakb es-Safa ('pass of the 
smooth rock'), a steep pass upon the route from Petra to Hebron, 
east-north-east of the gebel el-Maderah ; though no trace has been 
discovered of a city bearing the name. 

and devoted it to destruction. The Heb. verb is the Hiph'll 
(causative) modification of a root haram which does not occur in 


18 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 17. 

of the city was called Hormah. 18. R H And Judah took Gaza 

Heb. in the simple stem, but the sense of which may be illustrated 
from Ar. In Ar. haruma means 'to be forbidden, prohibited, un- 
lawful,' then ' to be sacred or inviolable.' Hence, in the first sense, 
harhn denotes the forbidden or private part of a house, i.e. the 
women's apartments ; mahram is a female relation who comes 
within the prohibited degrees, and whom therefore it is unlawful 
to marry ; el-Muharram is the first month of the Mohammedan 
year, during which fighting is prohibited. In the second sense we 
may notice haram, the sacred territory of Mecca, el-mcsgid el-hardm, 
the sacred mosque. In Heb. the causative helfrlm means to make 
a thing unlawful or taboo, by devoting it to God, and is commonly 
applied, as in this passage, to Israel's action in their religious wars, 
when the foes and their cities were devoted to wholesale destruction, 
and sometimes the cattle also (cf. Josh. 6 21 , 1 Sam. 15 3 ), though not 
always (cf. Deut. 2 3135 , 3 6 - 7 ). Inanimate objects coming under the 
sacred ban were destroyed by fire ; or, as in the case of gold and 
silver, and utensils of metal, dedicated to Yahweh's sanctuary (Josh. 
6 24 : the latter half of the verse appears, however, to be an addition by 
R D to the older narrative). Everything so devoted was called he'rem, 
' devoted thing ' ; and appropriation of any such herein was thought 
to incur Yahweh's dire displeasure, and could only be expiated by 
death, as in the case of Achan (Josh. 7 l ff ). The verb is used in 
a precisely similar sense by Mesha', king of Moab, when relating his 
treatment of a captured Israelitish city : — 'And Chemosh said to me, 
"Go, take Nebo against Israel"; and I went by night, and fought 
against it from break of dawn until noon, and I took it and slew the 
whole of it, 7000 men, and . . ., and women, and . . ., and damsels ; 
for to 'Ashtar-Chemosh had I devoted it (nDQinn, heJframtiha) ; 
and I took thence the vessels of Yahweh, and dragged them before 
Chemosh' {Moabite Stone, 11. 14-18). 

And the name of the city was called Hormah. Tradition connects 
the name with the root haram in the sense ' devoted to destruction.' 
Possibly the original meaning of the name may have been ' sanctuary' 
or ' sacred area.' Cf. Ar. haram noticed above. The site of Hormah 
has not been identified. This narrative seems to be a duplicate of 
Num. 21 M (JE), which is probably the immediate sequel of Num. 
j^ 40-45 (JE), and which places the conquest and extermination of the 
Cana'anites inhabiting a district of the Negeb, and hence the origin 
of the name Hormah, immediately after the mission of the spies, who. 
according to JE, were sent out from Kadesh-Barnea'. Probably the 
position of the narrative in Num. is the more original, and points to 
the capture and settlement of a portion of the Negeb by Judaeans 
(Calibbites) who advanced northwards from Kadesh at some time 
prior to the occupation of Cana'an by the Israelite tribes who entered 
from the east under Joshua . Cf. further Additional note, p. 44. 

1. i8. 19.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 19 

and the border thereof, and Ashkelon and the border thereof, 
and'Ekron and the border thereof. 19. J And Yahweh was with 
Judah, and he gained possession of the hill-country ; for <(he was^> 
not <able^> to dispossess the inhabitants of the Vale, because they 

18. And Judah took Gaza, etc. The three Philistine cities here 
specified (the modern Gazzeh, 'Askalan, and 'Akir) are all situated 
in the maritime plain, i.e. 'the Vale,' the inhabitants of which v. 19 tells 
us Judah could not dispossess. Josh. 13 3 (R D ) informs us that these 
three cities, together with Ashdod and Gath, remained uncaptured by 
Joshua' ; and in Judg. 3 3 ' the five lords of the Philistines ' are in- 
cluded among 'the nations which Yahweh left to test Israel by them' 
(3 1 ). There is no suggestion that Judah first captured the cities 
and then failed to hold them ; and it thus seems probable that z/. 18 , 
like the statement as to the capture of Jerusalem in ■z/. 8 , is a mis- 
taken editorial insertion. (Hi corrects to nal ovk. eKXrjpovofxrjcrev. 

'Ekron. The (Si form is Aiacapoov, while the name appears in the 
Assyr. inscriptions as Amkaruna ; and these two facts taken together 
suggest that the Heb. vocalization should be 'Akkaron for Amkaron, 
the double k representing assimilated m, or the m arising through 
dissimilation of double k. 

19. he gained possession. The Heb. verb hSris (causative of ydras) 
means 'to cause to inherit or possess,' with the collateral idea of 
causing succession to the inheritance of the previous owner, and so 
disinheriting or dispossessing him. This double sense is illustrated 
by the present verse, where 'gained possession of and 'to dispossess' 
are both represented by the same verb in the Heb. In v. 27 a single 
occurrence of the verb is applied, by a kind of zeugma, both to cities 
(Beth-she'an, Ta'anach), for which the rendering 'gain possession of 
would be the more suitable, and to the inhabitants of cities (Dor, 
Ible'am, Megiddo), with regard to whom this rendering is impossible, 
and the sense postulated is 'dispossess.' 

he was not able to dispossess. ^ has simply 'not ... to dis- 
possess,' the governing verb 73 "• 'was able,' being absent. It is 


theoretically possible to translate the Heb. as it stands ' was not for 
dispossessing,' i.e. 'could or did not dispossess' (cf. Driver, Tenses, 
§ 204) ; but since we know, from the parallel narrative in Josh., that in 
vv n.Ti an original 'could not dispossess' has been altered by R p into 
'did not dispossess' for dogmatic reasons (cf. introd. note to section), 
it is, reasonable to conclude that such an alteration was intended by R p 
in this ease also, and that he has carried it out imperfectly by simple 

excision of the verb 7b' 1 (we should have expected emendation to a 

perfect Bfr-iin as in vv. 2127 ). 

the Vale. The Heb. 'emek, lit. 'depression,' is applied to a wide and 

20 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 20. 21. 

had chariots of iron. 20. And they gave Hebron to Caleb, as 
Moses had said : and he dispossessed from thence the three sons 
of 'Anak. 21. But the Jebusites dwelling in Jerusalem the 

open vale or lowland country, and here denotes the maritime plain to 
the west of the hill-country of Judah, or, more accurately, to the west 
of the low foothills which lie between the Hill-country and the Vale 
(cf. note on ' the Shephelah,' 7A 9 ). Cf. further, p. 203, footnote. 

chariots of iron. These are also mentioned as forming the most 
effective part of the military equipment of the Cana'anites inhabiting 
the vale (emek) of Jezreel : Josh. 17 16 (J) ; cf. Judg. 4 3 . Among the 
steep and narrow passes of the Judaean hill-country they would have 
been useless : though in 1 Sam. 13 5 the Philistines are described as 
bringing them up into the central hill-country as far as Michmash, 
doubtless through the pass of Aijalon. Here the incredibly large 
number of 30,000 chariots given by p£, appears in (0r L , j$ p as 3000. 
The Aramaeans in later times found chariots ineffective among the 
hills surrounding Samaria : 1 Kgs. 20 2325 . 

20. And they gave Hebron to Caleb. Cf. Josh. 14 6 - 15 (R D based on 

as Moses had said. Referring back to Num. 14 24 (JE) : cf. Deut. 
I 36 , Josh. 14 9 . 

the three sons of 'Anak. Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai, mentioned 
in v. 10 end , which is the proper sequel to v. 20 in the original form of 
J's narrative (cf. the first note on v. 10 ). Heb. 'andk means ' neck ' ; 
and it may be inferred that b e ne 'andk properly denoted ' long-necked 
{i.e. tall) men.' Cf. the spies' description of their size and stature in 
Num. 13 33 (JE), and the rendering of (5r vlovs yiyavratv in Deut. I 28 . 

21. the Jebusites. Nothing is known of this people beyond the fact 
that they appear as the inhabitants of Jerusalem here and in || Josh. 
I5 G3 , and in the narrative of David's capture of the city, 2 Sam. 5 Gff - 
'Araunah the Jebusite' still lived at or just outside of Jerusalem after 
David had captured it and made it his capital (2 Sam. 24 16 ff ) ; and 
very possibly the Jebusites, after their expulsion from the stronghold 
of Sion (the south-east hill), which became the city of David, were 
still allowed to dwell upon the (presumably unwalled) south-west hill, 
which is styled 'the cliff (lit. "shoulder") of the Jebusites' in Josh. 
15 8 , i8 16 (P). In Judg. 19 1011 , 1 Chr. n 4 - 5 the name Jebus is given to 
Jerusalem as an earlier name of the city. In the Tell el-Amarna 
tablets, however, we find the name Urusalim regularly employed so 
early as cir. B.C. 1400. Cf. further, on the Jebusites, Introd. pp. lxxxvi f. 

the children of Judah. Reading 'Judah' in place of 'Benjamin' 
with || Josh. 15 03 . The alteration in $? has been made in accordance 
with Josh. 18 1G (P), which, in describing the lot of the children of 
Benjamin, makes the border run south of Jerusalem so as to include 
the city, and mentions it among the cities belonging to the tribe 
in s>. 28 . 

1. 22.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 21 

children of fjudah 1 did not dispossess : and the Jebusites dwelt 
with the children of rjudah" 1 in Jerusalem, unto this day. 

22. And the house of Joseph also went up to Bethel: and 

did not dispossess. An alteration of || Josh. 15 63 'were not able to 
dispossess.' Cf. introd. note to section. 

dwelt . . . unto this day. To what period does this note of time 
refer? We can scarcely imagine Jebusites and Judaeans dwelling 
side by side in Jerusalem prior to the capture of the ancient strong- 
hold by David ; and in fact in the old narrative of Judg. 19 1U2 Jebus 
is described as ' the city of foreigners who are not of the children of 
Israel,' and so likely to prove inhospitable to the Levite in need of a 
night's lodging. On the other hand, the fact that Jebusites remained 
at Jerusalem after the capture of the city by David (cf. note on ' the 
Jebusites' above) appears to have been due rather to David's 
clemency than to the inability of the Judaeans to dispossess them. 
This consideration, however, may have been overlooked by the writer 
of J ; and it seems the more probable view that the note refers to a 
period subsequent to David's capture of the city. 

22. the house of Joseph. So v. 33 , Josh. 17 n (J), 2 Sam. 19 20 , 1 Kgs. 
1 1 28 , Am. 5 6 . The reading of (3r, ol viol Icoo-rjcf), is probably an 
alteration under the influence of the plural verb 'went up' (w s 1) # 

The term may be used to include not merely Ephraim and Manasseh, 
but also Benjamin. Cf. 2 Sam. 19 20 , where Shime'i, the Benjaminite 
(16 n ), speaks of himself as belonging to the house of Joseph. 

went up to Bethel. Sc. from Gilgal : cf. v. 1 note; ch. 2 1 . Bethel 
is the modern Betin,* about ten miles north of Jerusalem ; and 'Ai, 
the first city captured in the hill-country, according to Josh., lay im- 
mediately to the east of Bethel (Josh. 7 2 , 8 912 JE ; cf. Gen. 12 8 J). 
The narrative seems to picture an independent attack made by the 
Joseph-tribes upon the hill-country ; and it is not improbable that it 
originally formed part of a longer account in which this section of 
Israel carried out its campaign under the leadership of Joshua'. This 
is the view of Bu., who suggests that J's narrative originally ran 
' went up to c Ai,' and then followed on with an account of the capture 
of ' Ai, as in Josh. 8, before mentioning the reconnaissance and capture 
of Bethel {v. 23 ). Cf. RS. pp. 57 f., and see further Additional note, p. 48. 
The mention of the men of Bethel in Josh. 8 17 as joining with the 
men of 'Ai in repelling Israel's attack upon the latter city is clearly a 
late gloss, which finds no place in fflr, and is out of harmony with the 
context. We have no account in Josh, of the capture of Bethel, but 
Josh. 12 16 (R D ) mentions the king of Bethel in the list of kings 
smitten by Joshua . 

* For the modification of the final -el to -in, cf. Zer'in for Jezre'el, Isra'in for 
Isra'el (in Birket Isra'in at Jerusalem), B£t Gibrin, 'House of Gabriel, ' and 
Wady Isma'in (Ishma'el). 

22 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 23. 24. 25. 

Yahweh was with them. 23. And the house of Joseph made a 
reconnaissance at Bethel. (Now the name of the city formerly 
was Luz.) 24. And the watchers saw a man coming out of the 
city, <and they laid hold on him)> and said to him, ' Show us, 
we pray thee, the way to enter the city, and we will deal kindly 
with thee.' 25. So he showed them the way to enter the city, and 
they smote the city at the edge of the sword ; but the man and 

and Yahweh was with them. Cf. v. 19 , 'and Yahweh was with Judah' 
(with r)K = 'with' in place of DDtf v. 22 ). & AL <a\ lovdas per' clvtuv. 
Bu. (7?S. pp. 58 f . ; Comm. p. 11, followed by Kit. HH. i. p. 269; 
GVI. 2 i. p. 570) makes out a good case for the suggestion that under 
both readings, 'Yahweh' and 'Judah,' there lies an original 'Joshua'.' 
If, as is generally acknowledged, Josh. 17 1418 belongs to this narra- 
tive, some mention of Joshua' is to be expected. A sufficient reason 
for the excision of the name of Joshua', and the substitution of the 
reading of our text, is furnished by the fact that R p professes to be 
giving an account of events which happened 'after the death of 
Joshua' ' (cf. introd. note to section). 

23. made a reconnaissance. The same Heb. verb tiir is used of the 
exploration of Cana'an by the spies (hat-tdrim, Num. 14 6 ) in the parts 
of Num. 13, 14 which belong to P. In this passage we have the 
Hiph'll (causative) modification of the verb, which, if not merely an 
error for the simple stem (HTPI for "nW1), may mean ' caused a recon- 
naissance to be made.' (K L ko\ irapevefiaXov (so (3r BA with doublet kcu 
K.aT€o-Ke\l/avTo), U 'cum obsiderent,' suggest a reading ,'y\ !|jh s 1 'and 

the house of Joseph encamped against Bethel.' Cf. the rendering of 
<& in ch. 9 50 . 

now the name of the city formerly was Luz. Cf. Gen. 28 19 , 35 6 , 
48 s , Josh. 18 13 , all P, or redactional notes based on P — a fact which 
has led Mo. {SBOT.\ No. to mark the statement here as due to R p . 
The reference to Luz, however, in v. 26 J clearly points back to an 
earlier mention of the name in the same document. For conjectures 
as to the meaning of the name Luz, cf. EB. 2834. 

24. and they laid hold on him. So (Or <al eXafiov avrov, i.e. )2 ItnN'l 

or ^imin^'l (cf. v. 6 ), which, as Bu. remarks, may easily have fallen 

out before rt»N s 1 'and they said.' 

the way to enter. So Mo. The Heb. m e bhd (lit. ' place or act of 
entry') might mean 'entrance' (so R.V.), as in 2 Kgs. 11 16 , 16 18 al. ; 
but, as the position of the city-gate must have been obvious to the 
spies, the expression probably means, as Mo. remarks, 'the most 
advantageous point for an assault or surprise. 7 

25. at the edge of the sword. Cf. v. 8 note. 

1. 26. 27-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 23 

all his clan they let go. 26. And the man went to the land of 
the Hittites, and built a city, and called its name Luz : that is 
its name unto this day. 

27. And Manasseh did not dispossess Beth-she'an and its 

26. the land of the Hittites. The Hittite principalities (relics of the 
earlier mighty empire which embraced a great part of Asia Minor 
and northern Syria) extended as far south as Kadesh, near the sources 
of the Orontes in the Anti-Lebanon. The northern limit of the king- 
dom of Israel in David's time seems to have extended 'to the land 
of the Hittites unto Kadesh' (2 Sam. 24 s , reading n&lp D'nnn HX 

T •• T • • ~ ' V V 

after (Sr L in place of the unintelligible text of %). On the Hittites, 
cf. further Introd. pp. lxxi f., lxxxiv ff., xcix f. 

called its name Luz. The site of this northern Luz is unascertained. 
As Mo. notices, modern names compounded with the Ar. lauz, 
'almond,' are not infrequent, and any attempt at identification must 
therefore be wholly unreliable. 

27. And Manasseh did not dispossess, etc. Upon the use of the 
verb hdrfs, here rendered ' dispossess,' cf. note on v. 19 . Beth-she'an, 
which received the Greek name Scythopolis in Macedonian times 
(cf. ffir's gloss rj €(ttlv 2i<v6&v noXis), is the modern Besan, situated 
above the Jordan valley at the mouth of the Wady Galud, which 
descends south-east from the plain of Esdraelon ; Ta anach, now called 
Ta annuk, lies some seventeen miles a little north of due west of Besan, 
upon the southern edge of Esdraelon, and about eight miles north - 
north-west of the Wady Bel'ameh, which probably preserves the 
name of the ancient Ible'am ; * Megiddo, coupled with Ta'anach in 
ch. 5 19 , Josh. 1.2 21 , 17 11 , 1 Kgs. 4 12 , is now identified with Tell el- 
Mutesellim ('the mound of the governor'), five miles north-west of 
Ta'annuk, an important site commanding the pass from the plain of 
Sharon to the plain of Esdraelon, which the recent excavations of the 
German Palestine Exploration Society (vol. i. of the Report 1908) 
have shown to have been a fortified city of the Cana'anites many 
centuries before the Israelite occupation of Palestine. The statement 
of Josephus that Dor was situated on the Mediterranean seacoast, 
near Carmel (Ant. vill. ii. 3 ; cf. C. Ap. ii. 116), is confirmed by the 
Egyptian narrative of Wenamon, the envoy of Hrihor of Thebes 
[ar. B.C. 1 1 14), who in his voyage from Egypt to Phoenicia puts in at 
the harbour of Dor (Breasted, AR. iv. § 565 ; cf. Introd. p. xcvi). 

* The modern Yebla, north-west of Besan, proposed by Conder (S WP. 
Mem ii. p. 98) as the site of Ible'am, is philologically less probable. The drop- 
ping of the final syllable with its guttural JJ might be paralleled, however, by the 

modern el-Gib for Gibe'on. For the dropping of the preformative * of DJ7PH > 
in Bel'ameh, cf. the form DX^3 Bile' am 1 Chr. 6™ (fj55) f an d Zer'in for ^KJHP. 

24 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 27. 

dependencies, and Ta'anach and its dependencies, and the 
inhabitants of Dor and its dependencies, and the inhabitants of 

OS. places the site eight Roman miles from Caesarea (283 3 ), and this 
tradition is preserved in the identification with the modern Tanturah, 
which lies north of Caesarea at a little less than eight English miles. 
The term Naphath (Naphoth) Dor (Josh, u 2 , 12 23 , 1 Kgs. 4 11 ), if 
rightly explained to mean 'the heights of Dor,' is difficult to account 
for upon this identification, unless it is applied to the outlying flanks 
of the Carmel-range some distance inland from Tanturah. 

As the text stands, it is rather strange that Dor, lying in the 
extreme west, should be interposed between the two cities Ta'anach 
and Ible'am, which occupy a central position in near neighbourhood 
to one another. Thus it is probable (as Mo. suggests) that the 
mention of Dor originally stood last, as in 1 Chr. 7 29 , which is prob- 
ably based upon this passage. With this change, the cities are 
mentioned approximately in their geographical order from east to 
west ; and it is noticeable that they must have formed, with their 
dependencies, a strong belt of fortresses separating the central tribes 
of Israel from the tribes in the north. We learn from the narrative 
of Wenamon that the inhabitants of Dor at this period were not 
Cana'anites but Takkara, a western people who invaded Cana'an at the 
same time as the Philistines, and who were probably allied to them 
(cf. Introd. pp. xcii f.). This fact, coupled with the fact that we find 
Beth-she'an in the hands of the Philistines at the end of Saul's reign 
(1 Sam. 3 1 10 ), suggests the possibility that the whole series of cities 
extending from Sharon across the plain of Esdraelon may have 
belonged to these western invaders in the times of the Judges. 

The account of the inheritance of West Manasseh, as given in 
Josh. 17 (J and P combined), is somewhat perplexing. This much, 
however, is clear, as stated by P (vv. 9 - 10 ). It was bounded on the 
west by the Mediterranean ; on the north by the territory of Asher, 
which, we are told in Josh. I9 26 P, extended as far as Carmel ; on the 
south by the territory of Ephraim, the boundary line being the Wady 
Kana, i.e. it need not be doubted, the modern Wady Kana* running 
into the Nahr el-'Auga, which reaches the sea a few miles north of 
Joppa. The eastern boundary is stated to have been the territory of 
Issachar ; and it is here that our information is too slight and per- 
plexing to allow of any certain inferences as to the delimitation. 
According to J in Josh. 17 n , the towns along the southern edge of the 
plain of Esdraelon which Manasseh was unable to conquer were 
(though rightly belonging to Manasseh) 'in Issachar and in Asher.' 

dependencies. Lit. ' daughters,' a term applied to smaller cities or 
hamlets dependent upon the larger fortified cities. The use of the 
expression is characteristic of J. Cf. CH. J 88. 

* The Ar. name is spelt with K, but it seems likely that this is a transcrip- 
ional error for K, which is found in the Heb. name. 

1. 28. 2 9 .] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 25 

Ibleam and its dependencies, and the inhabitants of Megiddo 
and its dependencies ; but the Cana'anites persisted in dwelling 
in this land. 28. And when Israel was waxen strong, they 
impressed the Cana'anites for labour-gangs, and did not dis- 
possess them at all. 

29. And Ephraim did not dispossess the Cana'anites who 

persisted. The Heb. verb (TWin) is used in this special sense in 

1 Josh. 17 12 and in v. Zb \ of this chapter. Elsewhere, when used of 
an action undertaken of one's own accord, it has the sense to resolve : 
cf. Gen. 18 27 - 31 (R.V. 'I have taken upon me'), Deut. i 6 (R.V. 'began'); 
and we may infer therefore for the special usage with which we are 
dealing the sense to carry out one's resolution, so persist. When the 
verb is employed of an action undertaken at the instance of some one 
else, to consent is the appropriate rendering: cf. ch. 17 n , 19 6 , 

2 Sam. 7 29 , 2 Kgs. 5 23 , 6 3 (R.V. 'be content' in all passages except 
2 Sam. 'let it please thee'). 

28. labour-gangs. The Heb. term ma's denotes a levy of men 
impressed for task-work, rather than the task-work itself (as in 
R.V.) : cf. especially the phrase ma's % obhedh, 'toiling labour-gang,' 
Gen. 49 15 , Josh. 16 10 , 1 Kgs. 9 21 . Such a levy was imposed upon the 
Israelites in Egypt (cf. Ex. 1 n , where, as Mo. points out, the term 
D^DD "HE* should be rendered 'gang-foremen' rather than 'task- 

masters' R.V.), and by Solomon not merely upon the Cana'anites (as 
stated in 1 Kgs. 9 1622 ) but also upon the Israelites for the purposes of 
his extensive building operations : cf. 1 Kgs. 5 13 ( 27 p?). 

and did not dispossess them at all. The Heb. construction 

(itJ^'rin t& K^lim Infinitive Absolute emphasizing the finite verb) 

lays stress upon the fact that the expulsion of the Cana'anites was 
left absolutely unaccomplished. R.V., by its rendering 'and did not 
utterly drive them out,' suggests that the expulsion was partially but 
not completely accomplished, a sense which is directly at variance 
with the meaning of the Heb. 

29. Ephraim. The account of Ephraim's heritage as given in 
Josh. i6 6ff - P is somewhat confused and perplexing : cf. Hoggin EB. 
1 3 19. Here we need only notice that the tribe occupied the central 
part of Cana'an,its northern boundary marching with that of Manasseh 
along by the Wady Kana (cf. note on Manasseh, v. 27 ) to the sea, 
while the southern boundary, starting from the Jordan near Jericho, 
met the territory of Benjamin and Dan, apparently turning north or 
north-west at Gezer. Cf. further p. 222. 

Gezer. The modern Tell Gezer, situated in a commanding position 
to the east of the maritime plain of Philistia, upon an outlying spur of 
the low hills of the Shephelah, about eighteen miles west-north-west 

26 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 30. 

dwelt in Gezer ; but the Cana'anites dwelt in the midst of them 
in Gezer. 

30. Zebulun did not dispossess the inhabitants of Kitron, nor 

of Jerusalem. The identity of the site with the ancient Gezer, inferred 
from the identity of the modern Ar. with the ancient Heb. name, was 
placed beyond doubt by the discovery in 1871 by Clermont-Ganneau 
of the inscription 'the boundary of Gezer,' cut in ancient Heb. char- 
acters upon several of the rocks at a short distance from the site : 
cf. Macalister, Bible Sidelights from the Mound of Gezer, pp. 22 fif. ; 
Driver, Schweich Lectures, p. 46. The site of Gezer has been 
excavated by Mr. Macalister under the auspices of the Palestine 
Exploration Fund (1903- 1905, 1907- 1909), and a detailed Memoir has 
recently (191 2) appeared. For a convenient summary of the dis- 
coveries, cf. Driver, op. cit. 

The excavations have shown that Gezer was inhabited by a race 
of cave-dwellers as early as cir. B.C. 3000. It is first mentioned in 
history as captured by Thutmosi III. {cir. B.C. 1 501-1447). Among 
the Tell el-Amarna letters {cir. B.C. 1400) there are several from 
Yapajii, king or governor of Gezer, who appeals for help against a 
people whose name is written ideographically SA.GAZ, and who are 
generally supposed to be identical with the Hiabiru (cf. Introd. pp. 
lxxv ff.). Mineptah claims to have captured Gezer upon the celebrated 
'Israel' stele : cf. Breasted, AR. iii. § 617. This must have been cir. 
B.C. 1223, a few decades before the Israelite invasion of Cana'an under 
Joshua'. The failure of the Ephraimites to capture Gezer is con- 
firmed by 1 Kgs. 9 16 , where we learn that the city was still in the 
hands of the Cana'anites in the days of Solomon, when it was taken 
and burnt by the Phara'oh who was king of Egypt at that time, and 
given as a dowry to his daughter on the occasion of her marriage 
with Solomon. These facts are for us difficult to reconcile with the 
statement of R D in Josh, io 33 that, when Horam king of Gezer came 
to the assistance of Lachish, 'Joshua smote him and his people until 
he had left him none remaining.' 

but the Candanites . . . Gezer. (5r adds na\ eyevero {airy) eh 
<j)6pov. I Josh. i6 10b , 'but the Cana'anites dwelt in the midst of 
Ephraim unto this day, and became toiling labour-gangs ' : probably 
the more original form of J's statement. The words ' unto this day,' 
if they 'do not necessarily imply a time prior to the destruction of 
the city by the Egyptians' (Mo.), at any rate seem to point to the 
earlier monarchic period. Cf. note on the same expression in v. 21 . 

30. Zebulun. The description of Zebulun's territory given in Josh, 
jgioff. p i s obscure. The southern boundary was contiguous with the 
territory of Issachar along a line which ran east and west across the 
plain of Esdraelon in the neighbourhood of Mount Tabor ; while on 
the south-west the boundary marched with the territory of Manasseh, 

1, 31.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 27 

the inhabitants of Nahalol; but the Cana'anites dwelt in the 
midst of them, and became labour-gangs. 

31. Asher did not dispossess the inhabitants of 'Acco, nor the 

north-west with the territory of Asher, and north, and apparently east, 
with that of Naphtali. Jos., however, states {Ant. V. i. 22) that their 
inheritance included the land which reached as far as Gennesaret, 
as well as that which lay about Carmel and the sea (cf. Gen. 49 13 ). 

Kitron . . . Nahalol. Neither site has been identified. Nahalol 
(perhaps meaning 'watering-place' of flocks; cf. plural DvPrn 

Isa. 7 19 ) appears in Josh. 19 15 , 21 35 as Nahalal. G n Acofiava in the 
present passage must have read Dimnah, which is coupled with Nahalal 
in Josh. 21 36 . In Josh. 19 15 Kattath seems to stand in place of Kitron ; 
but neither name occurs elsewhere. The Jerusalem Talmud {Megil- 
lah, i. 1) identifies Nahalal with Mahlul ; and for this the modern 
Ma'lul, 3 1 miles west of Nazareth, has been advocated by Schwarz 
and others,* and' Ain Mahil, about the same distance north-east of 
Nazareth, by Conder. 

In the same passage in the Talmud Kattath is said to be Ketinith. 
or Ketonith \ (cf. (Hi B Karavad in Josh. 19 15 ), a site which may be the 
modern Hjrbet Kuteineh to the west of the plain of Esdraelon § : 
cf. Neubauer, Geographie du Talmud, p. 189. The view put forward 
in the Babylonian Talmud {Megillah, 6 a ) that Kitron is the same as 
Sippori (Sepphoris), i.e. the modern Seffuriyyeh, 3! miles north of 
Nazareth, is opposed by Neubauer {op. cit. pp. 191 f.) upon the ground 
of a tradition (preserved in the same passage in the Talmud) that the 
tribe of Zebulun complained that, while Naphtali had been granted 
fields and vineyards, they had only been granted mountains and hills. 
Sippori, however, was famed for its fertility ; and hence Neubauer 
argues that it must have belonged not to Zebulun but to Naphtali. 

31. Asher. The tribe is mentioned as inhabiting western Galilee 
in the lists of the Egyptian kings, Sety I. and Ra'messe II., prior to 

* The substitution of Ar. for Heb. h requires substantiation ; and this is also 
needed as regards the interchange of n and m in Nahalal, Mahlul, if the two 
forms are to be regarded as philologically connected. 

% Editions vary as to the form. Ketonith (or Ketunith) is given by Neubauer 
loc. cit., and by Mo. and Cheyne (EB. 2654) following him. The Krotoschin 
edition (1866) has JTOIDp, Ketonith, but the Jitomir (1866) and Petrokov (1899) 
editions read JV^Dp, Ketinith. The reference given by Neubauer from the 
Tosefta (Sotah, ch. 15) to rVOlEp E»K, « a man of Ketonith, 1 should be, as a 
matter of fact (Pazewalk edition, 1881), n^tD^p p, 'a son of Kitnith,' with 
var. led. TPm\>, Kitnith or Katnith. 

§ The Heb. Kgtinlth corresponds exactly to the Ar. Kuteineh if this latter is 
to be regarded as a diminutive. Cf. for the vowel change modern Ar. kefifah 
for kufeifah, ' little basket ' : Wright, Comparative Grammar, p. 89. 

Kattath may very likely have arisen from an original Kattant or Kattint : cf. 
bath from bint, and, for the lengthening of the a, am for 'amm. 

28 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 31. 

inhabitants of Sidon, nor Ahlab, nor Achzib, nor Helbah, nor 

the Israelite invasion under Joshua'; cf. Introd. p. lxxxix. The posi- 
tion of Asher's inheritance is described in Josh. i9 24ff - P. It seems to 
have been a strip of country reaching southward to Carmel, where it 
joined the territory of Manasseh, and apparently bordering the sea 
as far north as Achzib and Mahaleb (cf. note following on Ahlab). 
Farther north the western boundary must have been formed by the 
territory of the Sidonians, while the east and south-east boundary-line 
was formed by the territory of Naphtali and Zebulun. Probably the 
limits thus defined are largely ideal, a considerable portion of the 
territory which they include belonging properly to the Phoenicians ; 
cf. note on v. 32 . 

l Acco. The modern 'Akka, situated on a rocky promontory at the 
northern extremity of the bay of 'Akka, the south side of which is 
formed by the promontory of Carmel. The town received the name 
Ptolemais during the Greek period; cf. OS. 224 75 . The Acre of 
the Crusaders is a modification of the modern Ar. name ; cf. Smith's 
article in EB. 3967 ff. 'Acco is wanting in the text of % in 
Josh. 19 24 - 31 , but should probably be restored in place of Umma 
in*/. 30 . 

Sidon. The modern Saida, about twenty-five miles south of 

Ahlab . . . Helbah. The two names are so similar that they look 
like variations of the same name. Schrader {COT. i. p. 161) and 
Delitzsch (Paradies, pp. 283 f.) compare the name Mahalliba mentioned 
by Sennacherib in a list of Phoenician cities which capitulated to 
him in his third campaign : Taylor Cylinder, Col. ii. 1. 38 ; cf. KB. 
ii. p. 90. Sennacherib names 'Great Sidunnu (cf. niTl jiTV Josh. 19 28 ) 

little Sidunnu, Bit-zitti, Sariptu (Sarephath, 1 Kgs. 17 910 , Ob. 20 
SapenTa Lu. 4 26 ; the modern Sarafand), Mahalliba, USu, Akzibi, 
Akku ' ; and the order running from north to south should place 
Mahalliba somewhere between Sarafand, which lies eight miles south 
of Sidon, and Achzib (cf. note following), some thirty miles farther 
south. Mo. hazards the conjecture that the name may have been 
'the old name of the Promontorium albwn of Pliny, the modern Ras 
el-Abyad, midway between Tyre and Achzib,' a suitable site for an 
important town. The name may be connected with Heb. hdldbh, 
' milk,' in allusion to the whiteness of the headland. 

The strange pane of Josh. 19 29 (mehebel ; R.V. 'by the region'; 

marg. 'from Hebel') is almost certainly a corruption of XTID 

Mahaleb (cf., in support of the transposition, fflr B dnb At/3); and this 
fact lends support to the view of Miiller (AE. p. 194, « 4 ), La. that the 
name should be so read in our passage, as against that of Mo. that 
Mahalliba, Ahlab, Helbah were existing variations of the same name. 

i- 32. 33-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 29 

Aphik, nor Rehob: 32. but the Asherites dwelt in the midst of 
the Cana'anites inhabiting the land ; for they did not dispossess 


33. Naphtali did not dispossess the inhabitants of Beth- 

Achzib. The EKidnnra of OS. 224", a form in which the 8 seems 
to preserve the Aram, pronunciation. The modern identification is 
ez-Zib, eight and a half miles north of Accho.* 

Aphik. Mentioned (in the form Aphek) with Rehob among the 
cities of Asher in Josh. 19 30 . That the Aphek of 1 Sam. 29 l is the 
same (as suggested by Bu., La.) is scarcely likely, as this latter is 
probably to be sought in northern Sharon % (Smith, HG. p. 350), and 
would therefore lie too far to the south. On the other hand, as Mo. 
points out, the modern Afka, north of Berut (probably the Aphek of 
Josh. 13 4 ), 'is much too far north for the present context and that of 
Josh. 19 30 .' The name Aphek appears to have been by no means 

Rehob. The site is unknown. M tiller cites the occurrence of 
the name in Egyptian lists; AE. p. 153. That the Beth-rehob of 
ch. 18 28 , 2 Sam. 10 6 , inhabited by Aramaeans (probably the Rehob 
of Num. 13 21 ), cannot be the same as the Asherite Rehob is perhaps 
too positively asserted by Mo. The identity is assumed by Noldeke 
in EB. 279. 

32. the Asherites dwelt, etc. In the case of Asher it is not claimed 
that the Cana'anites eventually became a subject people. The 
maritime cities mentioned in v. n belonged to Phoenicia throughout 
the period covered by the history of the kingdom of Israel. In the 
Song of Deborah (ch. 5) the reference to Asher in v. 17 ('Asher sat still 
by the shore of the seas, dwelling beside his creeks') seems to indicate 
that the Asherites dwelt among the Phoenician Cana'anites in a con- 
dition of dependence ; and being thus unmolested by the" central 
Cana'anites, refused to make common cause against them with the 
other Israelite tribes. 

33. Naphtali. The territory of Naphtali is described by P in 
Josh. 19 3239 . It lay to the north of Zebulun, and was bounded by 
the territory of Asher on the west and by the Jordan on the east. 
The predominance of the foreign element in the region of Naphtali 
and Zebulun, as in that of Asher, is indicated by the title G e lil 
hag-goyhn, 'the District (circuit) of the Nations' applied to it in 

* If the name comes from the Heb. root 3J3 Aram. 3*13, as is suggested 

- t ' - : ' 

by the form E/c5t7T7ra (cf. the word-play of Mic. 1 14 in the case of the southern 
Achzib), we should expect ed-Dlb. The substitution of z for d in modern Ar. is, 
however, not unparalleled. 

% Probably Josh. 12 18 ought to read lriK tflE& P£N "i^D ' The king of 

TV ' T " ' •■ -■ 'v V > 

Aphek pertaining to Sharon, one' ; cf. Buhl, Geogr. p. 213, « 674 . 

30 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 34. 

shemesh, nor the inhabitants of Beth-'anath ; but they dwelt in 
the midst of the Cana'anites inhabiting the land j and the 
inhabitants of Beth-shemesh and Beth-'anath became labour- 
gangs for them. 

34. And the Amorites pressed the children of Dan into the 

Isa. 9 l (f£ 8 23 ), or, in short form, hag-Galil, Josh. 20 7 , 2 1 32 ; 1 Kgs. 9 n ; 
1 Chr. 6 76 (#£ 61 ), whence the name Galilee. Cf. also * Harosheth 
of the nations,' ch. 4 21316 , probably in Zebulun ; cf. note ad loc. 

Beth-shemesh . . . Beth- anath. Both sites are unidentified (cf., how- 
ever, Introd. p. cvii, footnote ||). Beth-'anath occurs in the Egyptian 
lists of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties ; cf. Miiller, AE. pp. 
193, 195, 220. 'Anath is the name of a goddess, possibly the same as 
the Babylonian Antum or Anatum, consort of Anu, the god of heaven, 
and chief of the first triad of gods (Anu, Enlil, and Ea) ; cf. Jastrow 
in DB. v. p. 538 b, and RBA. i. p. 143. Further traces of the cult 
of this goddess in Cana'an are preserved in the southern 'Anathoth 
C Anita, two and a half miles north-north-east of Jerusalem), and in the 
proper name Shamgar ben-' Anath, ch. 3 31 , 5 6 . She was worshipped in 
the fifth century B.C. by the Jewish garrison stationed at Elephantine* 
on the southern border of Egypt. We meet with the compound name 
'Anath-bethel, in which the deities 'Anath and Bethel (treated as a 
divine name) are probably equated ; * and 'Anath-yahu also occurs. 
Probably she was ' the queen of heaven,' who, according to 
Jer. 44 l6ff -, was worshipped by the Jews who dwelt in Pathros, i.e. in 
Upper Egypt, where Elephantine was situated. Our information 
as to this Jewish garrison and its religious cultus is derived from 
recently discovered Aram, papyri which were edited in 191 1 by 
Sachau under the title Aramdische Papyrus und Ostraker aus einer 
jiidischen Militar-Kolonie zu Elephantine. Cf. the present editor's 
article in Church Quart. Rev., July 191 2. 

but they dwelt. (Or AL , £> h <a\ KarcoKria-ev laparfk, very possibly the 
original text; cf. note on Josh. 13 13 , which belongs to the same 
narrative, in Additional note, p. 51. 

34. the Amorites. The term is used, here and in ta 35 , as a general 
name for the pre- Israelite inhabitants of Palestine, who elsewhere in 
this section (2/7/. . c f a i so vv w from the editor R p ) are 
described as Cana anites, in accordance with the regular practice of J. 
Such a use of 'Amorites,' on the contrary, is characteristic of E 
(cf. note on v. x ) ; and the difficulty of accounting for this deviation 
in usage on the part of J has led Meyer (ZATW. i. p. 126) to conclude 
that vv. M3G are the work of a later hand. So Stade, GVI. i. p. 138 n. 
Against this view Bu.'s arguments {RS. pp. 15 ff.) are cogent; notice 

* Such a compound deity is seen in 'Ashtar-Chemosh, mentioned on the 
Moabite Stone, 1. 17. 

1. 34-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 31 

hill-country ; for they did not suffer them to come down into 

J's phrases in v. 3b — 'persisted in dwelling,' as in v. 21 , Josh. 17 12 , 
'became labour-gangs,' as in vv. 30 - 33 , Josh. 16 10 ; and the fact that 
v. 3i clearly forms the lowest grade in a descending scale — in vv. 27 ' 30 
the Cana'anites remain in the midst of Israel, and eventually become 
subject ; in vv. 31 ' 33 Asher and Naphtali dwell in the midst of the 
Cana'anites, the inference being that these latter retained the pre- 
dominance, whether in power or in numbers (cf. notes on vv. 32 - 23 ); 
in v. 3i the ' Amorites' actually oust the Danites from their territory. 
It is probable that J originally wrote ' Cana anites ' in these two verses * 
(Xavavaios is the reading of HP. 55 in v. 3 °), and that the substitution 
of ' Amorites ' is due to a later hand, under the influence, it may be 
conjectured, of the textual corruption 'Amorites' for 'Edomites' 
in v. 36 . 

pressed the children of Dan, etc. Josh. 19 4146 P assigns sixteen or 
seventeen (|^) cities to Dan, all of which, so far as they can be 
identified, lie in the Shephelah and vale-country to the east of the 
territories of Benjamin and northern Judah. Out of this list, however, 
Sor ah, Eshta'ol, 'Ekron, and Timnah are assigned by P to Judah in 
Josh. 15 33 - 45 - 57 . In the narrative of Samson the Danites appear to be 
confined to a small district about Sor ah and Eshta'ol, immediately 
contiguous to the hill-country, while Timnah is occupied by Philistines 
just as 'Ekron is elsewhere. We may infer that the Amorites or 
Cana'anites who, as our narrative informs us, forced the Danites into 
the hills, were themselves suffering from the encroachments of the 
Philistines on the west. The Philistines, who entered Cana'an about 
the same time as, or a very short time before, the Israelite invasion 
under Joshua' (cf. Introd. pp. xcii ff.), must naturally have driven such 
of the original Cana'anite inhabitants of their territory as escaped 
extirpation (cf. Deut. 2 23 ) eastward towards the hill-country, where 
they would come into conflict with the Danites, who may have made 
their settlement prior to Joshua''s invasion (cf. Introd. pp. cvi f.). Josh. 
19 47 , which originally formed part of J's narrative, informs us that finally 
a large portion of the tribe of Dan, if not the main portion, finding 
their district too narrow (read DHD . . . *1¥ s 1 'was too strait for 

them,' in place of p? DHD . . . N^l, R.V. 'went out beyond them'), 

migrated to the extreme north of Palestine, conquered the city of 
Leshem (or perhaps Lesham : cf. ch. 18 7 note), and established them- 
selves in and about the city, which they renamed Dan. This migration 
is further related in ch. 18, where the conquered city is called Laish 
(vv. 7 - 27 ), and seems already to have taken place at the period to which 
the Song of Deborah relates (cf. note on ch. 5 17 ). Thenceforward 
Dan figures in the common phrase ' from Dan to Beersheba ' as the 
northernmost limit of Palestine. 

* Meyer appears now to incline to this view : cf. IN. p. 525, n 1 . 

32 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 35. 

the Vale. 35. And the Amorites persisted in dwelling in Har- 
heres, in Aijalon, and in Sha'albim : yet the hand of the house 

the Vale. Cf. v. 19 note. 

35. persisted in dwelling. Cf. v.' 11 note. 

Har-heres. The name means ' hill of the Sun,' and the fact that 
here's = s , e?nes' has led Stu. and others after him to identify the site 
with Beth-shemesh ('house or temple of the Sun'), i.e. the modern 
'Ain-Sems (' spring of the Sun ') which occupies an elevated site to 
the south of the Wady Sarar (vale of Sorek), where it opens out upon 
the Shephelah. This identification is favoured by the fact that 
Beth-shemesh is mentioned with Sha'albim in 1 Kgs. 4 9 , and 'Ir- 
shemesh (' city of the Sun,' doubtless the same as Beth-shemesh) with 
Sha'albim and Aijalon in Josh. 19 41 - 42 , just as Har-heres is in our 

(K AL represents D*in "IH3 by iv re» 6pei tov Mv[p]o-ivQvos (so £$ h ), 
(8i B by iv Tta opei r£ ocrrpaKooSei * (with the doublet iv tco Mupo-ivam), 
t.e., in the first case D1H h a das, 'myrtle,' in the second fcnn heres, 
'potsherd' in place of D"in here's-, both variations being possibly 
attempts to get rid of the reference to the Sun with its idolatrous 
implications (so La.). Why such a reference should have been found 
more objectionable in the case of heres than in that of femes' is not 
obvious : but it cannot be merely accidental that Timnath-heres of 
Judg. 2 9 appears in || Josh. 24 30 and in Josh. 19 60 as Timnath-serah 
(fllD a transposition of the consonants of D"lH). J 

Aijalon. The identification of Rob. (BR*, ii. pp. 253 f., iii. pp. 144 f.) 
with the modern Yalo, seven miles north-north-east of ' Ain-sems and 
in the south of the ' vale ' into which the pass of Beth-horon opens out 
('the vale of Aijalon,' Josh. 10 12 ) is universally accepted. The name 
'Ayyalon perhaps means 'haunt of deer' i^ayyal). How (& arrived at 
the rendering al apKoi is obscure, unless this may be regarded as a 
corruption of ol So'pxoi § (for the normal al doptedbes). (Si, however, 

* Cf. the gloss ' quod interpretatur testaceo,' which appears in TS. 

% It must be considered doubtful whether x ir ha-heres, 'city of destruction,' 
in Isa. 19 18 f^ is also to be considered as an alteration of an original 'ir ha-heres, 
'city of the Sun,' i.e. Heliopolis. The phrase 'one shall be called' implies that 
one of the five cities mentioned is to be distinguished by a name which denotes 
its special character as representative of the worship of Yahweh ; and this con- 
sideration weighs in favour of the view that the reading of <5r, %6\is aaedeic, i.e. 

pISf H IP]} ' city of righteousness ' (as it were ' the Egyptian Jerusalem ' : cf. 

Isa. 1 26 ), is likely to be the original reading. Cf. Gray's acute discussion of the 
passage in Isaiah {ICC.) ad loc. This, however, may have been afterwards 
altered to 'ir ha-heres in allusion to Heliopolis, and the reading of ?§, 'ir ha-here's, 
may represent a still later stage. 

§ 6 depKOS is fo«nd in Nicolaus of Damascus (B.C. 16), 46, 47 ; Dioscoridcs 
(cir. a.d. 60), 2, 85; Testamenta Xii. Patriarcharum 1121 D: cf. Sophocles, 
Greek Lexicon s.v. 

1. 36.] THE BOOK OF. JUDGES 33 

of Joseph prevailed, and they became labour-gangs. 36. And 
the border of the rEdomites" 1 was from the ascent of 'Akrabbim, 

confines 8opi<ds to the Heb. s e bi, 'gazelle,' with which the 'ayya/ is 
often coupled, but never confused. 

Shdalbim. Site unknown. The name appears in Josh. 19 42 as 
Sha'alabbin, and probably means ' foxes ' : cf. Assyr. se/ibu, Ar. 
fa* /ad, and the rendering of <& al dXcorrf/cef. Apart from this place- 
name, the fact that the word was used in Heb. would be unknown to 
us, the ordinary Heb. word for 'fox' being MaL 

prevaiied. Lit. ' became heavy. 5 

36. the border of the Edomites. Reading ^"IXH in place of 
p? nfoKH 'the Amorites' with Bu., Kit. {HH. i. p. 268), Buhl 


(Edomiter, p. 25), No., La., etc. The reading to opiov tov 'Apoppatov 
6 'Idovpalos is found in (£ AL , the group of MSS. cited by Mo. as (£ M , 
Arm., Eth., <S h (with obelus before 6 IS.), and this is adopted by 
Hollenberg, ZATW. i. p. 103. But the writer's interest is centred 
upon the footing gained by the tribes of Israe/ in Palestine, and the 
frontier between Amorites and Edomites would scarcely concern 
him in this connexion ; while such a use of the term ' Amorite ' is 
contrary to the practice of J : cf. v. 3i note. It cannot be doubted 
that he is indicating the line along which the frontier of the southern- 
most tribe (Judah) marched with the frontier of Edom. "HlDKn is an 
easy corruption of "'Dl^n, and the versions as cited above present 
a doublet. A similar confusion occurs between DIN 'Edom' and 
D-lK 'Aram': 2 Sam. 8 12 - 13 (cf. v. 14 , 1 Chr. 18 "•", Ps. 60 heading), 

2 Chr. 20 2 , 2 Kgs. 16 6 . 

from the ascent of 'Akrabbim. Usually identified with the Nakb 
es-Safa, a steep pass which runs up northward out of the Wady 
el-Fikrah : cf. note on Sephath v. 11 . An obvious objection to this 
identification lies in the fact that the frontier of Edom cannot be said 
to commence/m« this point, since this would leave out of account 
the twenty-five miles or so which intervene between the mouth of the 
Nakb es-Safa and the southern extremity of the Dead Sea at which 
the frontier is stated to begin in Num. 34 3 , Josh. 1 5 2 P. The same 
objection applies, in an enhanced degree, to the more westerly 
Nakb el-Yemen, advocated by Trumbull {Kadesh-Barnea, p. m). 
More probably we should find the ascent in the Wady el-Fikrp.h, 
which Trumbull {op. cit. pp. 94 f.) describes as 'a wady which ascends 
south-westerly from the 'Arabah, from a point not far south of the 
Dead Sea, and which separates Palestine proper from the 'Azazimeh 
mountain tract, or Jebel Mukrah group. The northern wall of this 
wady is a bare and bold rampart of rock, forming a natural boundary,' 
Scorpions {'akrabbim) are said to abound in this district. 


34 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [1. 36. 

from the Crag and upwards. 

from the Crag. Here we seem to have a second starting-point for 
the frontier-line between Judah and Edom, i.e. upon the most natural 
hypothesis, the other extremity of the frontier, farthest removed from 
the ascent of 'Akrabbim. The identification of has-seld, 'the Crag,' 
has caused difficulty. Clearly the reference cannot be to the city of 
Petra,* which was the capital of the Nabataeans from cir. B.C. 300 
until the second century A.D. ; for Petra lies some fifty miles a little 
east of due south of the southern end of the Dead Sea, among the 
mountains of Se'ir to the east of the 'Arabah ; whereas the researches 
of Trumbull in connexion with his identification of the site of Kadesh- 
Barnea at 'Ain-Kudes, nearly fifty miles south-south-west of Be'er- 
sheba' (generally accepted), have proved beyond a doubt that the terri- 
tory of Edom must have extended for a considerable distance west of 
the' Arabah : cf. Trumbull, Kadesh-Barnea, pp. 106 ff.; Buhl, Edomiter, 
pp. 23 ff. The course of the southern boundary of Judah is described in 
detail in Num. 34 s " 6 , Josh. 15 M P. From these passages we gather 
that its eastern extremity was the southern 'tongue' of the Salt Sea, and 
that thence it took its start (NV1 Josh. 15 3 \ to the south of the ascent 

of 'Akrabbim {i.e. upon the identification of the ascent proposed above, 
upon the south side of the Wady el-Fikrah ; the wady, or at least its 
north side, being claimed by Judah : cf. the analogy of Deut. 3 **, 
'the middle of the wady being also a boundary 5 ), made a turn 
(UD^ Num. 34 4 \ south of this ascent and passed on to Sin (an 

unknown site), and reached its extremity in this direction (VnKVlfi 

Num. 34 4 ) south of Kadesh-Barnea'. It then took a new start 
( KVI Num. 34 4 \, presumably to the west or north-west, and passing 

V IT! / 

on by a number of unidentified sites, took a turn (2DJ1) to the ' Wady 

of Egypt,' i.e. the Wady el- Aris, and found its end (ITlKtfn) at the 

sea (the Mediterranean ; Num. 34 5 ). Here the line along which the 
frontier of Judah marched with that of Edom was, it must be assumed, in 
its course west-south-west from the Dead Sea along the Wady el-Fikrah, 
and then south-south-west to a point just south of Kadesh-Barnea' ; and 
it is noteworthy that, in the narrative of Moses' embassy to the 
king of Edom (Num. 20 14 ff. JE), he states that the Israelites are 'in 
Kadesh, a city in the extremity of thy border.' The natural inference 

* Whether Sela* (without the article) in Isa. 16 l , 42 n is the name of a city is 
very doubtful. Cheyne [EB. 4344) takes the word as a collective term, referring 
to the country as a whole — ' the rocks.' In 2 Kgs. 14 7 , which relates Amaziah's 
defeat of the Edomites in the Valley of Salt and the capture of has-Sela', the 
reference, if it Stood alone, might most naturally be explained as referring to a 
city; but || 2 Chr. 25 12 takes has-Sela' to be 'the -crag' from the top of which 
the captured Edomites were cast headlong. 


2. i. And the Angel of Yahweh went up from Gilgal unto 

is that ha's'Seld, 'the Crag' of our passage, which formed one ex- 
tremity of the frontier-line between Judah and Edom, is the same as 
has-seld 'the Crag' at or close to Kadesh, which tradition regarded 
as the crag which was smitten by Moses (Num. 20 81011 JEP). This 
conclusion, reached independently by the present editor, is also that 
of Buhl {op. cit. 25) and La. 

Bu., Mo. regard the ft in y?Di"ID as due to dittography of 

the preceding ft in D'Qlpy, and emend y?Dn 'to SelaV Mo. con- 
jectures that the site of has-Sela may have been the modern 
es-Safiyyeh, near the southern end of the Dead Sea ; but his descrip- 
tion of this as 'a bare and dazzling white sandstone promontory 
a thousand feet high ' (derived from Buhl, op. cit. p. 20) is stated by 
La. to be incorrect ; and moreover, if, as he supposes, the ascent of 
'Akrabbim is the Nakb es-Safa, the boundary-line between the two 
points as specified extends for not more than twenty-five miles, and 
the description must be regarded as merely fragmentary. 

and upwards. Upwards towards the first point of departure, the 
ascent of ' Akrabbim. As La. remarks, ' On indique deux points de 

depart, c'est-a-dire les deux extremites de la frontiere nord, et fPJJft 
marque tout le reste d'une facon indeterminee.' 

If the emendation 'to Sela ' noticed above be adopted, the sense 
in which npyftl is used is inexplicable, since Mo.'s rendering 'and 
beyond ' cannot be justified. Bu. emends n&oni in this-sense. 

T : TT 

2, 1-5. Upon the relation of these verses to the preceding narrative 
cf. introductory note to 1 lff . 

1. the Angel of Yahweh. The expression is characteristic of J. 
E's phrase being 'the Angel of God.' So used, it is always definite 
(not ''an angel of Y.' ; still less a human messenger — % 'the prophet 
of Y.'), and denotes Yahweh Himself in manifestation to man. That 
this is so appears from a number of passages, both in J and E. 
Thus in ch. 6 'the Angel of Y.' of vv. u - 12 - 21 - 22 ('the Angel of God, 
z/. 20 ) = ' Yahweh' of z^. 14 - 16 - 23 ; in Ex. 3 'the Angel of Y.' of v. 2 = 
'Yahweh' of vv. ia - 7 , and 'God' of E's narrative, vv. ihG - al ; in Gen. 16 
'the Angel of Y.' of vv. 7 - 910 , who appears to Hagar speaks as Yahweh 
in the 1st person ('I will greatly multiply thy seed,' v. 10 ), and is 
referred to as ' Yahweh ' in v. 13 ; and in E's narrative of Hagar in 
Gen. 21, 'the Angel of God,' v. 17 , makes a similar promise in his own 
name, v. 18 ; in Gen. 22, 'the Angel of Y.' of v. n speaks as Yahweh in 
v. n ; in Gen. 31 1113 , 'the Angel of God' says 'I am the God of 
Bethel'; in Gen. 48 1516 E, Jacob's reference to 'the Angel who 
delivered me from all evil' is parallel to 'the God before whom my 
fathers walked,' etc. To these passages we may add the account of 


the appearance of the Angel of Y. to Manoah in ch. 13, if it be 
assumed that R.V. is right in rendering in v 22 'We must surely die, 
for we have seen God.' Possibly, however, "e/o/ihn may here denote 
no more than ' a god ' ' or divine being ' : cf. note ad loc. and 
ch. 6 22 . 

There are, however, a few passages in which a distinction appears 
to be drawn between Yahweh and His Angel. So in Gen. 24, 
Yah weh sends His Angel before Abraham's servant vv. 7 - 40 (yet in 
vv. 2 ™ the servant acknowledges that it is Yahweh who has led him) ; 
in Num. 22 31 Yahweh uncovers Bala'am's eyes so that he sees the 
Angel of Y. In Ex. 23 23 Yahweh promises to send His Angel before 

Israel, who is described in 23 20 as 'an Angel' (^sta indef.; but, 

according to (5r, V, Sam., ' mine Angel ' as in v. 23 P£). Similarly ' mine 
Angel' of Ex. 32 s4 is described as 'an Angel' in 33 2 ((& 'mine 
Angel '), and appears to be something less than Yahweh's full mani- 
festation; since Yahweh says in v. 5 'If I go up into the midst of thee 
for one moment, I shall consume thee,' and it is only as the result of 
importunate intercession on the part of Moses that Yahweh promises 
'My Face shall go' (33 14 ), i.e., clearly, Yahweh Himself as distinct 
from His Angel.* 

It must be observed, however, that both in Ex. 23 and 32, 33, the 
narrative largely consists of redactional matter which is relatively late 
as compared with J and E (cf. the analysis of CH. ad loc); and probably 
at the period to which this redaction belongs, the tendency to modify 
reference to Yahweh's self-revelation to Israel by the introduction of 
an intermediary was already operative. It is not unlikely, indeed (as 
suggested by the alternation of ' the Angel of Y.' with ' Yahweh ' in the 
passages first noticed), that the original conception of the Angel 
represents an early attempt (imperfectly carried out) to interpose such 
an intermediary, where the primitive narratives simply spoke of 
Yahweh Himself as appearing and holding direct intercourse with men. 
If this is so, we may trace a very early anticipation of the far more 
drastic introduction in the Targums of the 'Memra' ('Word') of 
Yahweh in passages where reference to Yahweh's direct communica- 
tion with man was offensive to the taste of later times. 

from Gilgal. Gilgal was the headquarters of Joshua' and the 
Israelites during the invasion of the hill-country, and before the tribes 

* If Isa. 63 s , as the passage stands in 1?, could be relied upon as original, it 
might be argued that the Angel of Yahweh has the same meaning as His Face, 
since ' the Angel of His Face ' can scarcely mean anything but ' the Angel who is 
His Face,' i.e. His manifestation (so Davidson in DB. i. p. 94 b : ' One in whom 
His face (presence) is reflected and seen '). The rhythmical structure of the section 
in which this passage occurs, however, confirms the text of ffi oi> irpto-fivs ovdt 

&yye\os, dXX' airbs Zouaev atrots, i.e. DWiil VJJQ /*3S ^K^l TV tib f 

' It was not an envoy or angel, but His Face that saved them.' Thus ' His Face' 
is contrasted with any other form of manifestation, such as that of an angel. 


•"Bethel 1 . R p And he said, ' <I visited you indeed, and> brought 

had effected a settlement in the land: cf. Josh. 4 19 P, 9°, io 6 - 7 - 9 - 15 
JE, 10 43 , 14 6 R D . The name is preserved in the modern Birket 
('pool') dilguliyyeh, three miles east-south-east of the ancient site of 
Jericho, and about the same distance west of the Jordan. Several other 
places in Palestine bore the same name : cf. EB. s.v. Gilgal, which 
in Heb. always has the definite article prefixed, ' the Gilgal,' doubtless 
denotes 'circle' (cf. Heb. galgal, 'wheel'), and seems to refer to a 
cirde of stones of a primitive religious character. The Gilgal of our 
passage was probably so named from the stones which tradition 
related to have been setup by Joshua at the first 'lodging place' 
(Josh. 4 3 - 8 J) after the passage of the Jordan, which is stated (4 19 P) 
to have been Gilgal. The explanation of Josh. 5 9 J, which connects 
the name with the 'rolling away' of the reproach of uncircumcision 
(Heb. gallothi, ' I have rolled away,' from root galal\ is merely a play 
of words, such as is frequent in J's narrative. 

unto Bethel. P? 'unto hab-Bochim' : but (1) it is unnatural that 
the name should be given before the occasion which was its cause is 
related, and (2) (5r preserves the name Bethel in the doublet eVi tov 
KXavOfXLbva kciI iirl BaidrjX, and since there can have been no reason 
for the introduction of this latter if inl tov K. {i.e. the reading of ?£?) 
already stood in the text, we may infer (with most moderns) that 
' unto Bethel ' was the reading of dUr's original. Adopting this reading, 
the passage comes into connexion with the narrative of ch. 1 22 ff -, 
which relates the capture of Bethel by the house of Joseph. The Ark, 
which was the visible symbol of Yahweh's presence, was carried up 
from Gilgal and found a resting-place at Bethel, where sacrifices were 
offered to Yahweh (v. 6h ). The Ark is still at Bethel in the narrative of 
ch. 20' 27 : cf. also 20 18 , 2 1 2 . Of the circumstances which led to its 
removal to the Ephraimite sanctuary of Shiloh, where it appears in 
1 Sam. 3 3 , we have no information. 

After iirl Bai8r}\ (5r has the addition nai eVi tov oTkov la-parjX. It is 
probable that this is merely an accidental doublet of ?H J"P3 (so Mo.), 
the />X in an imperfectly legible MS. being mistaken for a contraction 
of ?&OE> n such as ?'\ A similar process has taken place in Deut. 32 s f^, 
where ?fcOP* M3 "1DDD? 'according to the number of the children 
of Israel,' appears in (5x as Kara dpiOfxov ayye\a>v Oeov (PX "03), which 
probably represents the original text* Bu., regarding the addition 

as genuine, would restore i?&n^ JV3~^N1 • and so Kit., La. If this 

is correct, it is likely, as Bu., No. suggest, that ^KiW is an alteration 

* If the passage pictures the ' Sons of God," or subordinate angelic powers, as 
guardians of the foreign nations, the contrast offered by the following clause, 
' But Yahweh's portion is his people,' becomes more pointed and effective. 


you up from Egypt, and brought you in unto the land which I 

of an original t]Di* and the passage notes the fact that it was 'unto 

the house of Joseph ' that the Angel of Yahweh went up, i.e. they had 
the charge of the sacred Ark. 

I visited ... up. Reading DDDX r6yw D^riN "mpS l)pB in 

. v : v v-: -t v : v • : -t t 

place of J$ DDDN rPVtf. The restoration is purely conjectural ; but 

the use of the Heb. Imperfect in % is inexplicable, since a future 
signification ' I will bring you up ' is impossible ; nor is it natural to 
explain the tense here as used pictorially to describe the event as still 
in progress — a usage which is not uncommon 'in the language of 
poetry and prophecy' (cf. Driver, Tenses, § 27), but is scarcely suited to 
a plain statement of fact such as the present. That an omission in 
the text was suspected by the Massoretes is perhaps indicated by the 

NpDD or lacuna in f&. before npyx.* It is natural to suppose that 1 
consecutive originally stood before the Imperfect, in continuation of 
some event of which the statement has fallen out of the text of $%. 
This missing statement was supplied by Bottcher {Neue exeget. Krit. 
Aehrenlese) from Ex. 3 16 , Gen. 50 24 , his restoration running "upQ 

r\hV8 "lEfcO DDriN WpB 'I visited you indeed and said, "I will 

v -j ~ - t v : v • : -t ' 

bring you up, etc." ' ; J and this suggestion has the advantage of 
accounting for the omission by homceoteleuton, the scribe's eye 
passing from "lEWl to "IDS1. The text adopted above is that of 
Doom, (who followed Bottcher in part), and is favoured by Bu., Oort. 
It makes, with its continuation, a statement in nearly identical terms 
of the fulfilment of the promise of Gen. 50 24 E : 'God will indeed 
visit you, and bring you up out of this land unto the land which he 
sware to Abraham, to Isaac, and to Jacob.' Cf. Ex. 13 19 E. 

Other suggestions have been made as to the text. Stu. simply 
inserts WDS ' I said, "I will bring you up,"' and cites in favour of 

this 7/. 3 , 'And furthermore I said.' So also Ber. La. substitutes the 

Perf. for the Imperf., reading TlvJJn ^Dbtf ' It was I who brought 

. .. v . v . T 

you up' — a cutting of the knot. Mo. thinks that, since the speech of 

the Angel is ' a cento of quotations and reminiscences,' it is possible 

that the author copied Ex. 3 17a , 'I will bring you up,' without correct- 

* <5 B supplies this lacuna by the words Td5e Xe7et Kvpios, and the same words 
are found in ,S P , Ar. This, however, does not solve the difficulty of the Heb. 
tense. <ffi AL , S> h Kvpios avefiifiao-ev k.t.X. turn the verbs into the 3rd person, but 
inconsistently preserve 1st person koI iydb dtra in v. ' — a fact which tells against 
the originality of the preceding variations from ^. 

t Bottcher offers the alternative H7VX "IDJO DD3 '•mfD ' I made choice 

v -: - - t v t • : - t 

of you and said, etc.' 

2. 2. 3-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 39 

sware unto your fathers; and 1 said, "I will never break my 
covenant with you. 2. And ye — ye shall not make a covenant 
with the inhabitants of this land ; their altars ye shall break 
down." But ye have not hearkened to my voice : what have ye 
done ? 3. And furthermore I said, " I will not drive them out 
from before you, but they shall be fadversaries 1 to you, and 
their gods shall be a trap to you.'" 4. And it came to pass, 

ing the tense : but we have no reason to suspect R p of such gross 

the land which 1 sware unto your father. Cf. Ex. 33 l JE, Num. 
14 23 JE, 32 " P, Deut. 1 35 , 10 » 31 20 - 21 - 23 , 34 4 JE, Josh. 1 6 JE. 

I will never break, etc. For the expression, cf. Lev. 26 44 H. The 
precise reference, however, is not to H, but to the covenant of Ex. 
34 27 J : ' for after the tenor of these words I have made a covenant 
with thee and with Israel.' Cf. note following. 

2. And ye, etc. A quotation from Ex. 34 1213a : 'Take heed to thy- 
self, lest thou make a covenant with the inhabitants of the land 
whither thou goest, lest it be for a snare in the midst of thee : but 
their altars ye shall break down.' 

3. And furthermore I said. The reference is to Josh. 23 13 R D , 
Num. 33 bb P. 

adversaries. Reading W^A with ffi, 3L, F, % £H rag , Stu., Ber., 

Doom., Mo. (in SBOT.), No.j Kit., Ehr., in place of ft D^vi>. Cf. 

Num. 33 65b P D3HK VHV1 'and they shall act as your adversaries.' 

According to the regular meaning of WT£ in Heb., the statement of 

%t can only be rendered ' they shall be to you as sides? R. V. expands 
this into ' they shall be [as thorns] in your sides,' with marg. ref. to 
Num. 33 55 . Such a sense cannot possibly be inherent in f^ as the 
text stands, though it is legitimate to suppose, with Mo. (Comm.), 
Bu., La., that D^V? may be the remnant of an original reading 

D3^X3 D'O'O^ as in Num. 33 55a : cf. Josh. 23 13 R u . . . vni 

• • • ■ • 

D3 ,<! 1V3 DDB7 ' and they shall be ... as a scourge on your sides.' 

Delitzsch (Prolegomena, p. 75) compares D^V with Assyr. saddu, 'net, 

snare, trap' ; but this word is not elsewhere found in Heb., and the 
improbability of its occurrence here is enhanced by the fact that we 
expect to find in this passage (as elsewhere in the speech) a reference 

to an earlier warning. Gratz emends D"O^V/ 'as thorns.' 

a trap. The metaphor is that of bird-catching, and the Heb. term 
mokes, lit. 'fowling instrument,' is commonly parallel to pah, i.e. 
probably a form of clap-net still employed in Palestine, and bearing 


as the Angel of Yahweh spake these words unto all the children 
of Israel, that the people lifted up their voice, and wept. 5. So 
they called the name of that place Bochim. J And they sacri- 
ficed there to Yahweh. 

the same name /4 in Ar. : cf. Baldensperger in PEF. Qy. St. 1905, 
p. 38. BDB. and Driver on Am. 3° explain mdkeS as the lure or bait, 
a rendering suggested by Am. 3 5 f^ (where the text, however, is 
almost certainly at fault*), but impossible in Job 40 2i , 'pierce his 
nose with mdk e sim,' and in Ps. 64 s 'they tell of hiding mok^hn (a 
bait or lure is to be displayed not hidden), and inappropriate (to say 
the least) in Ps. 18 5 , where the mok e sc maweth (|| 'nooses of She'ol') 
are a terror and not an attraction. Since the root y alms' is evidently 
connected with ndkas ' strike,' the two verbs being variant triliterals 
of the biliteral wp it is probable that mokes denotes some form of 

trap in which the release of a spring or support caused the striking 
(knocking down or piercing) of the victim. J 

5. Bochi?n. Meaning ' weepers.' Stu. is probably correct in sug- 
gesting connexion with the 'Alton bakhuth, 'oak of weeping,' which 
is stated in Gen. 35 8 E to have been 'below Bethel.' 

And they sacrificed, etc. Cf. note on Bethel, v. 1 . 

* As the text stands in ffi, the passage runs — 

Shall a bird fall into a pah upon the ground, 

When there is no mokes for it ? 
Shall a. pah spring up from the ground, 

Without surely capturing? 

It is impossible, however, to think that Amos could have written anything so 
awkward as the repeated pah ; and as a matter of fact the word is omitted by fflf 
in the first clause : el weae'irac 8pveov eirl tt\v yrjv avev l£evTod. With this omission 
there disappears the necessity of explaining mokes as something in the nature of a 

X Dr. Driver has privately communicated the following note: — ' As to mokel, 
the last words of my note in Am. p. 158 leave, I fear, an incorrect impression on 
the reader : but I have corrected it in Exodus (Camb. Bib.) on 10 7 . It seems to 
me to be something like what we should call a trigger, with a bait upon it, which, 
whether touched by the bird, or pulled by the fowler, caused the trap, or net, to 
close upon the bird (cf. the illustration, Am. p. 157). The mSkes certainly was 
destructive ; but it seems certainly to have acted as a lure to entice to disaster 
(Ex. 10 7 , 23 33 , 1 Sam. 18 21 ) ; and it is this double aspect of it which suggests to 
me that it was the trigger properly, but often spoken of as including the bait upon 
it as well. Job. 40 24 suggests that it had a sharp point — possibly it struck the 
bird with this : it was sufficient to be the means of catching a bird, but not to 
pierce the nostril of the hippopotamus. n e kas in Aram, is to strike; and hence 
the idea that it was a boomerang : cf. BDB. s.v. fc^pj : but the view in this article 
seems to me doubtful. I see that BDB. under mokes do say "prop, a bait or 
lure" ; but " prop." seems to me to be wrong ; this is only a secondary idea.' 



(cf. ch. 1 l note) 

For the Egyptians Pe-kanan, i.e. 'the Cana'an,' denoted 'the entire 
west of Syria-Palestine ' (Breasted, AR. iii. § 87), while the corre- 
sponding ethnographical term seems to have been extended beyond 
the low-lying maritime region to the population of Western Syria as 
a whole, as in the usage of J. The Egyptian term Amor was applied 
to the mountainous district of Lebanon. 

The early Babylonians, as far back as the time of Sargon of Akkad 
(about the end of the fourth millennium B.C. : cf. Introd. p. lvi, footnote 
§), knew Syria and Palestine generally as Amurru.* In theT. A. Letters 
{cir. B.C. 1400) the term Kinahhi, or Kinahna, Kinahni {i.e. Cana'an), 
is applied to the Phoenician coast-land, while Amurru (the land of the 
Amorites) is not applied to Palestine as a whole, but denotes the 
' Hinterland ' of the northern Phoenicians, i.e. the mountainous district 
of the Lebanons, and also, as now appears from the cuneiform 
documents recently discovered at Boghaz Keui, the region still 
farther east, i.e. the Syrian desert and its surrounding districts, as far 
as the border of Babylonia : cf. Winckler in MDOG. xxxv., Dec. 1907, 
pp. 25 f. Possibly these facts may have a bearing on the distinction 
of usage between J and E ; the former embodying the tradition of 
the south which lay outside the sphere of the Amorites, while the 
latter presents the tradition of the northern tribes : cf. Winckler, 
GI. i. pp. 52 ff. See further, on the extra- Biblical evidence as to the 
usage of the two terms, Jastrow in EB. 638 ff. ; Meyer, GA? i. §§ 354, 
396 ; Bohl, KH. pp. 2 ff., 31 ff. ; Miiller, AE. pp. 177, 205 ff., 218 ff, 
229 ff. ; Weber in Kn. pp. 1132 ff. 

SEDEK AS A DIVINE NAME (cf. ch. I 5 note) 

The view that, in ( VJ¥ ^*i« Adoni-sedek, py$ "ofa Malki-sedek, 
Sedek is the proper name of a Cana'anite deity is commonly held, but 
the evidence cannot be said to be conclusive. The following occurrences 
of Sidk or Sedek in compound proper names may be noticed : 

*pDp"1¥ Sidki-milk on a Phoenician coin, cir. B.C. 449-420, Cooke, 
NSI. p. 349 ; Sabaean ptfplV Sidki-el, Hommel, Siid-ar. Chrestoin. 
quoted by Cooke, loc. cit. ; Aram, pnpltf Sidki-Ramman, CIS. ii. 73 

* The name Amurru is commonly represented by the Sumerian MAR.TU, 
'west land'; but evidence shows that from the earliest times MAR.TU was 
read and pronounced as Amurru among the Semitic Babylonians : cf. Bohl, 
KH. pp. 32, 33. 


(letters pi not quite certain), cf. EB. ' Names,' § 36 ; Phoenician 
"OlpIV Sidki-dakar, quoted by Baethgen, Beitrage zur Sem. Religions- 
gesch. p. 128 (without ref. to source) ; and the following instances from 
cuneiform literature quoted by Zimmern in KA T. 3 p. 474 : Sidka, 
king of Ashkelon, a contemporary of Hezekiah, KB. ii. 91 ; Rab-Sidki 
in T.A. Letters, Knudtzon, no. 170 (given as Ben-Sidki by Winckler, 
no. 125 in KB. v.); Sidki-ilu as the name of an eponym, B.C. 764, 
cf. Winckler, KT. p. 59 ; Subi-sidki, Johns, Deeds, no. 6, rev. 3. 
From these we can scarcely separate the Israelite irppltf Sidki- 
Yahu or .TiTIV Sidki-Yah. 

The conclusion that Sedek is the proper name of a deity is based 
upon a statement of Philo of Byblos that the Phoenicians had a deity 
named 2vbvn. This writer (quoted by Eusebius, Praep. Evan. i. 10), 
in the course of a lengthy account of the Phoenician Pantheon, based 
upon information derived professedly from Sanchuniaton, remarks 
that 'Atto Tovroiv [A/xui/os koi Mayor] ycveadai Micrap koi 2iȤuk, 

TOVTeCTTlV €V\VT0V KOI blKdlOV. OvTOl TTjV TOU &\6s XPW lV *VpOV. Here 

2v8vk and Mio-cop are shown to correspond to the Heb. words sedek 
'justice,' and mesar ' uprightness.' The statement that these deities 
1 discovered the use of salt ' * seems to indicate no very profound 
acquaintance with their origin and characteristics ; and definite 
information thus failing us, it is natural to suspect the influence of 
Babylonian thought, in view of the fact that for the later Babylonians 
kettu% 'justice,' and mesdru 'uprightness' appear as the 'sons' of 
Samas the Sun-god (cf. KA T. 3 pp. 224 n\ 370), a theory which would 
seem to imply hardly more than that these attributes were charac- 
teristic of Samas, or at most that they might be venerated in con- 
nexion with his worship : cf. the manner in which Hammurabi 
pictures himself as deriving his legal code, the embodiment of 
Justice, directly from Samas. Not very dissimilar are certain state- 
ments in the Psalms with regard to Yahweh: ' Righteousness {or Justice, 
sedek) shall walk before him,' 85 13 ; ' Righteousness (sedek) and 
Judgment are the foundation of thy throne,' 89 14 , cf. 97 2 ; ' Righteous- 
ness (sedek) and Peace have kissed,' 85 10 . 

But, granted the existence of a W. Semitic deity Sedek § = Bab. 
Kettu, the inference by no means follows that, where Sedek occurs 

* Possibly we may trace connexion with the riPD IVD 'covenant of salt' 
(Num. i8 19 P, 2 Chr. 13 5 ), in which sedek 'righteousness,' and mesdr 'upright- 
ness' would naturally be involved. Cf. La., IiRS.t-p. 421. Upon the ceremonial 
use of salt in covenants, cf. Gray's note on Numbers loc. cit. 

% Kettu for kentu, V kdnu = Heb. |13- Kettu is the Bab. equivalent of the 
W. Semitic sedek. 

§ p*1¥, i- e - Sedek or Siddik, occurs as a masc. proper name in Sabaean 
(cf. CIS. iv. no. 287„ 11. 2, n, 15, etc.) ; and this is perhaps to be explained as 
contracted from ?XplV> a form which we have noticed above as occurring in 


in compound proper names either predicatively or in the genitival 
relation, it must refer to this deity. 'Justice' or 'Righteousness' 
cannot have been pictured as the exclusive possession of the son of 
Samas, and it is reasonable to assume that the attribute may have 
been predicated of other deities. Thus few would dispute that 
Sidki-Yahu means, not ' Yahu is the god Sedek,' but simply ' Yahu is 
righteousness ' {i.e. righteous), the name corresponding in form 
precisely to Hizki-Yahu, 'Uzzi-Yahu, 'Yahu is strength' (strong). 
Analogously it may be inferred that Sidki-Ramman denotes ' Ramman 
is righteousness.' It would seem to follow, therefore, that where 
Sedek is coupled, not with a proper name, but with an honorific 
title such as 'adoni, melekh, or W, it is at least as probable that the 
meaning intended is ' the (unnamed) Lord, King, or God is righteous ' 
as that we are to find reference to (the god) Sedek described as 
Lord, etc. 


(cf. ck. i 10 ?iote) 

The evidence which goes to prove that in Kiriath-arba, i.e. ' City of 
Four,' 'Four' is a divine title is as follows. The name naturally 
suggests comparison of the Assyrian Arbela between the Upper and 
the Lower Zab. The name of this city is written in cuneiform {alu) 
Arbd i/u, ' (city) Number Four God.' Here it is beyond doubt that 
the numeral Four is employed as a divine name or title. The 
inference that Kiriath-arba is to be explained similarly is strengthened 
by comparison of the place-name i>K:nx rpa 'Beth-Arbel' of 

Hos. io 14 (perhaps situated near Pella on the east of Jordan), where 
we find the name Arba-ilu apparently taken directly from the 
Assyrian or Babylonian, since the V of the Hebrew y:ntf is wanting.* 

Winckler (67". ii. pp. 39 ff.), who adopts this explanation of Kiriath- 
arba, further explains Be'er-sheba in like manner as ' Well of Number 
Seven God.' Thus fresh light is thrown upon the subject. A god 
Sibitti, i.e. ' Number Seven,' was known to the Babylonians at the 
period of the First Dynasty. Thus, for example, we find such names 

Sabaean. It is worthy of observation that, in the inscription cited, the name 
p*!V stands in close conjunction with D££>K"))D> i.e. according to Derenbourg, 

'Vir Solis' (Ar. ^j^^J^\^y^\ Imru-es-sems), to be explained as ' vir Solis 
cultor ' : cf. discussion in CIS. loc. cit. 

* Cf - '?> Isa - 46 1 , Jer. 502, 51 44^ ta k en directly from Bab. 6e/u=Ar&m. 

!>$fa Heb. hyz. 


as Warad (ilu) Sibittim, i.e. 'servant of (God) Sibitti': Thureau- 
Dangin, Left res et Contrats de Vcpoque de la premihre dynastie 
Babylonientie, p. 50 : cf. further references in Jastrow, RBA. i. p. 173. 
The meaning of Four and Seven as divine titles is elucidated by 
the well-known fact that the name of Sin, the Moon-god, is commonly 
written in cuneiform as '(God) Number Thirty,' thirty days being the 
conventional length of the lunar month. It is probable that, as 
Winckler thinks {pp. cit. p. 48), Four and Seven represent different 
phases of the Moon-god, the former the four phases of the moon, the 
latter the seven-day week as a lunar quarter. Evidence that the 
worship of Sibitti extended to the West is to be found in the fact that, 
in the list of kings of the West whom Tiglath-Pileser IV. mentions as 
paying tribute, the king of Gebal bears the name Sibittibi'li, i.e. 
'Number Seven is lord': cf. Rost, Tiglath-Pileser, p. 26. The 
evidence here brought together is based upon the present editor's 
note \nJTS. xii. pp. 118 f. 

THE CONQUEST OF THE NEGEB (cf. ck. 1 1617 notes) 

The account of the conquest of c Arad in the Negeb which is given in 
Judg. 1 1617 cannot be considered apart from the very similar account 
which is found in Num. 21 w (J). This latter narrative states that, 
during the period of Israel's sojourn in the wilderness, the king of 
' Arad advanced against them, apparently because they were encroach- 
ing upon his territory, fought against them, and took some of them 
prisoners. Israel thereupon vowed a vow that, if Yahweh would 
deliver up the Cana'anites into their hand, they would place their 
cities under a ban (he'rem\ and utterly destroy every inhabitant. 
Success attended their arms ; the vow was carried out ; and the name 
of the district was thenceforth known as Hormah, a name in which 
there is an assumed connexion with herem. 

This narrative, which implies a northward advance of Israel from 
Kadesh-Barnea' into the Negeb, is at variance with the preceding 
narrative (Num. 20 14 ' 21 JE), which apparently pictures the whole of 
the Israelites as turning southwards from Kadesh, in order to compass 
and avoid the land of Edom. It is also difficult to understand why 
an immediate settlement in the conquered territory was not effected 
by at least a portion of the Israelites, when the whole of the Cana'anites 
inhabiting it had been put to the sword. 

The author of the introduction to Deut., who apparently bases his 
information upon E, gives, in 1 414G , an account of a disorganized 
attempt made by the Israelites to conquer the Negeb, after the 
failure of the mission of the spies, and against the express command 
of Moses. This was repulsed by ' the Amorite who inhabited that 
hill-country, ; Israel being put to the rout, and beaten down 'in Se'ir 
as far as Hormah.' This narrative corresponds with Num. 14 40 ~ 45 , 
which apparently combines elements from J as well as from E, and 


in which the foe appears not as 'the Amorite,' but as 'the 'Amalekite 
and the Cana'anite' {v. 45a ). No mention is made in Deut. of 
Israel's subsequent success, and their extirpation of the inhabitants 
of the district ; and we are probably correct in inferring that these 
details were not contained in the E source. 

The question is further complicated by the account of the conquest 
of 'Arad which occurs in Judg. 1 1C17 . Here it is the tribes of Judah 
and Simeon, together with the Kenites, who are related to have 
effected the conquest, moving southwards from the City of Palms 
{i.e. Jericho) subsequently to the passage of the Jordan under Joshua . 
As in the narrative of Num., however, the origin of the name Hormah 
is explained by the fact that the Canaanites inhabiting a city 
(previously named Sephath) were smitten, and the city placed under 
the ban and utterly destroyed. 

The narratives of Num. 21 and Judg. are obviously parallel, and 
cannot, as they stand, be reconciled. It is easy to supply a reason 
for the occurrence of the narrative in Judg. as a duplicate to that in 
Num., viz., the view that the conquest of Cana'an under Joshua' was 
the first settlement in the land of any of the tribes of Israel : but, if 
the narrative of Judg. be taken to be correct in its present position, 
it is not easy to divine why the narrative of Num. should have come 
in at that particular place. 

Adopting, then, the view that the conquest of 'Arad in the Negeb 
took place through a tribal movement northward from the neighbour- 
hood of Kadesh, the inference becomes plausible that this movement 
was effected, as related in Judg., by the tribes of Judah and Sime on 
in alliance with the Kenites. It is a well-known fact that the tribe of 
Judah consisted of mixed elements : the genealogy of 1 Chr. 2 
includes among the descendants of Judah the North Arabian tribes 
of the Kenites and Jerahme'elites, and the clan of Caleb which was of 
Kenizzite, i.e. of Edomite, origin (cf. Gen. 36 ll ). Whether or not 
these clans originally formed an integral part of the tribe of Judah, it 
is clear that so early as the days of David they were regarded as 
standing in a very intimate relation to the tribe. In 1 Sam. 2j 7it , 
which relates David's stay as an outlaw with Achish king of Gath, we 
read that David made pretence to Achish that his occasional raids 
were directed ' against the Negeb of Judah, and against the Negeb of 
the Jerahme'elites, and against the Negeb of the Kenites ' ; and 
Achish remarks to himself with satisfaction, ' He hath made his 
people Israel utterly to abhor him ; therefore he shall be my servant 
for ever.' Again, in 1 Sam. 30 26 " 31 , David sends presents 'of the 
spoil of the enemies of Yahweh' to the Judaeans of the Negeb, 
including the Jerahme'elites and the Kenites. 

If, then, clans which originally inhabited the region south of the 
Negeb are subsequently found occupying the Negeb and forming 
part of the tribe of Judah, what is more probable than that this 
change of locality was effected through conquests gained in the 


Negeb in a movement directly northwards, as is suggested by the 
narrative of Num. 21 ? 

We seem, in fact, to be upon the track of a Calibbite tradition, 
embodied in the Judaean document J, which originally narrated the 
way in which this northward movement was effected by the clan of 
Caleb, and probably other kindred clans. It may be conjectured 
that this tradition lies at the bottom of the older (JE) narrative of the 
spies which is combined with the P narrative in Num. 13 and 14.* 
In this older narrative (in contrast to that of P) it is the Negeb only 
which is explored ; Caleb is the only spy who is mentioned by name ; 
and it is Caleb only who maintains, against the opinion of the other 
spies, that the conquest of the district is quite a feasible undertaking, 
in spite of the race of giants — the sons of 'Anak — inhabiting it : — 
' We can easily go up and possess it, for we are well able to over- 
come it' (Num. 13 30 ). 

As a matter of fact, the conquest of these sons or clans of 'Anak 
and their cities is directly ascribed to Caleb in Josh. 15 1419 = 
Judg. r 2010b (^ part).n-i5 f rom t he narrative of J. Is it not, then, at 
least a plausible theory that the original Calibbite story related that 
Caleb, after first spying out the Negeb, then proceeded to go up and 
conquer it ? 

It seems probable that the present form of the combined JE narra- 
tive of the spies, which makes the project of conquest fail in spite of 
Caleb's protests, is due to the theory that the conquest of any part of 
Cana'an did not take place until the country as a whole was invaded 
by a combined movement from the east made by the whole of the 
tribes under the leadership of Joshua'. This theory, as we have seen, 
accounts for the present form of Judg. 1 1617 , which makes the con- 
quest of the Negeb to have been effected through a movement which 
took its start from Jericho. 

It is the Judaean document J which embodies the Calibbite tradition 
in Num. 21: cf. 'the Cana'anite 5 in v. 1 . The Ephraimite E, on the 
other hand (which is naturally the principal repository of the Joshua' - 
tradition), from which is drawn the narrative which is found in 
Deut. i 41 ' 46 (cf. 'the Amorite' in v. Ai ), while mentioning the defeat 
of the Israelites, knows nothing, or at any rate will have nothing, of 
the subsequent victory as narrated by J. 

Our inference, then, is that clans which went to form the tribe of 
Judah (including North Arabian clans then or subsequently embodied 
in the tribe) advanced northward from Kadesh-Barnea' ; and, in com- 
bination with the remnant of the tribe of Sime'on (which, after a 
disastrous attempt to effect a settlement in Central Palestine, appears 
to have moved southward : cf. note on 1 3 ), conquered the territory of 
'Arad, and settled down in it, afterwards advancing their conquests 

* In Gray's Numbers (ICC), pp. 130 ff., the two narratives of the spies 
are arranged in parallel columns, and will be found each to read nearly con- 


still faither north, into the country which is known to us later on as 
the hill-country of Judah. 

If this inference be true, it will help to explain to us a very striking 
fact in the later history, viz. the isolation of Judah and Simeon from 
the rest of the tribes. From the Song of Deborah, which celebrates 
the great victory over the forces of Sisera, it is clear that an organized 
attempt was made on that occasion to unite the tribes of Israel against 
the Cana'anites. Ten tribes, including the tribes from the eastern side 
of Jordan, are mentioned, either for praise as having taken part in the 
contest, or for blame as having held aloof: Judah and Sime'on alone 
remain unnoticed. We must infer, therefore, that at that period they 
were so far isolated from the rest of the tribes that they were not even 
expected to take part in the common interests of Israel, and therefore 
received no call to arms. 

This single instance is in itself so striking, that we need do no more 
than allude briefly in passing to the fierce rivalry which is pictured as 
existing between the men of Israel and the men of Judah in the days 
of David (2 Sam. 19 41 ' 43 ), and to the fact that the superficial union 
between Judah and the rest of the tribes which was effected under 
Saul, David, and Solomon, was readily dissolved at the commence- 
ment of Rehobo'am's reign. 


Bu. has displayed great skill and critical insight in reconstructing 
J's narrative in the form in which it may be supposed originally to 
have stood : cf. RS. pp. 84 ff. The following reconstruction is 
indebted to him throughout, but exhibits in detail such variations as 
have been adopted in the notes on the text, with citation of Bu.'s 
readings in the footnotes. 

Judg. I la b And the children of Israel enquired of Yahweh, 

saying, 'Who shall go up for us first against the 

1 2 Cana'anites to fight against them? 5 And Yahweh 
said, ' Judah shall go up : behold, I have given the 

1 3 land into his hand.' And Judah said to Sime'on his 
brother, ' Go up with me into my lot, that we may 
fight with the Cana'anites, and I also will go up with 

I 6 thee into thy lot. 5 So Sime'on went with him. And 

emended after they came upon Adoni-sedek," the king of Jerusalem, 

Josh, io 1 and they fought against him, and smote the Cana'an- 

1 6 ites and the Perizzites. And Adoni-sedek" fled ; and 
they pursued after him, and captured him, and cut 

1 7 off his thumbs and his great toes. And Adoni-sedek a 

* Bu. ' Adoni-bezek.' 


said, 'Seventy kings, with their thumbs and their 
great toes cut off, used to pick up food under my 
table : as I did, so hath God requited me.' And 
they brought him to Jerusalem, and he died there. 
i 19 And Yahweh was with Judah, and he gained posses- 

sion of the hill-country ; for he was not able to 
dispossess the inhabitants of the Vale, because they 
( i 21 after had chariots of iron. But the Jebusites dwelling in 

\ Josh. 1 5 C3 Jerusalem the children of Judah could not dispossess ; 

and the Jebusites dwelt with the children of Judah in 
Jerusalem, unto this day. 
j-jzo.iobfl ** And they gave Hebron to Caleb, as Moses had 

(|| Josh. 15 14 bidden 6 : and he dispossessed from thence the three 
sons of 'Anak, Sheshai, and Ahiman, and Talmai. 
J i 11 after And he went up thence against the inhabitants of 

\Josh. 15 15 Debir. (Now the name of Debir formerly was 

12 Kiriath-sepher.) And Caleb said, 'He that smiteth 
Josh. 15 16 Kiriath-sepher, and taketh it, I will give him'Achsah 

13 my daughter as wife.' And 'Othniel, the son of 
Kenaz, the brother of Caleb, took it : and he gave 
him 'Achsah his daughter as wife. And when she 

5 18 came, he incited her to ask of her father a field : and 

she lighted down from off the ass ; and Caleb said 

15 to her, ' What wouldest thou ? ' And she said to him, 

5 10 ' Give me a present ; for thou hast set me in the land 
of the Negeb ; so give me springs of water.' And 
Caleb gave her the upper spring and the lower spring. 

1 16 And Hobab the Kenite, the father-in-law of Moses, 
went up from the City of Palms with the children 
of Judah into the wilderness of Judah which is c in 
the Negeb of 'Arad c ; and he went and dwelt with 

I 38 the Amalekites. And the border of the Edomites 

was from the ascent of 'Akrabbim, d from the Crag 
and upwards.** 

1 17 And Judah went with Simeon his brother, and 
smote the Cana'anites who inhabited Sephath, and 
devoted it to destruction. And the name of the city 
was called Hormah. 

1 2S And the house of Joseph also went up to ' Ai : and 

i 23a Joshua was with them. . . . e And the house of 

Joseph made a reconnaissance at Bethel. (Now the 

*— * Bu. ' And to Caleb, the son of Kenaz, there was given an inheritance 
among the children of Judah, namely Hebron.' 

e—c Bu. ' at the descent of 'Arad.' 

d — d Bu. 'to Petra and beyond.' 

' Here Bu. is probably right in supposing that the document originally related 
the conquest of 'Ai, as in Josh. 8. 



1|| Josh. 15 17 
III Josh. I J 

ill Josh. II 




1 24 name of the city formerly was Luz.) And the 
watchers saw a man coming out of the city/ and 
they laid hold on him/ and said to him, 'Show us, 
we pray thee, the way to enter the city, and we will 

1 25 deal kindly with thee.' So he showed them the way to 
enter the city, and they smote the city at the edge of 
the sword ; but the man and all his clan they let go 

i 2G And the man went to the land of the Hittites, and 

built a city, and called its name Luz : that is its 

name unto this day. 

2 ,a ° And the Angel of Yahweh went up from Gilgal 

2 6b unto Bethel : and they sacrificed there to Yahweh. ' 

i 27 And Manasseh could not dispossess Beth-she'an and 

|| Josh. 17 1U2 its dependencies, and Ta'anach and its dependencies, 

and the inhabitants of Ible'am and its dependencies, 

and the inhabitants of Megiddo and its dependencies, 

ft and the inhabitants of Dor and its dependencies' 1 ; 

but the Cana'anites persisted in dwelling in this land. 

1 28 And when Israel was waxen strong, they impressed 
|| Josh. 17 13 the Cana'anites for labour-gangs, and did not dis- 
possess them at all. 

1 29 And Ephraim did not dispossess the Cana'anites 
|| Josh. 16 10 who dwelt in Gezer : but the Cana'anites dwelt in the 

midst of Ephraim j unto this day/ and became toiling 
Josh. 17 14 ^And the house of Joseph spake unto Joshua', 

saying, 'Why hast thou given me but one lot and 
one territory for an inheritance, seeing that I am 

f—f Not adopted by Bu. The passage is supplied from ffi : cf. note ad loc. 

e—z This is placed by Bu. at the close of the narrative, after mention of the 
settlement of the other tribes. 

h ~ h Bu. follows the order of $. For the reasons for the transposition, cf. 
note ad loc. 

J-J Omitted by Bu. 

k The fact that Josh. 17W-18 W as originally derived from the J narrative is 
clearly shown by the phraseology : cf. Bu. RS. p. 32. That the subject in v. 14 * 
should be ' the house of Joseph' and not ' the children of Joseph' appears from 
v. 17 and from the singulars *? 'to me,' "0JO 'and I,' etc., in v. 14b and else- 
where. It is impossible, however, to derive any consistent sense from the 
section as it stands in %. The house of Joseph complain that they have only 
received one lot, which is insufficient for their numbers, the extent of this lot 
being further diminished owing to the fact that part of it falls in the vale, where 
the Cana'anites are too strong to be ousted by them owing to their possession 
of iron chariots (cf. Judg. i 19 , 4 3 ). Joshua 1 , in acknowledging the justice of their 
protest, recommends them to 'go up' into the forest and cut down for them- 
selves {v. 15 ), this forest being further described as in 'hill-country' in v. is . 

That the reference, however, cannot be to any part of the hill-country west of 
Jordan appears to be clear. The situation presupposed is that the west Jordan 



a great people, forasmuch as hitherto Yahweh hath 

Josh. 17 16 blessed me? The hill-country doth not suffice for 

me : and all the Cana'anites that dwell in the land of 

the vale have chariots of iron, both they that are in 

Beth-she'an and its dependencies, and they that are 

Josh. 17 17 in the vale of Jezre'el.' And Joshua' said unto the 

house of Joseph, ' Thou art a great people, and hast 

Josh. i7 18a « great power : thou shalt not have one lot only. For 

Josh. 17 16a b the hill-country of Gile'ad shall be thine : get thee up 

into the forest and cut down for thyself there ; since 

the hill-country of Ephraim is too narrow for thee.' 

Num. 32 39 l Then Machir the son of Manasseh went to Gile'ad, 

and took it, 1 and dispossessed the Amorites that were 

country has already been allotted among the tribes, and the house of Joseph 
have not found the difficulties of gaining a footing in the portion of hill-country 
(in contrast to the vale) allotted to them to be insuperable. Thus Bu. suggests, 
with great plausibility, that the hill-country which Joshua' invites them to conquer 
is the hill-country of Gile'ad, which is appropriately described as "|^> forest or 

jungle-land: cf. 2 Sam. 18 6 - 817 . As the result of Joshua"s suggestion there 
follows the conquest of districts in Gile'ad by different clans of Manasseh, as 
described in the passages from Num. given above, which may plausibly be taken 
as the continuation of our narrative. If Bu.'s view of the situation be correct, 
'Gile'ad' in Josh. i7 18a may be supposed to have been excised by the priestly 
redactor of this section of Josh., to whom is due the general dislocation of 
the J passage in question. Marks of his hand are to be seen in the plurals v. 14 , 
'And the children of Joseph spake' (an alteration, noticed above), v. 16a , 'And 
the children of Joseph said' (addition necessitated by the dislocation of v. 15 ), 

!07 ' to us ' (alteration of 17 'to me'), in the explanatory 'to Ephraim and to 


Manasseh,' v. 17 , and in the P phrase VJIXVPl 'its goings out,' v. 18a . The 

t : 

main part of this final verse, with its five times repeated >3 and its apparent 
ascription of iron chariots to the Cana'anites inhabiting the hill-country, appears 
in its present form to be due to this editor as a weak summary of his view of the 
situation, viz. that what is contemplated is a further extended conquest west of 

Jordan. The words of v.™ D^DTni VIST] pfcO ' in the land of the Perizzites 
and the Rephaim,' which are wanting in US, are probably merely a corrupt 

doublet of the following D'HDN IH "|7 }*K "O. 'since the hill-country of 
Ephraim is too narrow for thee.' 

Bu. , to whom is due the merit of this reconstruction, varies in the following 

details. In v. 16a he retains }37 ' to us ' of p?, and reconstructs v. 16b by the help 


of z>. 18b : — 'And the Cana'anites which dwell in the vale I cannot dispossess, since 
they are too strong for me. For they have chariots of iron, both they that are 
in Beth-she'an,' etc. Alter v. 15b he adds the words of v. 18a , ' and its goings out 
shall be thine. ' 

i-l % m37 s 1 . . . T3D *J3 0? s 1. dS, however, kclI i7roperjdr) vlbs Maxeip 

. . . koX ZXapev avr-qv, points to the text adopted above, which is favoured by 
the singular verb £hi*1 in f§, and by the parallelism of w. 41 - 42 . 


Num. 32 41 therein. And Ja'ir the son of Manasseh went and 

took the tent-villages thereof, and called them the 
Num. 32 42 tent-villages of Ja'ir. And Nobah went and took 

Kenath and its dependencies, and called it Nobah 
Josh. 13 13 after his own name. But the children of Israel m did 

not dispossess the Geshurites and the Ma'acathites; 

but Geshur and Ma'acath dwelt in the midst of 

Israel, unto this day. 


x 33 



Zebulun did not dispossess the inhabitants of 
Kitron, nor the inhabitants of Nahalol ; but the 
Cana'anites dwelt in the midst of them, and became 

1 Asher did not dispossess the inhabitants of c Acco, 

nor the inhabitants of Sidon, nor Mahaleb, nor 

1 ' Achzib, nor Aphik, nor Rehob : but the Asherites 

dwelt in the midst of the Cana'anites inhabiting the 
land ; for they did not dispossess them. 

Naphtali did not dispossess the inhabitants of Beth- 
shemesh, nor the inhabitants of Beth-'anath ; but they 
dwelt in the midst of the Cana'anites inhabiting the 
land ; and the inhabitants of Beth-shemesh and Beth- 
'anath became labour-gangs for them. 

And the Cana'anites p pressed the children of Dan 
into the hill-country ; for they did not suffer them to 

Josh. 19 ' come down into the vale. a So the border of the 

children of Dan was too strait for them q ; and the 
children of Dan went up, and fought with Lesharn, 
and took it, and smote it at the edge of the sword, 
and took possession of it, and dwelt therein ; and 
they called Lesham, Dan, after the name of Dan 

1 their father. But the Cana'anites p persisted in 

dwelling in Har-heres, in Aijalon, and in Sha'albirri: 

m Possibly the original may here have read ' the children of Manasseh.' The 
reading 'in the midst of Israel' (with reference to the clans of Manasseh) in the 
latter half of the verse is favoured by the analogy of <E L in Judg. 1 S3 which reads, 
with reference to Naphtali, nai Kar^K-qaev IcrparjX, in place of f§ 3^1 simply. 
Cf. RS. p. 39. 

* Here Bu. supposes a lacuna for the account of the settlements of Benjamin 
and then Issachar. 

" Bu. reads Ahlab, and adds Helbah after Achzib, as in f§. 
P Bu. ' Amorites,' as in %• 

1-1 Reading -|V S 1 in place of $ tf¥^ Bu., following ffi, reads DHE) IpW 
DJI/TO 7Q2 ' so they made the border of their inheritance too strait for them.' 


yet the hand of the house of Joseph prevailed,*" and 

they became labour-gangs. 
2 23a So Yahweh left these nations, not expelling them 

3 2a quickly, only on account of the generations of the 

3 5a children of Israel, to teach them war. 8 And the 

children of Israel dwelt in the midst of the Cana'an- 
3 s ites ; and they took their daughters to themselves 

for wives, and their own daughters they gave to 

their sons ; and they served their gods. 

2. 6-3. 6. Introduction to the History of the Judges. 

This section forms the introduction to the Book of Judges as it 
left the hand of the main editor (R E2 ) : cf. Introd. p. xxxv. That it is 
not homogeneous is clear even from a cursory examination ; but the 
analysis is difficult, and scholars are not agreed upon points of detail. 

The narrative of the Book of Joshua' is resumed in 2 6U by repeti- 
tion of Josh. 24 28 ' 31 . The two passages are identical except for small 
verbal variations, and for the different order in which the verse occurs 
which states that the people (Josh. 'Israel') served Yahweh during 
the lifetime of Joshua' and the elders who survived him (in Josh. 24 31 
after the mention of Joshua 's death, in Judg. 2 " before it). Critics 
are agreed in assigning this section to E, with the exception ot 
Judg. 2 7 = Josh. 24 31 , which is regarded as editorial. That this verse 
should belong to E is demanded, however, by the E narrative in 
Josh. 24 16-24 : cf. especially ^. 18b - 19 - 21 - 22 - 24 . If, according to E, the 
people, in response to Joshua''s last appeal, pledged themselves to 
serve Yarnveh, the narrative of E (upon the assumption that it went 
on to relate the history of the Judges : cf. Introd. p. xxxviii) must 
have stated that this promise was carried out up to a certain point. 
Such a statement is found in Judg. 2 7 . 

The same conclusion as to the origin of this verse appears to be 
demanded by what follows. Judg. 2 10 , which forms the natural 
continuation of v. d in the E narrative, certainly presupposes v.": 
cf. especially^. 7 , 'who had seen (Josh, 'known') all the great work of 
Yahweh which he had wrought for Israel,' with -z/. 10 , 'who knew not 
Yahweh nor yet the work which he had wrought for Israeli To assign 
v. 10 as well as v. 1 to the main editor (whether we call him R D , or, 
according to our theory, R E2 ) seems to be forbidden by the fact that 
v. 10 is a necessary link in the introduction to E's narrative of the 
Judges, which, as appears below, can be traced in the verses which 
follow, and which may be expected to read continuously, since there 
is no reason to suppose that R E2 felt the need of excising any portion 
of it. Moreover, if v. 7 be editorial and not part of E, it is not clear 

r Bu. adds 'against the Amorites.' 

* Here Bu. adds the list of nations given in 3 s , which we assign to R D . 


how it came to be incorporated both in Josh, and Judg.; for in each 
case the editor was presumably drawing directly from the pre- 
Deuteronomic work of R JE .* 

The small variations between the two recensions of these verses 
may be dismissed in a few words. It is clear from the narrative of 
Josh. 24 that v. 28 was originally intended by E to round off and 
conclude the account of Joshua's last words which precedes; and 
for this purpose the statement that 'Joshua' dismissed the people 
every man to his inheritance,' is obviously sufficient. In Judg. 2 6 , 
however, this sentence, which concludes a section of E, is taken by 
R E2 to introdicce what he has to narrate about the events which 
followed the settlement. It may be assumed, therefore, that the 
expanded form of v. Gh represents an adaptation due to R E2 . The 
disappearance from v. 8 of the E phrase, ' and it came to pass after 
these things,' which occurs in the corresponding v. 29 of Josh. 24, is 
of course due to the fact that the ' things ' referred to have no place 
in Judg. If Judg. 2 10 be rightly regarded as forming part of E, it 
follows that 2 7 is in its original position with regard to its context, 
since the connexion between 2 10 and 2 9 cannot be broken. The posi- 
tion of Josh. 24 31 must therefore have been altered by the redactor.^ 

In the verses which follow, a difference in the point of view is 
evident. In vv. 11 ' 19 Israel's punishment for idolatry is that they are 
delivered into the hands of the surrounding nations; as we find, in 
fact, to be the case in the narrative of the Judges which follows. In 
vv. 20 - 21 , however, the punishment consists in Yahweh's refusal to inter- 
pose any further in order ' to dispossess any from before them of the 
nations which Joshua' left when he died ' ; obviously meaning the races 
still remaining within the land after the settlement of the tribes and 
their merely partial conquest. This aspect, then, of Yahweh's relation 
to Israel is not strictly apposite to what follows in Judg., in so far as 
it cannot have been specially framed in order to introduce the events 
which follow in the book ; these events, as we have noticed above, 
serving rather to illustrate the former point of view. 

Moreover, the purpose for which the nations still remaining after 
Joshua' 's death are here stated to have been left by Yahweh is not 
that of 2 11 " 19 , where the surrounding nations are employed in order 
to punish idolatrous Israel. It is stated in 2 22 , 3 1A to be 'in order 

* The only solution, upon the assumption of the Deuteronomic origin of the 
verse, would seem to be that it may have been inserted in Josh, by a later hand 
in order to make Josh. 24 28-31 square exactly with Judg. 2 6 " 9 . The converse 
process (insertion from Josh, into Judg.) is excluded by the facts noticed above. 

The only reason for the assigning of v." 7 to the editor appears to be the occur- 
rence of the D phrase 'who had prolonged days' ; but there is no reason why 
this phrase should not have been adopted by the D school from E (just as other 
phrases, e.g. D'HJIK DM7X 'other gods,' have been), and in fact it cannot be 
proved that the similar phrase ' that thy days may prolong themselves ' in 
Ex. 20 12 did not originally belong to E. 

% In <5 B of Josh, the verse stands in the same position as in Judg. 


to prove Israel by them.' The method of ' proof,' however, is explained 
in two different ways. In 2 - 2 , 3 * it is a religious probation — to test 
the adhesion of Israel to Yahweh's precepts ('the ways or commands 
of Yahweh'); but in 3 L2 it is explained simply as directed towards 
keeping the successive generations of the children of Israel exercised 
in the use of arms, and is therefore, it may be inferred, devoid of any 
strictly religious purpose. These remaining nations, again, which 
form Yahweh's instrument of probation, appear, as mentioned in 3 3 , 
to be (with the exception of 'all the Cana'anites') surrounding- nations, 
inconsistently with 2 - - 3 , but in accordance with 2 n ' 19 , where it is 
these nations that form Yahweh's instrument of punishment. Once 
more, 3 6 harks back to the point of view of 2 2023 , and it is the races 
within Canaan with whom the writer is concerned. 

Looking once more at 2 1119 , the existence in these verses of a duplica- 
tion of statement can hardly escape notice. Thus v. 13 repeats v. 12 , 
and vv. 18 - 19 are in substance the same as vv. 16 - 17 . If, however, we 
remove one set of duplicates, viz. vv. 1218 - 19 , it will be found that the 
remainder, with the exception of vv. ub P- 16 , is nearly identical in 
wording with the pragmatic framework of the book as seen in the 
introductions to the histories of the various judges. The closeness 
of the parallel may best be seen by a comparison with 3 79 : — 

2 11 And the children of Israel did that which was evil in the sight 
3 7a And the children of Israel did that which was evil in the sight 

2 12 of Yahweh, and they forsook Yahweh and served the 

3 7b of Yahweh, and they forgat Yahweh their God, and served the 

2 14a Ba'als and the 'Ashtarts. And the anger of Yahweh was 
3 8 Ba'als and the 'Ashtarts. And the anger of Yahweh was 

2 14a kindled against Israel, and he delivered them into the hand 
3 8 kindled against Israel, 

2 14a of spoilers and they spoiled them, and he sold them into 
3 8 and he sold them into 

2 14a the hand of their enemies round about. 

3 8 the hand of Cushan-rish'athaim, king of Aram-naharaim : and 

3 8 the children of Israel served Cushan-rish'athaim eight years. 

2 16 < And the children of Israel cried unto Yahweh, > and Yahweh 

3 9 And the children of Israel cried unto Yahweh, and Yahweh 

2 16 raised up judges, and they saved 

3 9 raised up a saviour for the children of Israel, and he saved 

2 16 them from the hand of their spoilers. 
3 9 them . . . 

This framework is due to the main editor, who appears (as has 


been argued in the Introd. pp. xli ff.) to have been a representative of 
the later school of E. 

The words in 2 14a16 , which find no parallel in 3 7 - 9 ('and he delivered 
them into the hand of the spoilers and they spoiled them ' ; ' from 
the hand of their spoilers '), may be by a later hand (D 2 ; cf. 2 Kgs. 
17 20 ) ; but it is more likely that they belong to R E2 , who in referring 
to Israel's enemies generally at the commencement of his history, 
may be expected to use some emphasis and even repetition (2 14a ). 
The clause missing in $?, 'And the children of Israel cried unto 
Yahweh,' seems necessary to complete the nexus, and has been 
supplied in accordance with 3 015 , 4 3 , 6 6 , 10 10 . 

The verses, however, which appear not to have originally formed 
part of this writer's scheme, viz. vv. l2Mh P lb - ni9 , are just the verses 
which exhibit very markedly the phraseology of Deuteronomy* ; and 
we can hardly err therefore in regarding them as additions made in 
later times by a member of the Deuteronomic school (D 2 ). 

2 20 ~3 6 is very difficult to analyse with any certainty. If, as seems 
probable, E's narrative in 2 6 " 10 is continued by v. 13 (notice E's 
expression 'the Ba'als and the 'Ashtarts'), w. 20 - n form the appropriate 
sequence. Notice the opening phrase, ' So the anger of Yahweh was 
kindled against Israel,' which has formed the text of the editorial 
expansion of R E2 in vv I4a1617 . 

Of the two methods of probation noticed above, that which 
consists in religious proving (3 4 ) may be regarded as due to E (T1D3 in 

\ T • 

this sense is characteristic : cf. CH. JE 192 a). The somewhat awk- 
wardly inserted interpolation 2 22 , which also refers to this religious pro- 
bation, is marked by its phraseology as Deuteronomic. The alternative 
method of probation (' to teach them war,' 3 2a ) as devoid of religious 
purpose, may be judged to be older than the other, and is therefore 
probably to be assigned to J. This seems to connect on to 2 23a ; 
which may very well be the sequel to the J narrative in 1 1 -2 5 , which 
gives a detailed account of the foreign races within Palestine which 
the different tribes were unable to expel. Notice the expression 
' these nations,' clearly referring to nations just previously mentioned. 
The immediate sequel to 3 2a is 3 5a6 , which relates how Israel settled 
down among the Cana'anites, intermarrying with them and adopting 
their religious practices ('Cana'anites,' J's general term for the 
inhabitants of Palestine: cf. I 3 note. Notice also the J phrase 
' dwelt in the midst of). 2 23b (back-reference to 2 21b ), and 3 6b (list 
of races) exhibit the hand of the redactor of J and E. 

The summary of nations 'which Yahweh left to prove Israel by 
them,' 3 la - 3 , must be due to D 2 : cf. the similar Deuteronomic 
summary in Josh. 13 2 fif. Finally, the awkwardly placed explanatory 
glosses in 3 lb - 2b seem to be due to the latest hand of all (R p ). 

* Cf. especially the phrases ' go after other gods,' z/z\ 12 - 19 , ' vex Yahweh,' v.™, 
'as Yahweh had spoken and as Yahweh had sworn to them,'^. 15a . Cf. CH. D 85, 
91, io7 b ; phrases of R D in Kings in DB. ii. pp. 860 f., nos. 32, 39. 

5° THE BOOK OF JUDGES [2. 6. 7. 8. 9. 

6. E So Joshua 4 dismissed the people, RE2 and the children 
of Israel went E every man to his inheritance RE2 to possess the 
land. 7. E And the people served Yahweh all the days of 
Joshua', and all the days of the elders who outlived Joshua 1 , 
who had seen all the great work of Yahweh which he had wrought 
for Israel. 8. And Joshua 4 the son of Nun, the servant of 
Yahweh, died, aged one hundred and ten years. 9. And they 
buried him within the boundary of his inheritance, in Timnath- 
heres, in the hill-country of Ephraim, on the north of mount 

2, 6. dismissed the people. From Shechem ; where, according to 
Josh. 24 1-28 E, they had been assembled by Joshua to receive his final 

7. the elders. The sheikhs of the various tribal clans who were the 
representatives of permanent official authority in matters social and 
religious. They appear from the earliest times, both in J (Ex. 3 1618 , 
J2 21 ) and E (Ex. I7 5C , 18 12 , 19 7 , 24 »■»•"). 

outlived. Lit. 'prolonged days after.' Upon the use of the 
phrase in this passage, cf. footnote, p. 53. 

who had seen, etc. | Josh. 24 31 'who had known, etc.' So in our 
passage (5r eyvaxrav, V ' noverant.' The expression 'all the great 
work of Yahweh ' probably includes (as Mo. notices) not merely the 
conquest of Cana an, but also the wonderful events of the Exodus and 
wilderness-wanderings. Cf. Deut. u 7 , where the same phrase is 
employed with regard to these latter. 

8. the servant of Yahweh. This title, which is only applied to 
Joshua' here and in || Josh. 24 29 , is very frequently used with reference 
to Moses: so in Deut. 34 5 , Josh. 1 * (both E), Josh. I 1315 , 8 31 - 33 , 
11 12 , 12 6 , 13 8 , 14 \ 18 7 , 22 ^ 5 (all R D ), 2 Kgs. 18 12 (R D ), 2 Chr. 
1 3 , 24 (cf. 'servant of God,' 2 Chr. 24°, Neh. io 29 , $ 30 , Dan. 9 11 ). 
It is applied to David in the headings of Pss. 18 and 36, and to the 
nation of Israel in Isa. 42 19 f. Similarly, 'my servant' or 'my 
servants ' (in Yahweh's mouth), ' his servants ' are employed as a 
description of the outstanding figures of Israel's history, especially 
the prophets, and the idealized representative of Israel in Isa. 40 ff. ; 
the idea embodied being that of vocation to a special mission : cf. 
the editor's Outlines of O. T. Theology, pp. 112 fT. 

9. Timnath-here's. || Josh. 24 30 and 19 50 Timnath-serah, doubtless 
an intentional metathesis made by a later scribe : cf. note on Har- 
heres, ch. I 35 . The same alteration appears in a few MSS. of p}, and 
in !F, <2> p in our passage. 

The site of this city is uncertain. Christian tradition, as repre- 
sented by Eusebius and Jerome, identifies it with the Timnah of 
Gen. 38 12 (OS. 261 33 Go/iva), i.e. the modern Tibnerytcn miles north- 
west of Bethel. About three miles to the east of Tibneh is Kefr I sua', 

2. io. ii. 12. I3-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 57 

Ga'ash. io. And also all that generation were gathered unto their 
fathers ; and there arose another generation after them who knew 
not Yahweh, nor yet the work which he had wrought for Israel. 

ii. R E2 And the children of Israel did that which was evil in 
the sight of Yahweh, [ 12. D 2 and forsook Yahweh the God of 
their fathers, who had brought them out of the land of Egypt ; 
and they went after other gods, of the gods of the peoples who 
were round about them, and bowed themselves down to them ; 
and they vexed Yahweh. 13. E And they forsook Yahweh, and 

i.e. 'Joshua's village.' Samaritan tradition, however, claims as the 
site the modern Kefr Haris, some nine miles south-south-west of 
Nablus, which is said to have been the burial-place of both Joshua' 
and Caleb. Cf. Buhl, Geogr. p. 170. 

mount Gdash. The site is unknown. 'The wadys of Ga'ash' are 
mentioned in 2 Sam. 23 30 =i Chr. n 32 ; and these Buhl conjectures 
to be the valleys close to Tibneh on the west : Geogr. p. 101. 

10. were gathered unio their fathers. Elsewhere the expression 
used (in every case in P) is 'gathered unto his kindred' ("PEW) • 

so Gen. 25 817 , 35 29 , 4a 33 , Num. 20 24 , Deut. 32 50 ; cf. Num. 27 13 , 31 2 . 

11. At the end of the verse, p? (with the Versions) adds 'and they 
served the Ba'als,' a statement which is redundant by the side of 
v. 13 , and probably represents an early accidental repetition. 

12. went after . . . round about them. A reminiscence of Deut. 6 14 . 

13. the Baals. Reading plur. D^JJjA (cf. v. uh $) in place of the 

sing. bV2?* The title Baal signifies ' owner ' or ' possessor,' and was 

applied by the Western Semites to a deity as owner of a special 
sphere of influence, whether in the heavens, e.g. Ba'al-zebul, ' owner 
of the (heavenly) mansion ' (cf. 1 5 note), and, among the Phoenicians 
and Aramaeans, Ba'al-shamem, ' owner of the heavens ' j or of a 
special locality or city where his worship was practised, e.g. Baal- 
Hermon, and Phoenician Ba'al-Sidon, Ba'al-Lebanon, etc.; or of a 
special property, e.g. Ba'al-berith, 'owner of a covenant' worshipped 
at Shechem, ch. 8 33 , 9* ; Baal-Gad, the name of a locality where the 
Baal was worshipped as the god of fortune, Josh, u 17 , 12 7 , 13 5 . 
The plur. 'the Baals' refers to the different local Baals among the 
Cana anites. Upon the use of the title as applied to Yahweh in early 
times, cf. the present editor's Outlines of O. T. Theology, pp. 27 ff. 

* Mo. emends 'served the Ba'als, etc.,' into 'burned incense (VlDp^) 
to the Ba'als, etc.,' on the ground that ' ^ ~\2y for 12V with accus. is un- 
exampled.' But, as Bu. rightly remarks, even if the occurrence of the verb with 
this constr. in Jer. 44 3 be regarded as a gloss (as by Mo.), the constr. is found 

twice over in 1 Sam. 4 9 (probably E) : U^f? )12V *1B>K3 DnilJ^ MiyD 


58 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [2. 13. 

served the Ba'airs" 1 and the 'Ashtarts. 14. REa So the anger of 
Yahweh was kindled against Israel, and he gave them into the 
hand of spoilers, and they spoiled them, and he sold them into 
the hand of their enemies round about, D 2 and they were not 

Ba al being thus not the proper name of a deity, but a title applied 
to many local Cana'anite deities, it is impossible to define any special 
characteristic which may have been common to all. We can only 
infer from such passages as Hos. 2 6812 ( 71014 f^) that the Baals were 
commonly regarded as the givers of agricultural fertility, and were 
therefore worshipped in a round of agricultural festivals : cf. ch. 9 27 . 
This view is confirmed by the common connexion of the Ba'als with 
the 'Ashtarts, on which see note following. 

the 'Ashtarts. The local forms of the goddess 'Ashtart. The 
vocalization 'Ashtoreth, which meets us everywhere in JH, is an 
intentional alteration made by the introduction of the vowels of 
boXeth, 'shame' or 'shameful thing,' in order to indicate that this 
word is to be substituted in reading. (&, however, always renders 
Tj Ao-TapTr), which doubtless nearly preserves the true pronunciation.* 
The same substitution of the vowels of boscth has been made in 
Molech for Melech, 'king,' the god in whose worship the Israelites 
made their children to pass through the fire ; and the word boSeth is 
substituted for Ba'al in Hos. 9 10 , Jer. 3 24 , n 13 , and in the proper 
names Ishbosheth, Mephibosheth, Jerubbesheth : cf. note on Jerub- 
ba'al, ch. 6 32 . 

There can be no doubt that a principal (if not the principal) con- 
ception embodied in the Cana'anite 'Ashtart was that of the mother- 
goddess, to whom was due the fecundity of nature. This may be 
inferred from the expression t as't c rdth sdne'kha, i.e. either the ' breeding 
ewes' 1 or 'the offspring of thy flock,' Deut. 7 13 , 28 41861 t; and also 
from the special characteristics of the numerous small figurines, 
apparently of this goddess, which have been unearthed in the excava- 
tion of city-sites in Palestine : cf. Driver, Schweich Lectures, pp. 56 ff. ; 
Vincent, Canaan, ch. iii. ; TB. ii. pp. 81 fif. Whether the k e dhesini and 
fcdhesoth, i.e. the temple-prostitutes of both sexes belonging to the 
Cana'anite religion, were specially devoted to the service of 'Ashtart 
is not certain. The Bab. I star, however, had her female prostitutes, 
who bore the title kadiltu or fyarinitu : cf. KA T. z p. 423. 

Old Testament writers seem to regard 'Ashtart as specially a 
Phoenician deity: so 1 Kgs. u 5 - 33 , ''Ashtart the goddess of the 
Sidonians' : cf. 2 Kgs. 23 13 . Her worship was, however, very widely 
diffused among the Semites. She is the Bab. Istar, the one goddess 

* An original 'Ashtart may have come to be pronounced 'Ashtarath or 
•Ashtdreth. mn^J/3 B6-esht6ra for mflKty 1V3 Beth-'Eshtgra in Josh. 21 27 

t : : v : t : : v 

probably preserves one original form of the name. 

2. 15- 16.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 59 

able any more to stand before their enemies. 15. Whitherso- 
ever they went out the hand of Yahweh was against them for evil, 
as Yahweh had spoken, and as Yahweh had sworn to them ; and 
they were in sore straits. 16. RE2 <And the children of Israel 
cried unto Yahweh,]> and Yahweh raised up judges, and they saved 

who holds her position as it were in her own right, and not merely as 
the somewhat shadowy consort of a god. Different localities in 
Babylonia were famous for the worship of I star, who thus appeared, 
under various localized forms, as the I star of Erech, of Nineveh, of 
Arbela, etc. The principal aspects under which she was regarded 
were as the goddess of war (she is spoken of as belit tafedzi, ' mistress 
of battle,' and her chief epithet is karittu, ' warrior 5 : see references in 
Muss Arnolt's Die/., and, for a representation of the goddess under this 
aspect, TB. ii. p. 80) and goddess of love or mother-goddess (cf. Hero- 
dotus' statement (i. 131. 199) that the Assyrians called her NvXitto, 
i.e. muallidat, ' she who causes to bear '). This latter aspect of the 
Cana'anite 'Ashtart we have already noticed : of the existence of the 
former in Cana'an we have no evidence ; though it may be noticed 
that the Philistines, after their victory over Israel and the death of 
Saul, hung Saul's armour in the temple of 'Ashtart (1 Sam. 31 10 ). 

The plur. istardti came to be used in Babylonian in the general sense 
'goddesses' (a point of resemblance to the Heb. plur. 'Astdroth) ; 
and even the sing. I star is sometimes employed to denote 'goddess,' 
alongside of ilu, ' god,' especially in the penitential psalms : cf. ilsu 
u istarsu zenu ittisu, ' his god and his goddess are angry with him ' : 
Muss Arnolt, s.v. istaru. 

The same deity is seen in the Sabaean 'Athtar, the Aram. 'Attar, 
and in the Moabite compound form ' Ashtar-Chemosh. With regard to 
'Athtar, Barton {Semitic Origins, pp. 123 ff.) has made out a plausible 
case in proof that the mother-goddess came to be transformed into a 
male deity ; but his argument that the same phenomenon is to be 
observed in the Moabite deity (only mentioned once in Mesha''s 
inscription, I. 17) is not equally convincing : cf. op. cit. pp. 141 ff. 

15. Whithersoever they went out. Sc. to battle. So Le Clerc 
' quamcumque expeditionem aggrederentur ' ; Mo. ' in every cam- 
paign,' and similarly Stu., Bach., Bu., La. For KV 'go forth' in this 
military sense, cf. eh. $\ 2 Kgs. 18 7 , Deut. 28 25 . 

as Yahweh had spoken, etc. Cf. Deut. 28 25 , and, generally, the whole 
tenour of that chapter. 

16. And the children of Israel cried unto Yahweh. This clause is 
not found in % or Verss., but forms elsewhere a regular element in 
the pragmatic scheme of R E2 , and can scarcely be dispensed with in 
the present connexion. Cf. introd. to the section. 

judges. The two verbs saphat 'judge,' and hosid 'save,' are used 
interchangeably by R E2 with reference to Israel's deliverers. 

60 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [2. 17. 18. 20. 21. 

them from the hand of their spoilers. 17. But even unto their 
judges did they not hearken ; for they went a whoring after other 
gods, and bowed themselves down to them : they turned aside 
quickly from the way wherein their fathers had walked, obeying 
the commandment of Yahweh : they did not do so. 18. D 2 And 
when Yahweh had raised up judges for them, Yahweh would be 
with the judge, and would save them from the hand of their 
enemies all the days of the judge : for Yahweh would be moved 
to pity because of their groaning by reason of them that crushed 
and oppressed them. 19. But when the judge died they would 
turn back, and deal more corruptly than their fathers, in going 
after other gods to serve them and to bow themselves down to 
them : they did not let fall any of their practices or of their 
stubborn way. 20. E So the anger of Yahweh was kindled against 
Israel, and he said, ' Because this nation have transgressed my 
covenant which I commanded their fathers, and have not 
hearkened to my voice, 21. I also will no more expel any from 
before them of the nations which Joshua' left when he died ' : 

and they saved them. (Ex kcu ea-axrev avrovs Kvpios. Possibly 
original (so La.) ; cf. v. l \ where Yahweh is similarly subject of the 

17. went a whoring. A frequent metaphor for intercourse with 
other deities and unfaithfulness to Yahweh. So again in ch. 8 27 - 33 . 

they turned aside quickly, etc. For the phrase, cf. Ex. 32 s (E?), 
Deut. 9 1216 . 

18. would be with, etc. The verbal sequence in the Heb., in this 
and the following verse, describes what happened on repeated 

would be 7itov ed to pity. R.V. 'for it repented the Lord' does not 
adequately express the sense of the verb. Cf. the use of the same 
verb (Dm) in ch. 21 615 , Jer. 15 6 , Ps. 90 13 . 

20. have transgressed my covenant. I.e. the divine constitution 
given to Israel by Yahweh at Horeb or Sinai, upon the basis of which 
{i.e. upon condition of the faithful performance by Israel of the 
ordinances of the constitution) Yahweh undertook to make Israel his 
peculiar people. The two sides of the covenant are tersely summar- 
ized in Deut. 26 1719 . 

21. left when he died. Lit. 'left and died.' The Heb. constr. is 
very peculiar. (£, in place of J"ID ,| 1 ' and died,' reads iv tt} yrj' nal 
u(j>r)Kev (in connexion with the verse following tov ireipcurai. k.t.\.). 
Here iv 177 yfj is most likely only an insertion explanatory of the 

2. 22, 3. 2.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 6i 

22. D a in order to prove Israel by them, whether they would 
keep the way of Yahweh to walk therein" 1 , as their fathers kept it, 
or not. 23. J So Yahweh left these nations, not expelling them 
quickly, KJE and did not give them into the hand of Joshua'. 

3. i. D 2 Now these are the nations which Yahweh left to prove 
Israel by them, RP even all who had not experienced all the wars 
of Cana'an ; 2. J only on account of [ ] the generations of the 

preceding KareXtnev : but kcu d<fir)K.ev = {]}*), i.e. the opening word of 

v. K 'and [Yahweh] left,' which must have stood in immediate connex- 
ion with v. 21 before D 2 's insertion (v. 2i ) was made. It is possible, 
therefore, that D 2 took up this word to introduce his insertion 
(meaning perhaps to write DrP-PI) and explained 'So he left them 

in order to prove Israel,' etc. This may then be supposed to have 
become subsequently corrupted into T)W\ in pj. Such a repetition by 
an editor of the words of the older source as the text of his expansive 
comment is seen in R E2 : 'So the anger of Yahweh was kindled 
against Israel'; a statement which introduces vv. UA617 prior to the 
occurrence of the same phrase in v. 20 E. 

La. emends nj)»1 for nb*1 and connects the verb closely with the 

preceding sentence : 'que Joshue a laisse subsister "en repos"' ; but 
this is scarcely possible. 

22. therein. Reading sing. H2 with some MSS. and (5r, 3L, U, iS, 


in place of |^ plur. D2. 


3, 2. on account of the generations, etc. I.e. the generations succes- 
sive to the one which had been responsible for gaining the first 
footing in Cana an ; as is explained by R'^'s gloss, 'such namely as 
formerly knew nothing thereof.' The text adopted is that of ffir, ii\\]v 

dia ras yeveas vlcou laparjX k.t.X. So H. f£? inserts DV^ after ftft^ 

and this can only be rendered with S 1 ', £, R.V. 'only that the genera- 
tions of the children of Israel might know' ; what they were to know 
being left to be understood inferentially from the context, viz., the art 
of war, as the following sentence states. But the constr. ' that they 
might know (sc. war) to teach them war' is impossibly harsh, and 
the fact that nj/T 'to know' is omitted by ffir points to its being 

merely an erroneous dittography of nii'H 'generations' (so Oort, No., 
Kit., Ehr.). 

Mo. (and so Bu.) would prefer to read DV"! instead of fllTH and 
to regard DlE^ as a gloss on the former word, thus obtaining the 
text nprAft tanfe" *52l Vm |3&£ pn 'merely in order that the chil- 
dren of Israel might have experience of war.' This of course 


children of Israel, to teach them war, R r such namely as formerly 
knew nothing thereof: — 3. ° 2 the five lords of the Philistines, 
and all the Canaanites, and the Sidonians, and the THittites 1 
dwelling in mount Lebanon, from mount Ba'al-Hermon unto the 

simplifies the passage, and says all that is required to convey the 
writer's meaning; but it may be doubted whether we are justified in 
so far altering the text against the evidence of ffi, which gives us a 
quite comprehensible construction. 

knew nothing thereof. Lit. 'had not known them.' The 'them' 
refers to R p 's previous 'all the wars of Canaan' in v. 1 ; and he uses 
the plur., regardless of the fact that the sing, 'war' intervenes in the 
old source (v. 2a ). 

3. the five lords of the Philistines. The rulers of the five principal 
Philistine cities are always distinguished by the title se'ren — a title 
never used in any other connexion. The word is not, so far as we 
know, susceptible of a Semitic derivation ; the old view (cf. Ges. 
Thes.) that it is the same as the Heb. sei-en, 'axle' of a wheel 
(1 Kgs. 7 30 , and in the cognate languages), and that the princes are 
so called as being, as it were, the axles or pivots of the state, being 
both unlikely in itself, and also (presumably) precluded by the fact 
that we do not find the title used elsewhere among the Hebrews or 
other Semitic peoples. 

This being so, it is likely that the title may be of native Philistine 

origin. J5 P P0pX, & \TIL3 render Tvpavvoi, and it is thus a plausible 
conjecture that se'ren is simply rvpawos reproduced in a Hebraized 
form. (5r renders a-a.Tpa.irai, o-aTpaireLai, apxpvres (most usual in (3r B ), 
and aTparrjyoi (once) ; U, satrapae, reguli, principes. 

Upon the Philistines and their origin, cf. Introd. xcii ff. 

the Hittites dwelling in mount Lebation. f^ and all Verss. 'the 
Hivvites.' In Josh, n 3 we find mention of 'the Hivvites under 
Hermon in the land of Mispah.' In this latter passage (Sr B reads 
'Hittites,' making the opposite change (Hivvites for Hittites) in the 
list of races dwelling in the central hill-country of Palestine which 
immediately precedes. In other passages in which the Hivvites are 
mentioned in such a way that they can be more or less definitely 
localized, they appear as inhabitants of Central Palestine : so in 
Gen. 34 2 (P) the term is used of the Shechemites, and in Josh, g 7 (J) 
of the Gibe'onites. Thus, in both passages where Hivvites are 
mentioned in |^ as dwelling in the neighbourhood of Lebanon and 
Hermon,* modern scholars take the view that the true reading should 
be Hittites (Tinn may easily have been confused with ''inn ; cf. (5r B 

* 'The land of Mispah' in Josh, n 3 seems to be the same as 'the valley 
(Keb. bitia) of Mispeh' in v.*; i.e. probably the southern portion of the great 
plain between the two Lebanons now called el-Buka' in Ar.: cf. Warren in 
DB. iii. p. 402. 


entry of Hamath. 4. E And they served to prove Israel by them, 
to know whether they would hearken to the commandment of 
Yahweh, which he commanded their fathers by the hand of 
Moses. 5. J And the children of Israel dwelt in the midst of 
the Cana'anites, RjE the Hittites, and the Amorites, and the 
Perizzites, and the Hivvites, and the Jebusites. 6. J And they 
took their daughters to themselves for wives, and their own 
daughters they gave to their sons ; and they served their gods. 

in Josh. 11 3 ). The Hittite principalities extended as far south as 
Kadesh in the neighbourhood of the Anti-Lebanon (cf. Introd. p. xcix) ; 
and it is likely that Hittite clans may have penetrated into the Lebanon- 
district, which is ideally reckoned as part of the promised land. 

from mount Baal-Hermon . . . Hamath. The northern extremity 
of Israel's inheritance, which still remained unconquered after the 
campaigns of Joshua', is described in Josh. 13 5 (R D ) as 'all Lebanon 
eastward [so. of the land of the Gebalites], from Ba'al-Gad under 
mount Hermon unto the entry of Hamath.' Josh, n 17 , 12 7 (R D ) 
mentions Ba'al-Gad as the extreme northern limit of the territory 
subdued by Joshua'. Here Ba'al-Gad is probably the same as Ba'al- 
Hermon, and this is supposed to be the modern Banyas (Greek Paneas, 
OS., 217 40 ; in N. T., Caesarea Philippi), a grotto near the sources of 
the Jordan where the ancient worship of Gad was superseded in later 
times by the worship of Pan; cf. Rob. BR. 3 iii. pp. 409 ff. Hamath, 
frequently mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions as Amattu or 
Hammatu, is the modern Hama, situated on the Orontes about 115 
miles north of Damascus. 'The entry of Hamath' is mentioned 
several times as the ideal northern limit of the kingdom of Israel 
(Num. 13 21 , 34 8 ; Josh. 13 5 , 1 Kgs. 8 65 = 2 Chr. 7 8 , 2 Kgs. 14 25 , 1 
Chr. 13 5 , Am. 6 14 , Ezek. 47 20 , 48 1 f) ; probably because it represented 
the actual northern limit of the kingdom as Solomon inherited it 
after the conquests of David (1 Kgs. 8 65 ), and as it was regained in 
later times through the victories of Jerobo'am II. (2 Kgs. 14 25 ). It is 
doubtless (as Rob. BR* iii. p. 568, points out) the northern extremity 
of the pass between the Lebanon and Anti- Lebanon ranges. The 
descriptions here and in Josh. 13 6 are obviously intended to cover 
all the Lebanon-district from south to north. Cf. Introd. p. xcix, 
footnote 1. 

5. the Candanites, etc. To the term 'Cana'anites' used by J as a 
general designation of the inhabitants of Cana'an (cf. I 3 note) R JE 
adds the catalogue of races which, when complete, enumerates the 
'seven nations' of Cana'an : cf. Deut. 7 1 , Josh. 3 10 , 24 ".* Here the 
Girgashites are missing. On the races mentioned, cf. references in 

* Driver, on Deut. 7 1 {ICC), gives a conspectus of all the passages in which 
the'enumeration occurs, noticing the order and omissions. 


3. 7-1 1. t Othniel. 

This narrative exhibits throughout the characteristic phraseology 
of R EJ 's pragmatic scheme. Indeed, R E8 appears to have possessed 
no further information than the names of the oppressor and deliverer, 
and the length of the periods of oppression and subsequent peace. 
The name Cushan-rish'athaim, signifying 'Cushan of double wicked- 
ness,' or, as we might say, ' the double-dyed barbarian,' excites 
suspicion ; and, if genuine, can scarcely be preserved in its original 
form. The subjugation of Cana'an by a kingdom so remote as that 
of Mesopotamia might have been expected to have left further traces 
than we here possess : and it is strange that the deliverer from this 
foe from the north-east should have been found in a Kenizzite from 
the extreme south ; a member of a clan whose connexion with the 
northern and central tribes of Israel appears at this time to have been 
of the slightest (cf. pp. 44 ff.). Hence many critics have supposed 
that the editor was altogether without authentic information, and, in 
order to fill up a blank in his scheme of history, chose the name of 
'Othniel, which had the advantage of being well known, and, at the 
same time, of giving a Judge to Judah. Such an hypothesis does not 
explain the origin of Cushan-rish'athaim, a name which can scarcely 
be the product of mere invention. 

Of the attempted explanations of this name which have been put 
forward, the most plausible is that suggested by Ball (ET. xxi. Jan. 
1 9 10, p. 192), who compares the Kassite name Kashsha-rishat (cf. 
Ranke, Early Babylonian Personal Names, p. 244, n. 7 ). The Kassites 
were foreign invaders of Babylonia, probably from Elam and the 
farther East, who founded the Third Babylonian Dynasty, which 
lasted from cir. B.C. 1760 to cir. 1185 : cf. Introd. p. Ixv. Their name 
appears in cuneiform as Kassu\ and there can be little doubt that 
this is the Heb. ^3 Kfis (Cush) mentioned in Gen. 10 8 as the 
'father' of Nimrod, whom the writer regards as the founder of 
civilization in Babylonia.* The name Kashsha-rishat happens, in 
the occurrence cited, to belong to a woman ; but both elements in 
the name are familiar in other names, both masc. and fern. Thus 
the element Kash is seen in Kash-tiliash, which occurs twice among 
the king-names of the dynasty. Such a name would have been 
represented in Heb. as n^TCS or flB^TE^S, and would thus 
readily have lent itself to the jesting modification which is found 
in $?. As Ball remarks, 'on any computation, the period of the 

* The passage belongs to J ; and it is probable that this writer's Ktls is uncon- 
nected with the Hamitic RuS of P in t/. 6 . Cf. Skinner (Genesis, ICC, p. 208), who 
remarks that ' it is conceivable that in consequence of so prolonged a supremacy,* might have become a name for Babylonia, and that J's knowledge of its 
history did not extend farther back than the Kassite dynasty. Since there is no 
reason to suppose that J regarded Ras* as Hamitic, it is quite possible that the 
name belonged to his list of Japhetic peoples.' 


7. R K2 And the children of Israel did that which was evil 
in the sight of Yahweh, and forgat Yahweh their God, and served 
the Ba'als, and the r'Ashtarts! 8. And the anger of Yahweh was 
kindled against Israel, and he sold them into the hand of 
Cushan-rish'athaim, king of Aram-naharaim : and the children of 

Judges, that is to say, the period of the settlement of Israel in 
Canaan, falls within that of the Cassite or " Cushite " domination in 
Babylonia. Although nothing is known at present of any expedition 
westward on the part of these Babylonian Cushites, it is quite possible 
that the story of Cushan-rish'athaim's oppression of Israel may pre- 
serve an indistinct memory of such an historical episode.'* 

The only other suggestion as to Cushan-rish'athaim which needs 
be noticed is that proposed by Klostermann (GVI. p. 11 9), who, working 
upon the suggestion of Gra. that Aram should be Edom (confusion 
of D"1N and D"JK as in 2 Sam. 8 1213 , 2 Chr. 20 2 , 2 Kgs. 16 6 : in this 
case 'naharaim' must be regarded as a later gloss ; notice its omis- 
sion in v. 10 ), supposes that there may have been an Edomite king 
named Cushan,| and that risJi athaiwi may represent an original rosh 
hat-temani, i.e. ' chieftain of the Temanites ' (DTiy£M from 'OE^nKh). 

This king, he thinks, may be identical with ' Husham (DKTI) of the 

land of the Temanites' mentioned in Gen. 36 s4 . This view is 
favoured by Marquart, Fundamente israelitischer und jiidischer Ge- 
schichte, p. 1 1 ; Cheyne, EB. 969 ; and (as regards the emendation 
'Edom') by La. Granted that the emendations based upon the 
proper name are highly precarious, it is at any rate possible that an 
encroachment upon southern Palestine by the Edomites may have 
occurred at this period ; and, if so, the deliverer might naturally be 
found in a clan (the Kenizzites) which was allied to or incorporated 
with the tribe of Judah. 

3. 7. the' ' Ashtarts. Reading nnn^H with two MSS. and F ('the 

t : - t 

'Ashtarts ' are regularly mentioned elsewhere by E or R E2 in connexion 
with 'the Baals' : cf. 2 13 , 10 6 , 1 Sam. y\ 12 10 ) in place of pj nh^'xrl 

•• - : t 

'the 'Asheroth? The plur. of 'Ashera (on which cf. ch. 6 25 note) is 
usually 'Asherim (nineteen occurrences) ; while 'Asheroth is only 
found twice besides : 2 Chr. 19 3 , 33 s . 

8. Cushan-risJi athai?n. See introduction to the section. A similar 
distortion of the name of an enemy in order to cast ridicule upon him 

* In the passage cited by Ball from the T. A. Letters which appears to connect 
Kas with Nahrima {i.e. the Biblical Aram-naharaim), ' as by rights belonging to 
the Pharaoh's empire' (according to Winckler's reading in KB. v. 181, 1. 35: 
cf. also KA 7\3 195), the mention of Kas cannot be substantiated, since the actual 
reading is Ka-pa-si: cf. Knudtzon, Die el-Amarna Tafeln, 288, 1. 36. 

% Cf. the use of Cushan as a tribal name parallel to ' the land of Midian ' in 
Hab. 3 7. 


66 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [3. 9. 10. 11. 

Israel served Cushan-rish'athaim eight years. 9. And the children 
of Israel cried unto Yahweh, and Yahweh raised up a saviour for 
the children of Israel, and he saved them, to wit'Othniel the son 
of Kenaz, Caleb's RP younger R Ea brother. 10. And the spirit of 
Yahweh came upon him, and he judged Israel ; and he went 
forth to war, and Yahweh gave into his hand Cushan-rish'athaim, 
king of Aram; and his hand prevailed against Cushan-rish'athaim. 
n. And the land had rest forty years. And 'Othniel the son of 
Kenaz died. 

is probably to be seen in the Aram, name ^KSD, Isa. 7 6 , properly 
Tab'el, i.e. "El is wise'(cf. Tabrimmon, ' Rimmon is wise,' 1 Kgs. 
1 5 18 ), but vocalized by ffH as Tab'al in order to suggest to Jewish 
readers the Heb. meaning 'good for nothing.' Other instances of a 
like perversion are perhaps to be seen in Zebah and Salmunna 
{ch. 8 5 note), and Adoni-bezek {ch. 1 5 note). 

Aram-naharaim. 'Aram of the two rivers,' mentioned elsewhere, 
Gen. 24 10 (J), Deut. 23 4 ( 6 p?), 1 Chr. 19 6 , Ps. 60 titlef. The two 
rivers (if the dual form be correct) are the Euphrates and possibly the 
Chaboras (Heb. Habor, 2 Kgs. 17 6 , 18 n ). The land of NaJ)rima or 
Narima is repeatedly mentioned in the T.A. Letters, and the same 
designation is found in the Egyptian Naharin, which seems to have 
been used of the district both east of the Euphrates and west as far as 
the valley of the Orontes : cf. Miiller, AE. pp. 249 ff. Possibly, as Mo. 

suggests, the dual form in Heb. may be a later artificiality (cf. DPK^l'V 

— t : 

for D^W) and the original form may have been a plur. N e hdri?n, 

'Aram of the rivers,' i.e. the upper watershed of the Euphrates.* 
R. V. ' Mesopotamia ' (as fflr AL , U) is too wide, since this term appears 
to have been used by the Greeks to cover the whole vast district 
between the Euphrates and Tigris : cf. references cited by Mo. 
9. ' Othniel, etc. Cf. 1 13 notes. 

10. And the spirit of Yahweh came upon him. The divine incentive 
to deeds of superhuman valour. The same expression is used of 
Jephthah in ch. 1 1 29 , and, with emphatic and pictorial description of 
the force of the divine access, of Gideon, 6 34 (it 'clothed itself in 
him'), and Samson, 13 - 6 (it 'began to impel or smite him'), 14 619 , 15 14 
(it ' rushed upon him ' : the same verb salah is used of the rapid 
onslaught of fire in Am. 5 6 ). 

judged Israel. Avenged and vindicated them, as the verse goes 
on to relate. 

11. forty years. I.e. for a whole generation : cf. Introd. p. liv. 

* The reason adduced by Mo. (followed by Cooke), viz. that there is no trace 
of a dual form in the Egyptian Naharin, is based on the argument of W. M. 
Miiller, AE. pp. 251 f. In EB. 287, however, the same authority states that 
the fi.rm might equally well be read as Naharen, i.e. a dual form. 


3. 12-30. Ehud. 

An ancient narrative is introduced by R R2 in vv. 12 " 15a , in which 
we find the editor's characteristic phraseology combined with 
material derived from his source. R Ea also closes the narrative 
in his usual manner in 7A 30 . That the old narrative is not a unity, 
but combines elements derived from two sources, was first recognized 
by Winckler {A litest. Untersuchungen, pp. 55 ff.) ; and this view is also 
taken by Mo., Bu. (Comm.\ No. The most striking evidence for 
this is found in vv. 18 ' 20 . In v. 19b 'Eglon is surrounded by his retinue, 
and Ehud manages to gain a private interview by stating that he has 
a secret communication ("1HD "131) to make to the king, thus securing 
the dismissal of the bystanders. In v. 20 , however, Ehud comes in 
unto him (IvK S3), apparently from outside, and finds him sitting 
alone in his roof-chamber ; whereupon he announces that he is the 
bearer of a divine communication (DTvK 121). Having noticed 
this indication of a double narrative, we can scarcely fail to observe 
that v. l9& interrupts the connexion between v. 18 and v. 19b . Clearly 
Ehud, after dismissing his own retinue (7/. 18 ), at once takes steps to 
secure a private audience (v. l9h ). If v. 19a were really part of this 
narrative, we should expect v. 19b to be introduced by the statement 
that he re-entered the king's presence. As the narrative stands, the 
sequence is somewhat abrupt. The natural sequence to 7/. 19a is v. 20 . 
This, when directly connected with 7/. 19a , may have run \?\2>7\ ?H frCI 
'And he came in unto the king.' 

Other traces of a double source may be seen in v. 22b by the side of 
t/. 23a , and in v. 28 following upon v. 27 . In v.' 11 Ehud musters his forces, 
and we are told that 'they went down with him from the hill-country' 
into the Jordan valley. In v. 28 he invites them to come down, only 
then explaining the purpose of the muster ; and we are again told 
that ' they went down after him.' Traces of two accounts of Ehud's 
escape have been supposed to exist in v. 26 ; but these are not so 

Beyond these points, it is difficult to discover further indications 
which might aid in discrimination of the sources ; and phrases pecu- 
liarly characteristic of either J or E do not happen to occur in the 
narrative. Bu. (RS.) notices that the verb noniDfin 'tarry' in v. 29 is 
confined to J when it occurs in the Pentateuch (Gen. 19 16 , 43 10 ; 
Ex. 12 39 ). Rather more significant as a mark of J is the expression 
in v. 28 which relates the holding of the fords of the Jordan against 
Moab, as compared with ch. i2 5a : 

2mt& rrvn nrayo ns* ra^i 
Dnatfi? pirn nroyo n« ijta ir^i 

Cf. also ch. 7 24 (also J), as emended in our text, DK DH^ )lj?) 
p*Vn nVQJJD. Here the use of the ? as a kind of dativus incommodi 

68 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [3. 12. 

12. RE3 And the children of Israel again did that which 
was evil in the sight of Yahweh: and Yahweh strengthened 'Eglon 
king of Moab against Israel, because they had done that which 
was evil in the sight of Yahweh. 13. And he gathered unto him 
the children of 'Ammon and 'Amalek ; and went and smote 
Israel; and Htook possession of the City of Palms. 14. And the 

('against' or 'to the detriment of) is rather striking. It must be 
acknowledged, however, that criteria upon which to base a detailed 
analysis are wanting ; and nothing can be affirmed with even ap- 
proximate certainty as to the composition of the narrative beyond 
the fact of the existence of a few fairly clear indications that two 
sources have been employed. The old narrative as a whole is there- 
fore marked in the text as JE. 

3. 12. Yahweh strengthened 'Eglon. The same verb {hizzek) is 
used in Ezek. 30 24 of Yahweh's 'strengthening' the arms of the king 
of Babylon as an instrument of punishment. 

13. 'Amalek. A marauding Bedawi people dwelling in the south of 
the Negeb (Num. 13 29 , -14 25 R JE - 43 - 45 JE), in the neighbourhood of the 
Kenites {ch. 1 16 note, 1 Sam. 15 6 ) and the tribe of Sime'on (1 Chr. 4 43 ). 
Israel is related (Ex. i7 8ff E, Deut. 25 17 ' 19 ) to have first come into 
conflict with them soon after the Exodus upon arriving at Rephidim, 
which must have been close to Horeb or Sinai — a fact which tells in 
favour of the location of the holy mountain somewhere in the neigh- 
bourhood of Kadesh-Barnea' in the south of the Negeb : cf. note on 
ch. 5 4 . David, whilst dwelling at Siklag in the Philistine country, 
made forays against the 'Amalekites (1 Sam. 27 8 ), and suffered reprisals 
in his turn (1 Sam. 30). |§ in ch. 5 14 , 12 15 suggests that 'Amalekites 
may at one time have been found in Central Palestine ; but cf. note 
on the former passage. The 'Amalekites are again mentioned as 
invading Israelite territory during the period of the Judges in 
ch. 6 3 - 33 , 7 12 , where they appear in conjunction with the Midianites 
and ' all the children of the East,' nomadic peoples like themselves 
with whom it is natural to find them associated. In the present 
narrative there is no further alfcision to 'Ammon or 'Amalek ; and it is 
possible that R E2 may have amplified the account of the invasion by 
the addition of the names of these peoples. Noldeke (EB. 128) 
suggests that 'Amalek in this passage may have arisen from an 

ancient dittograph of 'Ammon (p^DJfl \)DV). 
I and took possession of. Reading sing, fch^l with (5r, V, in place of 

*3£? pj (andi so Z) plur. whi*\. <£ p has plur. verbs throughout v. u \ 'they 
went and smote, etc.' 

3. 1 5-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 69 

children of Israel served 'Eglon king of Moab eighteen years. 
15. And the children of Israel cried unto Yahweh, and Yahweh 
raised up for them a saviour, to wit Ehud the son of Gera, the 
Benjaminite, a left-handed man: JE and the children of Israel 

the City of Pahns. Jericho, as in ch. 1 lfl (cf. note). The mention 
of Jericho in this connexion suggests that the city can scarcely 
have remained unbuilt and unfortified after its destruction by Joshua' 
until the days of Ahab, as might be inferred from 1 Kgs. 16 34 taken 
in connexion with Joshua''s curse in Josh. 6 26 (JE) ; for the allusion 
to its capture by 'Eglon seems to imply that it was a fortified city, 
the possession of which was employed as a vantage-ground for the 
oppression of the surrounding country. 


15. Ehud the son of Gera. Gera appears as a son {i.e. clan) of 
Benjamin in Gen. 46 21 (P), and as a grandson in 1 Chr. 8 3 ; while 
Ehud himself is found in the obscure genealogical lists of 1 Chr. 7 10 , 
8 6 (7 10 would make him the great grandson of Benjamin, but here the 
name is probably due to an erroneous marginal gloss : cf. Curtis, 
ICC. ad toe). These facts need not be weighed against the 
historical truth of our narrative, as though Ehud were simply a clan- 
name of Benjamin round which the narrator had woven his story ; 
since it is much more probable either that the name has been intro- 
duced by the Chronicler into his genealogy directly from Judg., or 
that a clan in subsequent ages traced its descent from the individual 
Ehud (so Bu. PS. p. 100; Mo.). The fact, however, that Ehud is called 
' son ' of Gera very likely means that he was member of a clan of 
that name, and not that Gera was actually the name of his father. 
Similarly, in David's time, Shime'i the Benjaminite was a 'son of 
Gera,' 2 Sam. 16 6 , 19 1618 , 1 Kgs. 2 8 . - 

ieft-handed. Lit. ' bound {i.e. restricted) as to his right hand.' The 
adj. "itter* 'bound,' is used by itself in New Heb. in the sense 'left- 
handed' or 'lame' (restricted in the use of a foot), and belongs in 
form to the class of words descriptive of bodily defects, e.g. K iwwer 

* The verbal form "IDK is not, as stated by Mo., cognate with DtDK but 
rather belongs to a series of triliteral roots from an original DAR, TAR, TAR, 
SAR, SAR, ZAR, with the sense 'go round,' 'surround,' and hence, in some 
instances, ' bind ' (a form of surrounding). So TH (Ar. dara and its derivatives, 
e.g. ddr, 'dwelling,' or properly circle of buildings round a court; Bab. duru, 
'wall' as encircling; Heb. dor 'generation' as periodic, dur 'ball' as being 
round), probably VH (whence d'ror 'swallow,' perhaps as flying round in 
circles), Tm, "11-5 ; Tltt, -|LTN, WJ>, *1D"p (Ezek. 4622); TlD, im ', 
"11V, VT¥, T¥"K, ySTV> T¥-n, "W-p (bind harvest); -|D"N 5 11? (compress), 
->T""K> "tt~n (Aram.). Notice, especially in the SAR series, the ascending scale 
of initial gutturals employed to differentiate the modifications of the original 
sense of the biliteral root. 

70 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [3. 16. 18. 

sent by his hand tribute tc/Eglon king of Moab. 16. And Ehud 
made himself a sword with two edges, a cubit long; and he 
girded it under his raiment on his right thigh. 17. And he 
presented the tribute to 'Eglon king of Moab : now l Eglon was 
a very fat man. 18. And when he had finished presenting the 
tribute, he sent away the people who were carrying the tribute. 

'blind,' 'Mem ' dumb,' pisse a h 'lame,' etc.; but that the peculiarity 
did not involve any defect in skill appears from the reference to the 
700 left-handed Benjaminites in ch. 20 16 . (5r renders apfyoTepohk^iov 
( — Se'^tot), ' ambidextrous,' in both passages ; and similarly IS here 
'qui utraque manu pro dextera utebatur,' but in 20 16 'sinistra ut 
dextra proeliantes.' Cf. the description of the Benjaminites in 

1 Chr. 12 2 . 

tribute. The Heb. minha is used elsewhere in this sense in 

2 Sam. 8 2 - 6 , 1 Kgs. 4 21 (f§ 5 l ), 2 Kgs. 17 3 . In other passages the 
word has the meaning of a present offered voluntarily in order to gain 
the favour of the recipient : cf. Gen. 32 13 , f^ M , 2 Kgs. 8 8 , 20 12 . In 
the sacrificial terminology of the Priestly Code minha denotes the 

16. two edges. Lit. 'two mouths' : cf. the expression 'a sword of 
mouths,' Prov. 5 4 , Ps. 149 6 , and the phrase noticed in ch. I 8 . 

a cubit long. The Heb. term gomedh (only here in O.T.) is 
explained by the Jewish interpreters as a short cubit, i.e. the length 
from the elbow to the knuckles of the closed fist : cf. Mo. in JBL. 
xii. p. 104. The measure thus corresponds to the Greek irvynrj, 
approximately 13^ inches. <& renders <nriBa^ t6 /x^kos avTrjs, 
*a span long' ; but, as Mo. (following Stu.) appositely points out, 
'the description of 'Eglon's corpulence {v. 17 ) is pertinent only in 
relation to the fact that a long dirk was buried, hilt and all, in his belly.' 
i T offers a curious and obscure paraphrase, intended to explain the 
character of the sword : ' gladium ancipitem, habentem in medio 
capulum longitudinis palmae manus,' interpreting gomedh as a hand- 
breadth and referring it to the hilt. 5 P C7LU5o| .ro^ o is interesting 
as reading gamadh (cf. Ar. gamada, ' cut off' ; Aram. g e madh, 
' contract ') in place of gomedh : ' he curtailed its length.' Such a 
proceeding on the part of Ehud, for the purpose of more effectively 
concealing the weapon under his raiment, would be perfectly in- 
telligible : still, the consideration noticed above seems to demand a 
precise mention of the length of the sword, as in 3^. 

under his raiment. Heb. maddim is the loose outer garment, 
outside of which the sword was usually worn : cf. 1 Sam. 17 39 . 

18. he sent away the people, etc. The tribute was doubtless paid in 
kind (most probably in farm-produce) and would require a number of 
bearers. In later times, when Moab was subject to Israel, the 
tribute consisted in the wool of one hundred thousand rams and one 

3. 19- 20.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 7* 

19. But he himself returned from the graven images which are 
near Gilgal j and he said, ' I have a secret communication for 
thee, O king.' And he said, 'Silence!' And there went out 
from him all who stood by him. 20. And Ehud came in unto 
him : now he was sitting by himself in his cool roof-chamber. 

hundred thousand lambs : 2 Kgs. 3 4 . A representation of a train of 
envoys of Jehu, king of Israel, bearing tribute to the Assyrian king, 
is to be seen upon the black obelisk of Shalmaneser III. (cf. Driver, 
Schweich Lectures, p. 17), and in this case the tribute is very costly 
(consisting largely in vessels of gold : cf. A T ,HTK. p. 377), in accord- 
ance with the resources of the kingdom of Israel in Jehu's time. 

19. graven images. This is the meaning which is regularly borne 
by the Heb. p e silim elsewhere (twenty-one occurrences). In itself the 
term simply denotes u carved things,' and might refer to figures in 
low relief carved upon standing stones, possibly some of the stones 
from which Gilgal derived its name (cf. 7iote on ch. 2 l ). The con- 
nexion in which the pesilim are mentioned is, however, rather 
striking : it is when Ehud reaches this point that he dismisses his 
retinue; and later on (v. 26 ) when he has passed it he gets clear 
away, and so escapes. Both references, especially when taken 
together, can scarcely fail to suggest a comparison with the 
sculptured boundary-stones which have been found in Babylonia (cf. 
OTLAE. i. p. 11 ; Jastrow, RBBA. pp. 230, 385 f.), and to raise the 
possibility that the p e silim may have marked the limit of the sphere 
of Moab's influence, beyond which comparative safety was attained. 
Such a theory could not hold if the narrative were a unity ; since, 
according to v. 13 , Jericho, three miles west-north-west of Gilgal, was 
in the possession of Moab. But, as we have noticed, the story clearly 
seems to have been derived from two sources, and the source to 
which the references to the pesilim belong may have differed as to 
this point ; or the words ' which are near Gilgal ' may be a later and 
erroneous identification of the site of the p'silim. 

A. V., R.V. render 'quarries,' apparently following W fc03¥riD. 
(5r aTro tQv yXvirruv, U ' ubi erant idola,' support the ordinary mean- 
ing of the word. <S P » \ » rag*> employs the same word as $?. 

a secret communication. Lit. ' a word of secrecy.' 

Silence/ The command (Heb. has, onomatopoetic, like English 
'hush ! ' or ' ssh ! ') is addressed by 'Eglon to his retinue. 

20. roof-chamber. The Heb. 'aliyyd is explained by the same term 
'ulliyya, 'illiyya in Ar., in which it denotes a room built on the top of 
the flat roof of a house, with windows on every side for the free 
passage of air. Cf. Mo., who quotes authorities for the use of such 
roof-chambers in the modern east. The purpose of this \xliyyd is 

72 THE BOOK OF JUDGKS [3. 21. 22. 

And Ehud said, ' I have a communication from God for thee.' 
And he rose up from his seat. 21. And Ehud put forth his left 
hand, and took the sword from his right thigh, and thrust it into 
his belly. 22. And the hilt also went in after the blade, and the 
fat closed over the blade ; for he drew not the sword out of his 
belly. And he went out into the vestibule. 23. And Ehud 

further defined by the term ham-m*kcrCi (mpjjsn rpbl?), lit. 'roof- 
chamber of coolness.' The size and character of the windows in 
such a chamber is indicated by 2 Kgs. I 2 , where we are told that 
king Ahaziah accidentally fell through the lattice-window (rDnferT) 

«• t »». - \ t t : - / 

in his ahyya. 

a communication from God. Lit. 'a word of God.' 

he rose up, etc. The action seems to have been intended as a mark 
of reverence for the divine oracle. 

21. put forth, etc. The movement of the left hand to the right side 

was unlikely to arouse suspicion. 


22. the hilt also went in. As Mo. remarks, 'the dirk was doubtless 
without either guard or cross-piece.' 

into the vestibicle. Heb. hap-pars^dhdnd only here. The precise 
rendering ' vestibule ' is conjectural, but there is no reason for doubt- 
ing the originality of the Heb. word. There is an Assyr. word 
parasdinnu, the exact meaning of which is similarly unknown ; but 
(according to Delitzsch, HWB. p. 546) we have the equivalents pa-ra- 
<&w##-## = KIRRUD.DA in Sumerian, i.e. some form of cavity or 
opening. Pars e dhon~i may therefore be assumed to denote a means 
of exit ; though exactly what we cannot say. La., adopting this 
explanation, assumes that the term denotes the window. But the 
form of the Heb. word (with H locative) implies that it was something 
into which and not simply through which Ehud passed ; and, more- 
over, there seems no reason why the writer should not have used the 
ordinary word hallon, ' window,' if this had been his meaning. 

The rendering which we have adopted is given by (5r, ttji/ Trpoa-rdba 
(from which apparently R.V. marg. 'the ante-chamber'), 'A. napac-Taba, 
2. els to. irpoBvpa. We cannot, however, certainly assume that the 
meaning of the word was familiar to the translators, since it is not 
unlikely that the rendering may have been dictated by the accidental 
resemblance of the Greek word to the Heb." ;f 

* This is a consideration which appears not infrequently to have influenced the 
<S translators. Driver {NHTS* p. 270) notices eax^P^W f° r ~^^* probably 

read as "GK'X 2 Sam. 6 19 , Speiravov for |3"n 1 Sam. 13 s1 , t6kos for ?)n 

t : v t : t 

Ps. 72 14 al. ; to which we may add TOirafaov for TE) Ex. 28 17 al. \ GKyvovv for 

3. 23.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 73 

went out into the colonnade, and shut the doors of the roof- 
chamber upon him, and lock r edl them. 24. Now when he had 
gone out, his servants came ; and they looked, and, behold, ihe 

U, QL* seem to have read or understood hap-peres (Ex. 29 u ; 
Lev. 4 11 , 8 17 , 16 27 ; Num. 19 5 , Mai. 2 3 f) in place of hap-par&dhona : 
'and the faeces came out' sc. from the anus, as is said to be the 
ordinary consequence of a wound in the abdomen (cf. Mo.). This 
emendation is adopted by Noldeke, Mo., Bu., Kent ; but the objections 
advanced against it by No. are valid; J and in any case it can scarcely 
stand in view of the support given to fl] by the Assyr. parallel. 

& p 'and he went out hastily' (A*f£) 01 jXOiD) is a bad guess. 
R.V. 'and it came out behind' depends upon a mere conjecture made 
by a number of the older commentators (cf. Mo.'s enumeration), and 
involves a violation of grammar ninn 'the sword' is fern., and can 

scarcely be the subject of the masc. KVl 'and it came out'). 

23. into the colonnade. Or 'portico.' Heb. ham-misd e rdnd only here. 
The meaning of the term is almost as obscure as the meaning of that 
last discussed, to which it probably corresponds in the parallel narra- 
tive. The Heb. root sddhar means ' to arrange in order or in a rank,' 
and is so used in New Heb., Assyr., and Aram. We have cognate 
substantives in all these languages meaning 'arrangement,' 'rank,' 
or 'row' (in Assyr. 'line of battle') ; and it may thus be inferred that 
misd e ron, in accordance with its form (substantives with preformative 
D commonly denote the place of the action implied by the verbal form), 
may mean 'place of rows' {sc. of pillars), i.e. 'colonnade.' This is 
the rendering of S p ksusPron, i.e. ^vcttos. <& tovs dtaTerayfxevovs 
recognizes the meaning of the root, but is at a loss for an intelligible 
rendering. U 'per posticum' (perhaps an error for 'per porticum'). 

£ N-nMKi>, i.e. c&dpa. R.V. 'into the porch.' 

and locked them. The Heb. construction pjttl Perfect with Weak 

\ it t ;' 

ivaw) is irregular. We should expect y])W • but it is quite possible 

it : •- ' 

that the form intended is the infinitive absolute ?y3Y in continuation 

t : 

* ST's rendering, however, *] S Q^ flv^X ' cibus ejus ejectus,' is merely an 
illustration of the Rabbinic method of explaining an incomprehensible word by 
analysis (^3 'dung' and "PTW 'to cast out'), as is rightly noticed byStu., 

Ber. , No. The translator therefore had the same reading before him as that 
of ®. 

X ' Schon Holzinger hat darauf auf'merksam gemacht, dass diese Aenderung 
in {JHBn nicht ohne Bedenken ist, insofern KHBH gewohnlich den Thiermist, 
nicht aber den Menschenkoth bezeichnet, man wiirde auch ein *UftE> odcr doch 
das Suff. am Subj. erwarten ; endlich ist es auch nicht leicht zu verstehen, wie 
unter dem Einfluss von nJTTDE>n das urspr. KHQH in nn^IDH verderbt 
werden konnte.' No. offers no explanation of the difficult word. 

74 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [3. 24. 25. 26. 28. 

doors of the roof-chamber were locked : and they said, 'Surely 
he is covering his feet in the closet of the cool apartment.' 
25. And they waited till they were ashamed ; and, behold, he 
opened not the doors of the roof-chamber : so they took the key 
and opened them, and, behold, their lord was fallen down on 
the ground dead. 26. But Ehud had escaped while they tarried, 
and had passed the graven images, and escaped to Se'irah. 
27. And when he arrived, he blew the trumpet in the hill- 
country of Ephraim, and the children of Israel went down with 
him from the hill-country, and he before them. 28. And he 
said unto them, ' r Come down 1 after me, for Yahweh hath given 

of the preceding imperfect with waw consecutive : lit. ' and locking,' 
for 'and locked.' For this idiomatic construction, cf. Davidson, 
Hebrew Syntax, § 88; G-K. § 113 z. A precisely similar construc- 
tion is found in ch. 7 19 , D^SH Y\W\ nnBi#3 ^ypn**! 'and they blew 

• - - ' t : t : : • -' 

the trumpets and brake (lit. " and breaking ") the pitchers.' Adopting 
this slight change of one vowel-point, there is no reason to suppose, 
with Mo., that the words 'are, as the false tense proves, the addition 
of a scribe, who, observing that the doors were locked (vv. u - 2b ), 
missed an explicit statement here that Ehud locked them.' 

24. he is covering his feet. The same euphemism is found in 
1 Sam. 24 3 . 

25. till they were ashamed. Or, 'to the point of confusion': 
Heb. G^izny. The expression here implies the perplexity and 

apprehension caused by an occurrence which is inexplicable. As 
we might say, they were at their wifs end. There are two other 
occurrences : — 2 Kgs. 2 17 , ' they urged him till he was ashamed ' 
(such was the importunity of the disciples that Elisha' had no longer 
the face to refuse their request) ; 2 Kgs. 8 n , ' And he steadied his 
countenance, and set (it on him) till he was ashamed' (Elisha' looked 
Hazael out of counte?iance). 

the key. A flat piece of wood with projecting pins corresponding 
to holes in the wooden cross-bolt into which the pins of the socket 
fall when the door is locked. When the key is inserted into a hollow 
in the bolt and pushed upwards, the pins of the key push up the pins 
of the socket, and the bolt is released. For a full description and 
illustrations, cf. DB. ii. p. 836. 

26. had passed, etc. Cf. note on v. 19 . 
Seirah. The site is unidentified. 

28. come down after me. Reading '•"inx 11"! with (3r Kara^r* 

o7n'o-a> pov (cf. the following, 'and they came down after him'), in 
place of % 'nnK 1Q"n which can only mean 'pursue after me.' 

3. 2Q. 30-3 THE BOOK OF JUDGES 75 

your enemies, even Moab, into your hand.' So they went down 
after him, and took the fords of the Jordan against Moab, and 
suffered no man to pass over. 29. And they smote of Moab at 
that time about ten thousand men, every stout and every valiant 
man; and there escaped not a man. 30. R E2 So Moab was 
subdued that day under the hand of Israel. And the land had 
rest eighty years. 

R.V. renders ' Follow me ' ; but such a meaning for the verb cannot 
be paralleled. 

took the fords, etc. Cf. ch. 7 24 {note), 12 6 . The coup was designed 
to prevent the escape of the Moabites who occupied Israelite territory 
west of Jordan (cf. v. 13h ), and at the same time to prevent the despatch 
of assistance to them from the land of Moab. 

29. And they smote, etc. The statement implies that the army of 
occupation west of Jordan was cut to pieces, but scarcely (as R Ea 
seems to imply in v. 30 ) that the land of Moab was invaded and 

30. eighty years. A round number representing, approximately, 
two generations. 

3. 31. Shamgar. 

It is quite clear that this brief notice formed no part of the Book 
of Judges as it left the hand of R E2 . The story of Ehud must have 
been directly connected by R E2 with ch. 4 1 : 'And the children of 
Israel again did that which was evil in the sight of Yahweh, when 
Ehud was dead.' We miss, moreover, R E2 's pragmatic introduction 
and conclusion, and no hint is given as to the length of the period 
of oppression or of the subsequent period of tranquillity. 

The name of Shamgar the son of 'Anath is, however, certified as 
historical by its occurrence in the Song of Deborah, which alludes to 
the desolate condition of the country ' in the days of Shamgar the 
son of ' Anath ' (ch. 5 6 ) ; though, for all this passage tells us, Shamgar 
may have been a foreign oppressor (see below as to his name) and 
not an Israelite judge. The exploit recorded of Shamgar bears 
striking resemblance to that of one of David's heroes, Shammah die 
son of Agee (2 Sam. 23 llff ), and also to Samson's feat with the jaw- 
bone at Ramath-lehi (ch. I5 ,4ff ). In all three cases the success is 
recorded to have been gained against the Philistines. It should be 
noticed, also, that the Song of Deborah, though mentioning Shamgar, 
says nothing about any encroachment of the Philistines, who seem at 
this point to appear too early in the narrative. It may be added that, 
since the Song deals with the Cana'anite aggressions in N. Palestine, 
it is the less natural to connect Shamgar with the Philistines in the 



The name Shamgar is certainly non-Israelite. It bears close 
resemblance to the Hittite Sangara or Sangar {KB. i. pp. 107, 159), 
which we find as the name of a king of Carchemish in the reigns of 
Ashurnasiipal and Shalmaneser III. (ninth century B.C.). It is per- 
haps worth noticing that some codd. of Y read Sangar; and so Jos. 
An/., V. iv. 3 Savdyapos. 'Anath as the name of a goddess has been 
noticed under ch. 1 33 . The use of the name as a masc. proper name, 
without such a prefix as ' ebhedh ('servant of C A.' : cf. Baethgen, Bcitriige, 
pp. 52, 141), may seem strange to us, but is certainly not unusual (as 
stated by Mo.), since Anatum occurs several times among the names 
of the period of the first Babylonian dynasty : three occurrences are 
cited by Ranke, Early Babylonian Personal Names, p. 66, and three 
(one probably the name of a woman) by Thureau-Dangin, Lettres et 
Contrats de Vepoque dc la premiere dynastie Babylonicnn:, p. 1 5.* The 
name also occurs at the close of one of the T.A. Letters; ana Anati 
sulma kibi, 'To Anatu speak salutation' (No. 125 in Winckler's ed., 
KB. v. p. 236; No. 170 in Knudtzon's ed.). 

Granted that ch. 3 31 forms no part of R E2 's history, it is a further 
question whether this allusion to Shamgar as a judge of Israel is due 
to the same hand as introduced the five 'minor' judges in ch. 10 15 , 
j 2 sis (rp : c f no f e on 10 15 ). It is noteworthy that, according to 
R p 's scheme, the number of judges is twelve (the tribal number) 
without Shamgar; since R p , who reintroduced the story of Abimelech 
into the book (pp. 263, 266, 268;, clearly intended him to rank as a 
judge: cf. ch. 10 l , 'And there arose after Abimelech to judge Israel, 
etc' Moreover, as Mo. remarks, the verse which tells Shamgar's 
brief story exhibits 'none of the distinctive formulas of the list 10 15 , ■ 
12 8 " 16 ; and what is more conclusive, Shamgar is not embraced with 
them in the final chronological scheme of the book ; neither the 
period in which he wrought deliverance for Israel nor its duration 
is given.' 1 Thus it seems likely that the verse is an insertion made 
subsequently to the work of R p ; possibly, as Bu. suggests (BS. p. 166, 
and Comm.\ by a scribe who wished to dispense with the reckoning 
of the wicked Abimelech among the twelve judges. Notice, as a 
mark of the later hand, the fcOrTDS ''he also saved Israel.' This 

interpolator probably extracted the name Shamgar the son of c Anath 
from the Song of Deborah, upon the supposition that he was an 
Israelite hero, and may have based his exploit upon the similar 

* If the termination -atum is really an hypocoristic affix, as is supposed by 
Ranke {op. cit. pp. 14 f.), it is possible that 'Anath, Anatum, used as a personal 
name, may be not really the name of the goddess, but an hypocoristic abbrevia- 
tion of a personal name compounded with the name of the ."wf Anu, e.g. Anum- 
malik, ' Anu counsels,' Anum-gamil, ' Anu spares,' etc. Cf. Sinatum, Sinnatum 
(Ranke, op. cit. pp. 153, 162), by the side of Sin-malik, Sin-gamil, etc. 

% Jos. {Ant., v. iv. 3) states that he died within a year of his election as judge, 
an assertion which is clearly intended to explain the absence of the usual chrono- 
logical note. 

3. 3i.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 77 

1. Gi And after him came Shamgar, son of 'Anath, who smote 
of the Philistines six hundred men with an ox-goad. And he also 
saved Israel. 

exploit of Shammah the son of Agee which we have already 

Mo. {Journal of the A7nerican Oriental Society \ 1898, p. 159) notices 
that certain recensions of <& (codd. 44, 54, 56, 59, 75, 76, 82, 106, 134 
HP. ; sub obel. 121), together with <S h , Arm., Slav., have the account of 
Shamgar's exploit a second time after 16 31 . Here it appears with the 
introductory formula /cat dvecrrr) pera rbv 2a/rv^coj> Seyueyap vlos ~Evav, 
which corresponds closely to the formula of ch. 10 \ 'And there arose 
after Abimelech to save Israel,' etc. Comparing this with 'the awk- 
ward and unparalleled' VITiX TPI ((£• avear-q) of 3 31 , Mo. infers that 
the position and form of the reference to Shamgar, as it stands in 16 31 
in the authorities cited, is the more original: — 'There is thus good 
reason to think that the verse at first stood after the story of Samson, 
and was subsequently, for some reason, removed to a place between 
Ehud and Barak.' More probably the notice, as it stands in 3 31 f§ 
(depending, as we have seen, upon the allusion in 5 6 ), was subse- 
quently moved to a position after 16 31 because it seemed to refer to 
the period of the Philistine domination ; and the introductory formula 
was at the same time squared with that which is found in 10 °. 

Nestle (JTS. xiii. pp. 424 f.) cites a chronicle (published by Lagarde, 
Septuaginta Studien, ii. pp. 21 ff.) which originated in the Vandalian 
Church of Africa in A.D. 463, as stating both that Shamgar of 3 31 was 
an opDressor of I srael, and that Shamgar the Judge succeeded Samson.* 
These statements are (according to Nestle) of much greater antiquity 
than A.D. 463, that which places the judge Shamgar after Samson 
being at least as old as Julius Africanus {cir. 140 A.D.). 

ox-goad. Heb. milmadh hab-bakar. The word mahnedh (assumed 
Absolute form) occurs only here, and must be supposed to denote 
literally 'instrument of instruction or training.' In Hos. 10 n the 
verb from which it is derived, limmedh, is used of training a heifer 
to the yoke. Elsewhere the word for 'goad' is dorbhan, 1 Sam. 13 21 
(also used in New Heb.), dorbhona, Eccles. 12 n . The modern 
Palestinian ox-goad is a wooden pole eight or nine feet long, shod 
at one end with a metal point and at the other with a metal blade 
for cleaning the ploughshare. Cf., for figures, EB. p. 78 ; DB. i. 49. 

(S AL , iKTbs fi6(rx<ov (tS>v) fioCov, &\ H, read 12^D for IzhtoX 

* After allusion to Ehud, the chronicle states, 'deinde servierunt regi Semegar 
annis xx. hie occidit ex alienigenis in aratro bourn octingentos viros et defendit 
nlios Israel.' The reference to Samson is followed by a second allusion to 
Shamgar, this time as Judge :—' Deinde Sampson Alius Manoe . . . qui plus 
occidit in morte sua quam quod in vita sua. deinde Samera iudicavit eos anno 
uno. hie percussit ex Allophylis sescentos viros praeter iumenta et salvum fecit 
et ipse Israel deinde pacem habuerunt annis xxx.' 


4. 1-5. 31. Deborah arid Barak. 

Besides the Commentaries, etc., quoted throughout the book, cf. Cooke, The 
History and Song of Deborah, 1892 ; Driver, in Expositor, 1912, pp. 24 ff., 120 ff. 

R E2 's hand is seen in the introduction, 4 14 , which contains certain 

facts derived from the old narrative, and in the conclusion, 4 s3 - 24 
5 sib 

In the material employed by R Ea we are fortunate in possessing 
not merely a prose-narrative of presumably the same date as the other 
lengthy narratives relating to the exploits of the Judges {ch. 4), but 
also a poetical description which is generally accepted as a con- 
temporary document {ch. 5),* and which must therefore be regarded 
as a peculiarly valuable picture of the condition of affairs during the 
period which followed the settlement in Cana'an. 

In both accounts the main facts are the same. Each opens with 
reference to a drastic oppression of Israel on the part of the Cana'anites. 
Deborah, the 'mother in Israel' of the poem, is clearly the instigator 
of the effort to shake off the foreign yoke, just as Deborah the 
'prophetess' is in the prose-narrative. In both Barak is leader of the 
Israelite troops against Sisera the leader of the Cana'anites. In both, 
again, the battle and the rout of the Cana'anites takes place in the 
plain 0/ Megiddo, Sisera subsequently meets his death at the hand 
of a woman named Ja'el, and a period of pastoral prosperity follows 
upon Israel's victory. 

There exist, however, a certain number of somewhat remarkable 
discrepancies between the two narratives, which we must proceed to 
notice. According to the prose-narrative, the principal oppressor of 
Israel was Jabin, king of Hasor in North Palestine, a city probably 
situated near the lake Huleh (doubtfully identified with the waters of 
Merom), and about three and a half miles south-south-west of Kedesh 
of Naphtali. This narrative states that the captain of Jabin's army 
was Sisera 'who dwelt at Harosheth of the nations,' i.e. probably el- 
Haritiyyeh on the right bank of the lower Kishon, and north-west of 
Megiddo. The fact is remarkable, however, that no mention of Jabin 
occurs in the poem, in which Sisera only is named. It is clear, too, 
that Sisera is there regarded not merely as the captain of the 
Cana'anite army and the viceregent of a higher power, but as him- 
self of kingly rank. His mother, when she is pictured as anxiously 

* Cf. Wellh. Comp. z p. 218, n. ; 'In proof that the Song is a contemporary com- 
position, we may cite in the first place 5 8 , where the whole number of the fighting 
men of Israel is given as 40,000 (in the Pentateuch 600,000), and also the fierce- 
ness of the passion s 25 - 27 , an( j the exultation over the disappointed expectation 
of the mother, s 28 ". " Only some one actually concerned, who had experienced 
the effrontery of an insolent oppressor directed against himself, could express 
himself with this glowing hatred over a dead foe ; not a poet living some 
centuries later" (Studer, p. 166).' Such arguments as have been advanced 
against the contemporary character of the poem are insignificant : cf. Mo. pp, 
129 f. ; La. p. 114. 


awaiting his return after the battle, is attended by princesses (5 29 ) ; 
and, if the emendation which is adopted in the last clause of v. 30 may 
be regarded as correct, it is stated that he will bring back with him 
*two dyed embroideries for the neck of the queen] i.e. for his mother 
or wife. Kings of Cana'an are represented as taking part in the 
battle (v. 19 ) ; but they only receive brief mention, and are obviously 
subordinate to Sisera, whose fate occupies nearly a third of the whole 

There is also a striking difference in the two narratives as to the 
tribal connexions of Deborah and Barak. According to the prose- 
narrative, Deborah dwells between Ramah and Bethel in the hill- 
country of Ephraim, far to the south of the scene of action ; while 
Barak belongs to Kedesh of Naphtali, west-north-west of lake Huleh 
and not far from Hasor. In the poem, however, v. 15 , though admit- 
tedly somewhat obscure, at any rate seems to indicate that both 
Deborah and Barak belonged to the tribe of Issachar, which, as 
occupying a region which extended southward from the plain of 
Megiddo (Josh. 19 17 ' 23 ), was naturally a principal sufferer from the 
aggressions of the Cana'anites. 

Again, there is a difference as to the Israelite tribes which are said 
to have taken part in the battle. According to the prose-narrative, 
Barak is enjoined to take with him 10,000 men of the tribes of 
Naphtali and Zebulun only (v. 6 ) ; but from the poem we gather that 
a grand muster of all the tribes was attempted, with the exception of 
Judah and Sime'on in the south, which were probably at this time 
remote from the interests of the other tribes (cf. p. 47). Those which 
responded to the summons, and bore their part in the combat, were 
the tribes surrounding the great plain, viz. Ephraim with Benjamin, 
Machir {i.e. West Manasseh), Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali 

fr 14.15.18\ 

It is also supposed by some scholars that there is a slight differ- 
ence as to the scene of the battle. In the prose-account Barak 
sweeps down from Mount Tabor to the north of the plain, and the 
battle takes place on the right bank of the Kishon {vv. 1415 ). Accord- 
ing to the poem, the scene is 'at Ta'anach by the waters of Megiddo' 
{v. 19 ), i.e., if regarded as a precise definition, on the left bank. This, 
however, if really a discrepancy, is a very minor point, and need not 
be taken seriously into account. 

Lastly, a point which Wellh. (Comfi. 3 p. 217) regards as 'die Haupt- 
differenz' between the two narratives, and which has been made 
much of by a large number of scholars, is probably no discrepancy 
at all. According to the prose-narrative, when Sisera after his flight 
arrives at the tent of Heber the Kenite, Ja el, Heber's wife, welcomes 
him with protestations of friendship, his request for a drink of water 
is met by the offer of curdled milk, and Ja'el allows him to lie down 
and sleep in the tent, undertaking herself to stand at the tent-door 
and put any chance pursuer off the track of the fugitive. As soon, 


however, as Sisera is fast asleep, Ja'el takes a tent-peg and mallet, 
and going softly to him so as not to wake him, hammers the peg 
through his temples so forcibly as to pin his head to the ground. 
Most modern critics think that we have in the poem a different 
description of the death of Sisera. Here it is supposed that Jael is 
pictured as approaching him from behind as he is eagerly drinking, 
felling him with a blow from a mallet, and then beating his head to 
pieces. This view is based principally upon the line rendered in 
R.V. 'at her feet he bowed, he fell, he lay,' where the three verbs 
would accurately describe Sisera's coming down on his knees under 
the blow, falling forward on his face, and lying prone. It necessitates, 
however, a very forced explanation of the peg, *irr > (a point rightly 
emphasized by Kue., La., and Kit., G VI. 2 ii. 79 n l \ making it to 
denote the wooden handle of 'the workman's mallet' (if that be the 
meaning of the Heb. expression). The statement ' She smote 
Sisera, crushed his head, shattered and struck through his temples ' 
{v. - c ; see note) agrees well with the prose-account as describing 
the effects of driving a wooden peg through her victim's temples ; 
whilst, had Sisera been struck down from behind, he would natur- 
ally have fallen on his face, in which case the smashing and piercing 
of his temples is not so easily explained. It may be added that 

the Heb. Hvin fQ scarcely admits of the rendering 'at her feet.' 
It properly means 'between her feet' {or 'legs': cf. the only other 
sense in which the expression is used, Deut. 28 57 ), and rather describes 
J a' el's straddling over Sisera's recumbent body in order to deliver the 
fatal blow than the idea that he fell prone ' at {i.e. before) her feet.' 
Probably the expression is intended to emphasize the indignity of his 
death. Thus it appears that it is unnecessary to find variation 
between the prose and poetical accounts as regards this event, 
beyond that which may naturally be referred to the licence of 

Looking now at the prose-narrative alone, we cannot fail to notice 
that it contains serious internal discrepancies. Sisera, the captain of 
the host of Jabin, lives at a great distance from him (assuming that 
Harosheth and Hasor are rightly identified), thirty-four miles in a 
direct line without taking account of the detours which are necessary 
in traversing a rugged and difficult country. Deborah, living between 
Ramah and Bethel (the former five miles, the latter ten miles, north 
of Jerusalem), sends to Barak at Kedesh of Naphtali, more than 
ninety miles to the north. Barak musters his troops at Kedesh in 
the heart of the enemy's country, and must have marched them 
unmolested close past the gates of Hasor in order to reach Mount 
Tabor, thirty miles to the south. After the rout of the Cana'anites, 
Barak pursued the fugitives up to ("1JJ) Harosheth, twelve miles or 
more west-north-west. Sisera meanwhile flees north-north-east 
towards Hasor, thirty miles distant ; but instead of seeking safety in 


the fortified city of his sovereign Jabin, he prefers to find it in the 
tent of a stranger, although this is quite close to Kedesh {v. n ), and 
he must therefore have passed by Hasor in his flight. Here he 
meets his death ; and Barak, in spite of the delay which his pursuit 
of Sisera's army in a different direction might have been expected to 
cause, seems all the time to have been close on his heels ; for the 
narrative apparently pictures him as arriving at J a' el's tent shortly 
after the murder. 

These difficulties for the most part disappear with recognition of 
the fact that Jabin king of Hasor has really no place in our narrative, 
but belongs to quite a different narrative which has been erroneously 
interwoven with it. The shadowy figure of Jabin plays no real part 
in the story. His position was plainly something of a puzzle to 
R E2 ; for whereas the old narrative makes him 'king of Hasor' 
according to the theory of R E2 he was 'the king of Cana'an, who 
reigned in Hasor' {v. 2 ), i.e., apparently, a kind of superior monarch 
who was overlord of the many petty kings of the Cana'anite cities. 
Yet we never hear elsewhere of Cana'an as a political unit. Kings of 
separate cities such as Jerusalem, Jericho, 'Ai, etc., are constantly 
mentioned, but never a king of Cana'an, 

We meet with Jabin king of Hasor in Josh. 1 1 19 , where he appears 
as head of a coalition of Cana'anite kings in North Palestine which 
was defeated by Joshua' near the waters of Merom. This narrative 
is derived in the main from JE (whether J or E is doubtful), but has 
been amplified by R D in his usual manner {vv. 2 and sb ), in order to 
intensify the magnitude of the coalition and the thoroughness of 
Joshua''s conquest. It seems probable that the references to Jabin in 
Judg. 4 are reminiscent of the victory recorded in Josh. u. Possibly 
the original form of this narrative may have made Zebulun and 
Naphtali the chief actors in the defeat of Jabin, i.e. it may have 
related a separate tribal movement akin to those which are 
recorded in the J document in Judg. i, and possibly originally 
forming part of it. If this is so, a parallel may be found in the 
account of the conquest of Adoni-sedek in Josh. io lff - as compared 
with that of Judg. 1 6ff - (cf. note on v. 6 ). 

We have already noticed the discrepancy between the prose and 
poetical narratives as to the homes of Deborah and Barak. It is not 
unlikely that in ch. 4 5 we may have a gloss introduced by a late hand 
confusing Deborah with another Deborah, Rebekah's nurse, who is 
recorded in Gen. 35 s to have been buried under an oak below Bethel. 
There was a city named Daberath belonging to Issachar, Josh. 21 28 , 
1 Chr. 6 72 (p? 7/. 57 ), one of the boundary-points between Issachar and 
Zebulun, Josh. 19 12 , and this is identified with the modern Deburiyyeh 
at the west foot of mount Tabor. Possibly there may have been a 
connexion between the name of this city and the name of the pro- 
phetess. The fact that the name Kedesh ('sanctuary') was applied 
to several different places has led some scholars to suppose that, 



while Barak's city is rightly named Kedesh, an error has arisen as 
to the particular Kedesh in question. Thus Wellh., Reuss, Cooke 
think that the reference is properly to Kedesh of Issachar (Josh. 12 ~\ 
1 Chr. 6 72 , It? v.'°~'\ i.e. the modern Tell Abu Kudis, two and a half 
miles south-east of Tell el-Mutesellim (iMegiddo), and about the same 
distance north of Ta anach. Smith's objection {HG. p. 396 n.) that 
this Kedesh ■ was too near the battle and too much under the hills of 
Manasseh for Sisera to flee there' is not very weighty; but a con- 
sideration which appears to be fatal to this theory is the strong 
improbability that Barak could have ventured with impunity to 
muster a large force of poorly armed Israelites {ch. 5 Sb ) within so 
short a distance of Ta' anach and Megiddo, two of the most important 
of the Cana'anite fortified cities {ch. I 27 ; cf. ch. 5 19 ), and could then 
have marched his army across the open plain to Tabor thirteen miles 
to the north-east ; this too at a time when travel was beset with the 
utmost danger and difficulty even for the peaceful and inoffensive 
wayfarer {ch. 5 G ). Conder {Tent Work, p. 69), mainly on the ground 
of a highly precarious identification of Bas'annim with the modern 
Bessum (cf. note on ch. 4 11 ), suggests that 'the Kedesh of the narra- 
tive where Barak assembled his troops' is the modern Kadis'* 'on 
the shore of the sea of Galilee, only twelve miles from Tabor'; and 
this view is favourably regarded by Smith {loc. cit.). But, taking 
into consideration the proximity of Kedesh of Naphtali to Hasor, 
the conclusion which most commends itself is that Kedesh properly 
belongs to the history of the Jabin-campaign which took place in the 
farther north (cf. Josh. n lff ), and is therefore unconnected with our 
narrative. Indeed, the character of Barak's force of mountaineers, 
and the fact that they 'deployed' upon mount Tabor (cf. note on 
ch. 4 6 ), make the supposition probable that this mountain (or possibly 
Daberath at its foot) was their first mustering place, and that they 
arrived at it in their tribal detachments, and (as mountaineers 
would naturally do) in open skirmishing order under cover of the 

Supposing the view taken above to be the true explanation of the 
discrepancies between the prose and poetical narratives, the course 
of events appears to become reasonably clear. As Driver remarks, 
'this view of the relation of Judg. 4 to Josh. 11 does not materially 
modify the picture which we form from Judg. 4 and 5 respecting 
Deborah and Barak, and their victory over Sisera : it leaves the 
general representation untouched, and merely bids us disregard a 
few elements in ch. 4 which have properly no connexion with Sisera.' 
There is no essential difference between the two accounts. The 
scene of action is laid in and about the plain of Megiddo. The 
Cana'anites with their strong cities in and bordering on the plain 
{ch. i 27 ) oppress the surrounding Israelite tribes. A deliverer is 

• . ±J jJ Zi.s>- (sic); cf. SWP. Name Lists, p. 128. 


found in the tribe which, owing to its situation, had been the greatest 
sufferer. Possibly Barak had at one time been a captive in the 
hands of the Cana'anites (cf. ch. 5 12b note), and therefore his call to 
action and readiness to obey the summons are the more easily to be 

As to the source from which the prose-narrative was derived — the 
indications of phraseology, so far as they go, seem to point to E. 
Thus we may notice v.* n&T23 Ht^N, lit. 'a woman, a prophetess'; 
cf. &033 K^N 'a man, a prophet' in ch. 6 8 : v. 9 , 'for into the hand of 
a woman j7w// Yahweh sell Sisera' (the phrase is generally charac- 
teristic of R E2 , but is found in 1 Sam. 12 9 E 2 with which R E2 's 
connexion is very close : cf. Introd. xli ff.): ^ D!"H 'and Yahweh dis- 
comfited'; cf. I Sam. 7 10 , Ex. 14 2 *, Josh. 10 10 (all E), Ex. 23 s7 
(JE or E), Deut. 2 16 . Cf. also the phrase, 'and all the people that 
were with him' with the same phrase in ch. 7 la<x (apparently charac- 
teristic of the E narrator; cf. also 7 2a19 , 8 4 ). It should further be 
noticed that 1 Sam. 12 (E 2 ) presupposes a narrative of the oppression 
of Sisera (^. 9 ), and also probably alludes to the deliverance effected 
by Barak (if we follow (3r, JS P in reading Barak in v. n in place of the 
unknown Bedan). In v. n the allusion to Hobab (J's name) is doubt- 
less a gloss derived from ch. 1 16 . 

The fragments of the Jabin-narrative may be derived from J 
(as noticed above); but it is at least as probable that the combina- 
tion of reminiscences of this campaign with the account of the victory 
of Deborah and Barak was effected when the story was still in the 
oral stage — in which case the narrative as a whole must be assigned 
to E.* We may notice that in 1 Sam. 12 9 (E 2 ) Sisera is already 
described as 'captain of the host of Hasor'; but the assumption is 
open that these words may be a later gloss. Ps. 83 9 combines Jabin 
with Sisera, but is probably not earlier than the post-exilic period. J 

The poetical narrative, which was probably at first preserved in 
written form in a collection of poems compiled in the northern 
kingdom, may be reasonably supposed to have been subsequently 
incorporated in E. 

4. 1. R ES And the children of Israel again did that which was 
evil in the sight of Yahweh, when Ehud was dead. 2. And 

4, 1. when Ehud was dead. R E2 's narrative connects immediately 
on to the end of the story of Ehud, 3 30 . Cf. note on 3 31 . 

* An attempt at analysis has been made by Bruston, ' Les deux J^hovistes,' 
Revue de Thiol, et Philos. 1886, pp. 35 ff. , but has not met with acceptance: 
cf. Bu. RS. 70, n 2 . 

X Similarly 'Oreb and Ze'eb ate combined with Zebah and Salmunna in v. n , as 
in the present form of the Gideon-narrative. The Psalm is plausibly regarded 
by Cheyne as referring to the events narrated in 1 Mace. 5: cf. Origin of the 
Psalter, pp. 97 f. 


Yahweh sold them into the hand of Jabin the king of Cana'an, 
who ruled in Hasor ; and the captain of his host was Sisera, and 
he dwelt in Harosheth of the nations. 3. And the children of 

2. Jabi?i the king of Canaan, etc. R E2 states his view that Jabin 
was not simply 'king of Hasor,' as might be inferred from v. 11 
(cf. Josh. n lff ), but 'king of Cana'an,' i.e. overlord of the various 
city-kings of northern Cana'an, whose royal city was Hasor. This 
statement is intended to explain the perplexing relationship of Jabin 
to Sisera : cf. introd. to the narrative, p. 81. 

Hasor. This city is named in Josh. 19 36 among the cities assigned 
to Naphtali, and immediately precedes Kedesh in the list. The name 
is very possibly preserved in the modern name of the valley Merg 
('meadow') el-Hadireh, south-south-west of Kedesh on the northern 
side of the Wady 'Auba which runs into the lake of Huleh, and in 
Gebel ('hill') Hadireh immediately to the east of the 'meadow.' 
There are no traces of an ancient city upon this hill, and it is there- 
fore supposed that Hasor may have been one of the ruined sites upon 
the hills still further east : cf. Buhl, Geogr. p. 236. 

and the captain of his host, etc. The statement gives the narrator's 
view of the relationship of 'Sisera' of the one narrative to 'Jabin' of 
the other. 

Sisera. The name has the appearance of being Hittite in origin. 
Cf., with the same termination, Sangara (noticed under ch. 3 31 ), and 
Tarluilara, the name of a king of Gurgum in northern Syria who was 
a contemporary of Tiglath-pileser IV. : Rost, Tiglath-pileser, p. 13, 
al. ; KB. ii. p. 21.* The resemblance of the name to Bab. seseru, 
sisseru, 'child or youth,' is rather striking (Delitzsch, Prolegomena, 
p. 199, Rem. 3), but may be merely accidental. The name Sisera 
occurs again in Ezr. 2 63 =Neh. 7 55 in a list of Nethinim (foreign 
Temple-slaves) who returned to the land of Jndah after the Exile. 

Harosheth of the nations. Probably el-Haritiyyeh, a large double 
mound on the north ern bank of the Kishon, commanding the narrow 
passage between Carmel to the south and the hills of Galilee to the 
north, which connects the plain of Esdraelon with the plain of Acre : 
cf. Thomson, LB. pp. 436 f.. Buhl's objection to this identification 
{Geogr. p. 214), on the ground that according to 4 13 the city cannot have 
been situated near the Kishon, hardly seems to carry weight ; and the 
circumstances of Sisera's rout as depicted in 5 21 are entirely in favour 
of such a site : cf. note ad loc. The name Harosheth is probably 
connected with Heb. hores (1 Sam. 23 15161819 , 2 Chr. 27 4 ), Assyr. 

* We cannot follow Mo. and Cooke in adding the Hittite names cited by 
Muller (AE. 332) from Egyptian sources which ap pear to end in -sira, 
H-ta-sl-ra, Mau-ra-si-ra, etc., since we now know from the cuneiform tablets 
discovered at Boghaz Keui (cf. MDOG. Dec. 1907) that the name which 
appears in Egyptian as H-ta-sl-ra is really Hattusili, and May-ra-sl-ra 

4. 3- 4-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 85 

Israel cried unto Yahweh : for he had nine hundred chariots 
of iron ; and he oppressed the children of Israel with rigour 
twenty years. 

4. And Deborah a prophetess, the wife of Lappidoth — she was 

faursit or fcursu, ' wooded (?) mountain-ridge ' (cf. Delitzsch, Prole- 
gomena, p. 180) — an appropriate description of the wooded hills of 
Galilee below which el-Haritiyyeh is situated.* 

The city was doubtless called Harosheth of the nations, as a 
Cana'anite city which formed, as it were, the gateway into the 
maritime plain which remained in the possession of the Phoenicians 
(ch. 1 31 - 32 ). Cf. the name ' district of the nations' noticed in note on 
ch. 1 33 . 

3. chariots of iron. Cf. ch. 1 19 note. 

twenty years. Approximately half a generation. 

4. Deborah. The name means 'bee.' Mo. compares the Greek 
name MAio-o-a, which was applied to the priestesses of Delphi, and 
to those of Demeter, Artemis, and Cybele : cf. references in Liddell 
and Scott s.v. On the possible connexion of Deborah with the city 
of Daberath, cf. introd. to section, p. 81. 

the wife of Lappidoth. The fact that Lappidoth means ' torches,' 
or possibly 'lightning-flashes' (cf. Ex. 20 18 ), while Barak is the 
ordinary term for 'lightning,' led Hilliger {Das Deborah-lied, Giessen, 
1867) to make the precarious suggestion that Lappidoth and Barak 
are one and the same man, and that in the original form of the 
tradition Barak was the husband of Deborah. This view is favoured 
by Wellh. (Comp. 3 p. 218), Bu. (PS. p. 69), Cooke. 

she was judging. The verb sdphat is here used (as commonly else- 
where in Heb.) in the sense in which we normally speak of 'judging,' 
i.e. (as explained in v. 5 ) of deciding cases between man and man. 
Since, however, R E2 regularly uses the verb in the sense ' vindicate,' 
or ' save ' from a foreign oppressor (cf. notes on 2 16 , 3 10 ), Mo. believes 
that this must have been the original sense in this passage ; and 
since the participle ntOQb* (expressing continued action — 'was 

t ; 

judging') would be inappropriate in this sense, he proposes to 
vocalize as a perfect, nt3QB> — 'it was she that judged (i.e. saved) 

t : it 

Israel at that time.' But if this sense had been intended, R E2 , who 
does not unnecessarily vary his phraseology, might naturally have 

* The modern name Haritiyyeh appears to mean ' ploughed or cultivated land,' 
the Heb. and Assyr. word noticed above being apparently unknown in Arabic. 
This fact, however, is no obstacle to the explanation of the Heb. name which is 
given in the note, or to the identification with el-Hai itiyyeh ; since the substitu- 
tion of a similarly sounding name for an old name of unknown meaning may 
very easily occur : cf. note on ' the rills of Megiddo,' ch. 5 19 . 


judging Israel at that time. 5. Gl. And she used to sit under 
the palm tree of Deborah between Ramah and Bethel in the 
hill-country of Ephraim, and the children of Israel came up unto 

been expected to have written ntiZV '•> Dp s 1 'And Yahweh raised 

t : 'vt-' 

up a judge ' : cf. ch. 2 16 , 3 9 - 16 . 

5. she used to sit. The verb yasabh is used in the sense of presid- 
ing as judge. Cf. 1 Kgs. 21 8 , 'who presided (lit. sat) with Naboth' 
(so v. ") ; Isa. 28 s , 'for him that presides (sits) over the judgment' ; 
Ps. 9 7 ($ v. 8 ), 'Yahweh sitteth for ever' (cf. the parallel clause, 'He 
hath prepared his seat for the judgment ') ; Am. 6 3 , ' the seat of 
violence' {i.e. of unjust judgment). R.V.'s rendering, 'she dwelt 
under the palm-tree' is therefore inadequate and misleading. The 
tree was doubtless a sacred tree under which the oracle of Yahweh 
might be expected to be ascertained. Such a tree is seen in the 
Hon more, 'terebinth of the oracle(^n?)-giver ' near Shechem, 
Gen. I2 6 J, which is perhaps the same as the Hon m e '6n e ni??i, 
' terebinth of the soothsayers ' mentioned in Judg. 9 37 . 

the palm-tree of Deborah. Deborah, Rebekah's nurse, is stated in 
Gen. 35 8 E to have been buried under an oak (Heb. 'allon) below 
Bethel ; and hence the tree became known in later times as 'allon 
bakhuth, 'the oak of weeping' (cf. 2 6 note). This tree, as Ewald 
points out (HI. iii. p. 21, n% appears to be alluded to again in 
1 Sam. io 3 as 'the terebinth (Heb. 'Hon) of Tabor'; since it can 
scarcely be doubted that 'Tabor' pl^H) is an error for 'Deborah' 
(mm). The context shows that the tree was on the way to Bethel 
and not far from Ramah ; whereas Tabor lies more than fifty miles 
to the north. The difference between 'allon and 'Hon is one of 
vowel-points merely. 

We have already noticed that the allusion in our passage to ' the 
palm-tree of Deborah between Ramah and Bethel' seems to be based 
upon a late confusion between the two Deborahs (cf. introd. to section). 
Whether the palm-tree (Heb. tomer) of Deborah can be the same as 
the famous tree of the two other passages is somewhat more doubtful. 
Evidence seems to show that, throughout the O.T., the words 'allon, 
'alia are generally used to denote the oak (of various species), and 
'Hon, 'Ha, the terebinth (cf. EB. 4975) ; but it is not impossible that 
these terms may have been used at times to describe other kinds of 
tall and conspicuous trees. In favour of such a possibility it may be 
noticed (1.) that the Aram. ''Hand (the equivalent of Heb. 'Hon) 
denotes 'tree' in general ; and (2.) that the name 'Him (the plur. of 
'Ha), which occurs as a place-name in the narrative of the wilderness- 
wanderings (Ex. 15 27 ), is apparently so-called because there were 
seventy pahn-trees there. Cf. Wellh., Prolego?7iena, p. 234 n. 

Ramah. The modern er-Ram, five miles due north of Jerusalem. 

Bethel. Cf. note on ch. 1 23 . 


her for judgment. 6. E And she sent and called Barak the son 
of Abino'am from Kedesh of Naphtali, and said unto him, 'Hath 
not Yahweh the God of Israel commanded, " Go, and open out 
upon mount Tabor, and take with thee ten thousand men of the 


6. Barak. Cf. note on Lappidoth, v.*. The Punic Barcas, the 
surname of Hamilcar, has been compared ; and also the Sabaean Dp*D 
and Palmyrene p">2. Cf. references in BDB. p. 140. 

Kedesh of Naphtali. The modern Kadis, four miles west-north- 
west of the lake of Huleh, and about three miles north-east of Merg 
el-Hadireh (cf. note on Hasor, v. 2 ). 

open out. The Hebrew verb masak means to draw out or extend, 
and is used both intransitively and transitively. The passages in 
which the verb is intransitive are Job 2 1 33 , R.V., 'and all men shall 
draw after him,' where the idea seems to be that of a long-extended 
or never-ending line (cf. Shakespeare, Macbeth, iv. 1, 'What! will 
the line stretch out till the crack of doom ?') ; and the present passage 
and ch. 20 37 , where the expression is used in a military sense. In 
the latter passage the meaning can scarcely be mistaken, for here the 
verb is used of the manner in which the ambush advanced against 
the city of Gibe' ah in order to capture it. Extension into column 
would be out of place as a fighting formation ; therefore extension 
or opening out into line must be what is intended ; i.e. into loose 
skirmishing order such as would be best adapted for the attack of 
light-armed mountain troops. The modern military term is deploy, 
from the French deploy er= Latin dispiicare. The verb masak in 
this sense has been conjecturally restored in ch. 5 14a . 

The same verb is used in its transitive sense in v. 1 , 'And I will 
draw out unto thee, etc.' Here the sense may be ' cause to advance 
in a similar extended order,' or, more probably, 'draw forth' or 

upon Mount Tabor. The rendering ' open out upon, etc' preserves 
the ambiguity of the preposition 2 in the Hebrew ; the sense being 
either 'advance in open order (so as to come) upon mount Tabor' 
(prep, of rest after verb of motion), i.e. mount Tabor is the objective 
of the movement described by the verb : or ' when upon mount 
Tabor, open out ' ; i.e. mount Tabor is the point from which this 
strategic movement preparatory to advancing into the vale is to 

Mount Tabor is doubtless the modern Gebel et-T6r ('mountain') 
on the north-east side of the plain of Esdraelon. Its altitude is only 
1843 feet, and it rises 1312 feet above the plain ; but it forms a very 
conspicuous object owing to its isolation and its peculiar domed 
shape which is noted by Jerome (OS., 156 33 ); 'est autem mons 
in medio Galilaeae campo mira rotunditate.' As Smith remarks 
HG. p. 394), ' It is not necessary to suppose that Barak arranged his 


sons of Naphtali and of the sons of Zebulun? 7. And I will 
draw out unto thee unto the wady Kishon Sisera, the captain of 
Jabin's host, with his chariots and his multitude, and I will give 
him unto thine hand." 8. And Barak said unto her, 'If thou 

men high up Tabor; though Tabor, an immemorial fortress, was 
there to fall back upon in case of defeat. The headquarters of the 
muster were probably in the glen, at Tabor's foot, in the village 

of the sons of Naphtali, etc. The poem, ch. 5, differs in describing a 
general muster of the tribes. Cf. introd. to the present narrative, p. 79. 

7. the wddy Kishon. The Hebrew term which is here represented 
by the Ar. wddy is ndhal. Both the Arabic and Hebrew terms denote 
a winter-stream or torrent (ffi- x €l f JL< ^PP ovs \ or the valley-bed of such a 
stream, which may vary from an insignificant depression to a pre- 
cipitous ravine (such as is seen, e.g., in the wady Kelt), which marks 
the action of water at a period when the rainfall of Palestine was 
much heavier than it is at present. 

It is only the larger streams of this character {e.g. the Yarmuk, 
Jabbok, and Anion) which constantly contain an abundant flow of 
water. Many of them fail in the summer-months, leaving the valley- 
bed dry, or nearly so ; but in winter they may possess considerable 
volume, and are liable after storms or lengthy rains to swell suddenly 
to the dimensions of swift and dangerous torrents. Many wadys, 
again {e.g. the Kidron), though of considerable depth, are now quite 
dry, or only occasionally contain a little water. A.V., R.V., render 
ndhal variously by 'brook,' 'stream,' 'river,' 'flood,' 'valley.' The 
Ar. term wddy is here adopted as preserving the same ambiguity as 
is possessed by the Hebrew term. Cf. further, Addenda, p. xiii. 

The character of the wady Kishon is described by Thomson 
{LB. p. 435). Its higher reaches are fed by the winter-streams which 
descend from the hill-country to the south of the great plain ; but the 
most important source is the perennial spring of Genin ('En-Gannim), 
which, however, is insufficient to provide a constant flow during 
summer and autumn. 'I have crossed,' says Thomson, 'the bed of 
the Kishon (even after it enters the plain of Acre) in the early part 
of April, when it was quite dry. The truth is, that the strictly per- 
manent Kishon is one of the shortest rivers in the world. You will 
find the source in the vast fountains called Sa'adiyeh, not more than 
three miles east of Haifa. They flow out from the very roots of 
Carmel, almost on a level with the sea, and the water is brackish. 
They form a deep, broad stream at once, which creeps sluggishly 
through an impracticable marsh to the sea ; and it is this stream 
which the traveller crosses on the shore. Ot course, it is largely 
swollen during the great rains of winter by the longer river from 
the interior.' 

4. 8. 9- io.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 89 

wilt go with me, I will go ; but if thou wilt not go with me, T will 
not go.' 9. And she said, ' I will go with thee : howbeit, glory 
shall not accrue to thee upon the course which thou art taking ; 
for into the hand of a woman shall Yahweh sell Sisera.' So 
Deborah arose, and went with Barak to Kedesh. 10. And Barak 
summoned Zebulun and Naphtali to Kedesh ; and there went 
up after him ten thousand men : and Deborah went up with 

8. ' If thou wilt go, etc.' ' The presence of the prophetess will not 
only ensure to him divine guidance (v. 14 ), but give confidence to him 
and his followers' (Mo.). (Or makes Barak add a reason for his 
demand : on ov< 018a tt)v rjfxtpav iv y cvodol t6v clyyeXov Kvpios 
/ier' €fxov. 

The fact that this sentence is clearly an incorrect * translation of 

*m mrP Tjxta n^yn D^TIK Wr *6 ^ 'for I know not the day 

whereon the Angel of Yahweh shall prosper me,' proves that the 
translator must have had a Hebrew original before him ; but Bu., 
Mo. {SBOT.), No. are probably right in regarding this as an early 
gloss, intended to obviate an unfavourable interpretation of Barak's 

demand. Cs paraphrase of v. 1 **? is very similar : iTliTH N3K7D fcOH 

*p*Jp NITON7 pD3 ' Hath not the angel of Yahweh gone forth to make 
[thy way] prosperous before thee ? ' The phrase, ' the Angel of 
Yahweh ' (a J phrase) is somewhat unexpected, if the narrative is 
rightly assigned to E ; and seems, moreover, to presuppose 5 23a , where 
metrical reasons compel us to regard it as due to textual alteration. 
The passage is accepted by Houbigant, Gratz, Stu., Franken- 
berg, La. 

9. howbeit, glory, etc. In spite of Mo.'s contention that the context 
betrays no sign of disapproval, it is difficult to escape the common 
impression that the unpalatable information is produced by the 
prophetess at this juncture in consequence of Barak's want of alacrity 
in accepting the divine mandate. As La. paraphrases, 'You wish 
for a woman's help, and it is a woman (though a different one) who 
shall have the honour.' 

to Kedesh. Upon the view that the Kedesh here referred to is not 
Kedesh of Naphtali, but another Kedesh nearer to the scene of the 
battle, cf. introd. to chapter, p. 82. 

10. after him. Lit. 'at his feet,' i.e., as we might say, 'at his heel.' 
S05 15 , 8 5 , al. 

* The translator reads "ijiOD (5/. Absol.) and treats it as object of the verb, 

making 7])T\^ the subject; while regarding TIK (accus. 'me') as the prep, 
'with me.' 

oo THE ROOK OF JUDGES [4. u. 14. 

him. 11. Now Heber the Kenite had separated himself from 
Rain, GL from the sons of Hobab, Moses' father-in-law, E and 
had pitched his tent as far away as the terebinth of rBasannim"! 
which is near Kedesh. 12. And they told Sisera that Barak the 
son of Abino'am had gone up to Mount Tabor. 13. And Sisera 
summoned all his chariots, even nine hundred chariots of iron, 
and all the people who were with him, from Harosheth of the 
nations unto the wady Kishon. 14. And Deborah said unto 
Barak, ' Arise ; for this is the day whereon Yahweh hath given 
Sisera into thine hand : hath not Yahweh gone forth before 

1 1, had separated himself from Kain. The statement explains 
how a member of a clan which normally inhabited the Negeb (cf. 1 16 ) 
came to be found in northern Cana'an. 

Hobab, Moses* father-in-law. R.V. text 'brother-in-law,' quite 
unwarrantably : cf. note on 1 16 . 

the terebinth of Basannim. Vocalizing p? D*3JJ¥3 JvN, in place of 

M D'yJVVa 'tf (cf. Josh. 19 33 ), R.V. 'the oak {inarg. terebinth) in 

Za'anannim,' where 1 is regarded as the preposition. If this had 

been intended, however, we should have expected \\y$X\ (with the 

1 .. T 

article) ' the (well-known) terebinth ' ; * not simply pptf which can 

only mean '<? terebinth.' The locality (otherwise unknown) is de- 
scribed in Josh. 19 33 as on the border of Naphtali ; a fact which 
suggests, as Mo. remarks, that Heber the Kenite belonged originally 
to the story of Jabin. 

Conder {SWP. Mem. i. pp. 365 f. ; Tent Work, p. 69) identifies 
Bas'annim with the modern Bessum,four miles west of the Kadis which 
is south-west of the sea of Galilee. There is not, however, any philo- 
logical connexion between the names ; and the proposed identifica- 
tion depends partly upon the view with regard to Kedesh which we 
have noticed in the introd. to the chapter (viz. that it is not Kedesh 
in Naphtali, but another Kedesh nearer to the scene of the battle), and 
partly upon the fact that A. V. renders ^elbn ' terebinth ' erroneously 
as ' plain,' and there is a plain (Ar. sahel) called el-Ahma close to the 
south of Bessum.J 

14. hath not Yahweh gone forth before thee ? The scene gains 
* Mo. compares HDIS ?t^X!"l 'the tamarisk in Raman,' 1 Sam. 22 6 , 31 w , 

T T T V " T 

n*lDV3 1BW riPSn ' the terebinth which is in 'Ophrah,' ch. 6", etc. 

t : t : v -: t •• t 

% Driver {Expositor, Jan. 1912, p. 32, n r ) exposes the manner in which the 
extraordinary error which identifies 'the plain (!) of Zaanaim ' with the plain 
called Sahel el-Ahma has penetrated into several modern maps. 

4. 15- 16.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 9* 

thee?' So Barak went down from mount Tabor, and ten 
thousand men after him. 15. And Yahweh discomfited Sisera, 
and all his chariots, and all his army, at the edge of the sword 
before Barak; and Sisera alighted from his chariot, and fled 
away on foot. 16, And Barak pursued after the chariots and 
after the army as far as Harosheth of the nations : and all Sisera's 

much in vividness if we may suppose (with Thomson, LB. p. 436) that 
Deborah, as she speaks, points to the gathering storm, which appears 
to have burst in the face of the foe at the commencement of the 
battle : cf. ch. 5 4 - 6 - 20 - 21 {notes) ; Jos. Ant. v. v. 4. Yahweh's connexion 
with the phenomena of the storm, especially when He goes forth to 
battle before His people, is well marked in the O.T. : cf. Josh. 10 ll , 

1 Sam. 7 10 , Ps. i8 9ff -, etc., and the present editor's discussion \nJTS. 
ix. p. 326. 

15. at the edge of the sword. The phrase T\T\ s 2>? (on which cf. 
note on 1 8 ) may possibly here be a corrupt dittography of the follow- 
ing p"U H 3Q?, ' before Barak ' ; but Mo. goes too far when he states 
that it 'appears incongruous with the verb' (DH V J, 'discomfited').'* 

16. And Barak pursued, etc. The circumstances of the rout 
appear to have been as described by Thomson (LB. p. 436) : — 'The 
army of Sisera naturally sought to regain the strongly fortified 
Harosheth of the Gentiles, from which they had marched up to their 
camping-ground a short time before. This place is at the lower end 
of the narrow vale through which the Kishon passes out of Esdraelon 
into the plain of Acre, and this was their only practicable line of 
retreat. The victorious enemy was behind them ; on their left were 
the hills of Samaria, in the hand of their enemies ; on their right was 
the swollen river and the marshes of Thora ; they had no alternative 
but to make for the narrow pass which led to Harosheth. The space, 
however, becomes more and more narrow, until within the pass it is 
only a few rods wide. There, horses, chariots, and men become 
mixed in horrible confusion, jostling and treading down one another ; 
and the river, here swifter and deeper than above, runs zigzag from 
side to side of the vale, until, just before it reaches the castle of 
Harosheth, it dashes sheer up against the perpendicular base of 

* In the other occurrences of the phrase, it is used with the following verbs : — 
H3n 'smite,' Num. 2i24; Deut. i3 16a , 20^; Josh. 824b, 10 2s.JO. 
IX T ii.i2.M I9 47 ; j u dg. 18.25, l8 27 i 20 37.48 p 2I io ; z Sam. 22 w ; 2 Sam. 15**; 

2 Kings. io25; Jer. 2i7; Job i»Wj y^ 'slay/Gen. 3426; ^ n /?^nn\ 

■ > - T _ T \ . ._. . .. / 

'render prostrate,' Ex. 17 13 ; D"nnn 'ban' or 'utterly destroy,' Deut. i3 16b ; 
Josh. 62i; ! Sam. 15 s ; ^ ' fall,' josh. 8 2 **, Judg. 4 *6f. It therefore appears 

- T 

not inappropriate after DOH ' discomfit.' 

92 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [4. 17. 18. 

army fell at the edge of the sword ; there was not left so much 
as one. 17. But Sisera fled away on foot unto the tent of Ja'el, 
the wife of Heber the Kenite : for there was peace between Jabin 
king of Hasor and the house of Heber the Kenite. 18. And 
Ja'el came out to meet Sisera, and said unto him, ' Turn in, my 
lord, turn in unto me ; fear not.' So he turned in unto her into 

Carmel. There is no longer any possibility of avoiding it. Rank 
upon rank of the flying host plunge madly in, those behind crushing 
those before deeper and deeper into the tenacious mud. They stick 
fast, are overwhelmed, are swept away by thousands. Such are the 
conditions of this battle and battle-field that we can follow it out to 
the dire catastrophe.' Doubtless the storm (cf. note on v. u ) was 
responsible for the sudden swelling of the Kishon, and the reduction 
of the plain surrounding it to a quagmire, in a manner which has 
frequently been observed by travellers. Cf. also Smith HG. p. 395 ; 
Ewing in DB. iii. p. $a. 

17. unto the tent of Jdel. Sisera' s refuge cannot have been greatly 
remote from the scene of the battle ; especially since v. 22 represents 
Barak as not far behind in pursuit, though having previously 
accomplished the rout of the Cana'anite army before Harosheth. Cf. 
the discussion in introd. to the chapter, pp. 80 f. 

18. Turn in. Or, perhaps, more correctly, 'Turn aside.' Ja'el 
persuades Sisera to desist in his flight, and take shelter in the tent, 
without his previously having asked admission. 

a fly-net. The Heb. word, s e mikha, is a anat; \ey6fxcvov, and the 
meaning adopted is based upon philological considerations, and 
accords with the context. * A net to keep off the flies would be more 
essential for the rest and comfort of a hot and weary man than any- 
thing of the nature of a rug or coverlet. (Sr B eVi/3oAaio), (5i AL iv rfj 
bippei avTrjs 'with her leathern covering' (a rendering commonly used 

elsewhere to translate njPT" 'tent-curtain'; so & h ai\-i5 lA^-»^>.0), 
% 'in pelle sua,' U 'pallio,' & p "JZu^LQ-kk^ 'with 'the coverlet,' 
% Kl"i:n:a, id., Ar. Jubdajilb id. ; A.V. 'mantle,' marg. 'rug or blanket,' 
R.V. ' rug.' All these appear to be guesses guided by the context. 
Gra.'s emendation riDDtsa ' with a coverlet,' is unnecessary. 

* An original biliteral "|D> *]K> 'interweave,' 'intertwine,' appears both as the 
V'V form "pD» lib. and as the ]} doubled "pD> "pfc>. There can be no 
doubt that the v/TH^j whence rOHi? 'net-work' (as interwoven) represents 

t t : 

the same root internally triliteralized by the labial 2 which is akin to } ; cf. 
i>1$ and 73*^ both meaning ' skirts, ' from an original biliteral 7^. (13*0^ 

from \/*p^> may exhibit the same root 1& internally triliteralized by D> 
which is also close akin to 1 : cf. , for the same internal triliteralization, Bab. 
natn&ru by the side of Heb. TD, both meaning ' shine.' 

4. 19- 20. 21.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 93 

the tent, and she covered him with a fly-net. 19. And he said 
unto her, ' Give me, I pray thee, a little water, for I am thirsty' : 
and she opened her bottle of milk, and gave him to drink, and 
covered him. 20. And he said unto her, 'Stan r d"! at the door 
of the tent, and it shall be, if any man come and ask thee, and 
say, "Is there any man here?" that thou shalt say, "No."' 
21. Then Ja'el the wife of Heber took a tent-peg, and took a 
hammer in her hand, and approached him softly, and struck the 
peg into his temple, and it went down into the ground ; for he 
was fast asleep r and exhausted 1 : so he died. 22. And, behold, 

19. a bottle of milk. The beverage is described in 5 25 , in one 
clause as milk, in the other as hen? a ' curds,' i.e. the leben which is the 
choicest drink of the modern Bedawin, and is said to be most 
delicious and refreshing, but to possess a strongly soporific effect : 
cf. Conder, Tent Work, pp. 69 f. 

20. Stand. Reading fern. "HEW in place of masc. yoV. Ehr.'s 

proposal to point as Infin. Absol. ibJJ, used, as occasionally elsewhere, 

in place of the Imperative, is possible : cf. Davidson, § 88 ^ ; G-K. 
§ 113 bb. 

21. Then fa el, etc. On this account of the death of Sisera, as 
compared with that which is given in the poem, 5 26 - 27 , cf. the discus- 
sion in introd. to chapter, pp. 79 f. 

a tent-peg. The peg would be made of wood, and the hammer 
would be a heavy mallet, also of wood, as at the present day. 
'Among the Bedawin, pitching the tent is woman's business, and so 
no doubt it was in ancient times ; the mallet and pin were accustomed 
implements, and ready to hand' (Mo.). 

for he was fast asleep. In place of this (3r AL renders <al avros 
dnfo-ndpicrev ('made a convulsive movement') dva fxeaov twv yovdrcou 
((Hi L ttoSCjv) avrfjs. This seems to represent a paraphrastic attempt 
at interpretation of the somewhat uncommon D1~0 (ffi B e£eorra>y) in 
the light of ch. 5 27 . 

and exhausted. Vocalizing F)y ,|, | with Mo., Bu., No., in place 

of SSI Clin or f\])>) which, in spite of the prevalent accentuation* 

-T- IT"' 

* According to Kit., BH. , 4 MSS. place the pause upon DTIJ and connect 
P|yi with JID^I. A.V. renders the sentence 'for he was fast asleep and weary. 
So he died,'- and similarly R.V. marg. (with the variation ' in a deep sleep '): but 
it must be emphasized that, as C]y s l is pointed in ffl, it cannot denote a state 

existing coincidently with that which is described by the participle D'^i ' fast 

asleep'; but only some further resultant state, the ) consec. having the force 
'and so.' 

94 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [4. 23. 24. 

as Barak was pursuing Sisera, Ja'el came out to meet him, and 
said to him, ■ Come, and I will show thee the man whom thou 
art seeking.' And he came in unto her ; and, behold, Sisera was 
fallen down dead, and the peg was in his temple. 23. R E2 So 
God subdued on that day Jabin the king of Cana'an before the 
children of Israel. 24. And the hand of the children of Israel 
bore more and more severely upon Jabin the king of Cana'an, 
until they had destroyed Jabin the king of Cana'an. 

(connecting with the preceding DTO Kim rather than with the 
following nt3^), can only be understood (as by R.V. text) in connexion 
with what follows : ' so he swooned and died.' But to speak of a man 
whose head had been practically shattered by the tent-peg as swoon- 
ing before death ensued, appears almost ludicrous. 

23. So God subdued, etc. The concluding formula of R D2 . In this 
passage only we get the active verb with subject God ('clo/rim a mark 
of the E school ; but variants exist in <& : cf. Kit., BH.) in place of 
the passive, 'was (were) subdued,' ch. 3 30 , 8 2S , n 33 . 

24. until they had destroyed, etc. It can scarcely be doubted that 
R E2 (like R D in Josh.) tends to exaggerate the far-reaching effects of 
the victory. So far as the old narrative is concerned, it does not even 
mention the capture of the city of Harosheth. 

5. 1-3 1. Deborah and Barak: the triumph-song. > 

Besides the Commentaries, etc., quoted throughout the book, and the 
authorities cited at the head of the introd. to 4 1 -5 31 , cf.* C. F. Schnurrer, 
Dissertatio inauguralis philologica in Canticum Deborae, 1775 ; republished in 
Dissertationes philologico-criticae, 1790, pp. 36-96 (his discussions are marked by 
learning and good sense) : J. B. Kolver in Eichhorn's Repertorium fur Biblische 
und Morgenlandische Litteratur, vi. 1780, pp. 163-172 (a criticism of Schnurrer. 
Translation and very brief notes) : J. G. von Herder, Briefe das Studium der 
Theologie. betrejf 'end (1780), 4 e Ausg. 1816, i. pp. 65-75 (a literary appreciation); 
Vom Geist der ebrdischen Poesie (1783), 3° Ausg. von K. W. Justi, 1825, 
pp. 237-243 (translation with scanty notes) : G. H. Hollmann, Commentarius 

* The compilation of a list of nineteenth-century authorities upon the Song 
necessarily goes back to Schnurrer at the end of the eighteenth century; since 
this scholar's work is very outstanding, and has had considerable influence upon 
his successors. For earlier writers, cf. Justi, as noticed above, and Bachmann, . 
pp. 298 f. Reuss, in his Geschichte der heil. Schrift.A. T., names a considerable 
number of additional nineteenth-century writers on the Song ; but the present 
editor has not been able to find their works, either in the Bodleian Library, or 
in Dr. Pusey's library, which Dr. Darwell Stone, Principal of Pusey House, has 
kindly made accessible to him. The fact, however, that these writers are either 
not cited at all, or only very occasionally cited, by subsequent scholars, may 
perhaps justify the assumption that their contributions to the study of the Song 
are of no special importance. 


philologico-criticus in Carmen Deborae, 1818 (very scholarly and thorough): 
K. W. Justi, National-Gesdnge der Hebrder, ii., 1820, pp. 210-312 (he gives, 
pp. 117-225, a full list of earlier writers on the subject from the commencement 
of the eighteenth century ; and his commentary offers a serviceable conspectus of 
their opinions) : H. Ewald, Die Dichter des Alten Dundes (1839), neue Ausarb. 
1866, pp. 178-190 (his translation often happily reproduces the original rhythm. 
Very brief notes) : G. Boettger, Commentarius exegetico-criticus in Deborae can- 
ticum, in Kauffer's Biblische Studien, i. pp. 116-128, ii. pp. 81-100, iii. pp. 122-148 
(down to i/. 23 ), 1842-4 (he adds little or nothing to the work of earlier scholars); 
J. von Gumpach, Alttestamentliche Studien, 1852, pp. 1-138 (lengthy, but not 
very discriminating) : J. G. Donaldson, Jashar, 1854, pp. 237-240, 261-289 
(comments of no special value) : E. Meier, Uebersetzung und Erkldrung des 
Debora-Liedes, 1859 (his comments are often suggestive): G. Hilliger, Das 
Deborah-Lied Ubersetzt und erkldrt, 1867 (he makes no special contribution of his 
own): A. Miiller, Das Lied der Deborah; eine philologische Studie, in K'onigs- 
berger Studien, 1887, pp. 1-21 (a protest against the attempt to extract a 
rendering from a corrupt text at all costs — having mainly in view the second 
edition of Bertheau's commentary on Judges, which appeared in 1883) ; M. 
Vernes, Le cantique de Dttora, in RE\j. xxiv. 1892, pp. 52-67, 225-255 (he 
regards the Song as a very late production — not earlier than the fourth or third 
century B.C. — based upon the prose-narrative in ch. 4): C. Niebuhr, Versuch 
einer Reconstellation des Deboraliedes, 1894 (highly fanciful*): H. Winckler, 
AF. i. (1893-97), pp. 192 f., 291 f. ; GL ii., 1900, pp. 127-135 (many original, but 
not very convincing, emendations); P. Ruben, JQR. x. (1898), pp. 541-558 
(emendations based on very rash philologizing) : K. L. Stephan, Das Debora- 
Lied, 1900 (his original suggestions are not happy) : A. Segond, Le cantique 
de De'bora, 1900 (painstaking, but fails at crucial points) : V. Zapletal, Das 
Deboralied, 1905 (he deals somewhat arbitrarily with the text in order to produce 
a uniform scheme of three-beat stichoi ; and his Hebrew forms and construc- 
tions are often very curious) '. Ed. Meyer, IN. pp. 487-498. 

On the metrical form of the poem, cf. J. Ley, Die metrischen Formen der 
hebrdischen Poesie systematisch dargelegt, 1866, pp. 160-171 ; Grundziige des 
Rhythmus, des Vers- und Strophenbaues in der hebrdischen Poesie, 1875, pp. 
214-219: G. Bickell, Carmina Veteris Testamenti metrice, 1882, pp. 195-197; 
Dichtungen der Hebrder, i., 1882, pp. 27-31 : C. J. Ball, The formal element in 
the Hebrew Lyric, 1887 : H. Grimme, Abriss der biblisch-hebrdischen Metrik, in 
ZDMG. 1896, pp. 572-578: J. Marquart, Fundamente israelitischer und jiidi- 
scher Geschichte, 1896, pp. 1-10: D. H. Miiller, Der Aufbau des Debora-Liedes, 
in Actes du XI e Congres Internat. d'Orientalistes, 1897 (1898), iv. pp. 261-272: 
E. Sievers, Studien zur hebrdischen Metrik (part i. of the writer's Metrische 
Studien, 1901), pp. 418 ff. : J. W. Rothstein, 7,ur Kritik des Deboraliedes und 
die urspriingliche rhythmische Form desselben, in ZDMG., 1902, pp. 175-208; 

* The poem, in its original form, is thrown back by Niebuhr into the fourteenth 
century B.C. Sisera becomes a king of Egypt— Sesu-ra, the (supposed) last 
representative of the Eighteenth Dynasty ; who revived Ahnaton's cult of the 
Solar-disk, which had been abandoned for the old religion of Egypt under 
Sesu-Ra's predecessors, Amen-tut-anh and Ay; and whose accession was 
signalized by a combined attempt of the kings of Cana'an to throw off .the 
Egyptian yoke ('<Sisera, king of Egypt>, chose new gods ; then was there war 
at the gates <of Egypt> '). Sesu-Ra is supposed to have quelled the Cana'anite 
opposition ; but subsequently to have suffered defeat at the hands of the Hebrew 
tribes under Barak. It goes without saying that the text of the poem has to undergo 
somewhat violent treatment before this view of affairs can be extracted from it. 


437-485; 697-728; 1903, pp. 81-106; 344-370; N. Schlogl, Le chapitre V du 
livre des Ju^es, in RB., 1903, pp. 387-394 (a common-sense criticism of Roth- 
stein) : E. G. King, Early Religious Poetry of the Hebrews, 191 1, pp. 8-14 : G. A. 
Smith, The early Poetry of Israel (Schweich Lectures, 1910), 1912, pp. 80-90. 

The historical circumstances presupposed by the Song, as com- 
pared with the prose-narrative of ch. 4, have already been discussed 
in the general introd. to 4 l -$ Sl . It remains to say something about 
the metrical form of the poem. As a preliminary, we may notice 
that, while v. 1 and v. 31h are obviously the work of editors, the former 
being due, in all probability, to R JE , and the latter to R E2 , v. 1 also, 
which is usually regarded as the opening couplet of the poem, is 
more probably an ancient introduction, extracted, together with the 
poem itself, from the old song-book in which it was contained 
(cf. note ad loc). The poem thus possesses two introductions of a 
different date in v. 1 and v. 2 , and its true commencement is found 
in v. % . 

The fact may now be regarded as well established that Hebrew 
poetry, besides such long-recognized characteristics as parallelism in 
thought, etc., possesses a definitely marked metrical or (perhaps more 
accurately) rhythmical system. Attempts which have been made to 
discover a strict form of scansion by feet may be said to have resulted 
in failure : investigation has rather proved that ancient Hebrew pos- 
sessed no regularly quantitative system of metre, but rather a system 
in which so many ictus or rhythmical beats occur in each stichos, 
while the number of intervening unstressed syllables is governed 
merely by the possibilities of pronunciation.* 

The existence of such a system in the poetry of an ancient Semitic 

* This system is exactly illustrated in English by Coleridge's Christabel, on 
the rhythm of which the poet writes: — 'I have only to add that the metre of 
Christabel is not, properly speaking, irregular, though it may seem so from its 
being founded on a new principle : namely, that of counting in each line the 
accents, and not the syllables. Though the latter may vary from seven to twelve, 
yet in each line the accents will be found to be only four. Nevertheless, this 
occasional variation in number of syllables is not introduced wantonly, or for the 
mere ends of convenience, but in correspondence with some transition, in the 
nature of the imagery or passion.' In illustration of this system, as worked out 
in the poem, we may quote 

'They crossed the moat, and Christabel 

Took the key that fitted well ; 

A little door she opened straight, 

All in the middle of the gate ; 

The gate that was ironed within and without, 

Where an army in battle array had passed out. 

The lady sank, belike through pain, 

And Christabel with might and main 

Lifted her up, a weary weight, 

Over the threshold of the gate : 

Then the lady rose again, 

And moved, as she were not in pain. 


language is well illustrated by the Babylonian epic poems, where the 
regular rhythmical form appears to consist in four beats to the line.* 
Thus, eg., we may cite (Gilgames-epic, xi. 9. 10): 

luptika Gilgames atndt nisirti 

r / 

u pirista sa ildni kdsa lukbika 

' I will unfold to thee, Gilgames, a word of secrecy, 
And a decision of the gods will I tell thee — e'en thee.' 

Or, with a fewer number of syllables to the line (id. xi. 21. 22): 

kikkis kikkis' igar igar 
kikkisu simema igaru fiissds 

* Reed-hut, reed-hut ! wall, wall ! 
Reed-hut, listen ! wall, attend !' 

This four-beat measure is well recognizable in Hebrew, and is 
prominent in the Song of Deborah, about three-eighths of the poem 
being so composed. The rhythm, as it appears in the original, may 
be illustrated from v. b \ 

/ f / 

hdrim ndzHti mipp e ne Yahweh 

r ft 

mippPne Yahweh H lohe Yisrtiel 

The measure appears to be especially characteristic of such 
examples of Hebrew poetry as may be supposed (upon other 
grounds) to be among the most ancient ; and the influence of the 
Babylonian pattern may here be conjectured to have been operative, 
or even a more remote tradition common to both peoples. As illus- 
trations from other early poems we may cite Ex. 1 5 lb : J 

'asira l e Yahweh kl gcVo gd'd 
sits w e rokh e bho rdma bhayyam 

* I will sing to Yahweh, for he hath triumphed, hath triumphed ; 
The horse and his rider hath he whelmed in the se'a ' ; 

* Cf. Zimmern, Ein vorlaujiges Wort iiber babylonische Metrik, in ZA. 1893, 
pp. 121-124; Weitercs zur babylonischen Metrik, in ZA. 1895, pp. 1-20. In the 
latter article, the author publishes a neo- Babylonian text in which the stichoi are 
divided by three vertical lines into four parts. This division can, in his opinion, 
serve no other purpose than to indicate the four verse-members (feet); and thus 
we have an actual proof that the Babylonians consciously reckoned lines of four 
beats in one species of their poetry. 

% The major part of this poem is so composed. Sievers {op. cit. pp. 408 f.) 
contrives to fit nearly the whole of it to this measure. 



and 2 Sam. 1 22 from David's lament over Saul and Jonathan, which 
is mainly composed in this measure : 

' r r 

midddm h a ldlim mehelebh gibbdrim 
ktseth Y e hSndthan Id nasogh y dhdr 
w*hdrebh $&M Id tht*h'tbh rekdm 

4 From the blood of the slam, from the fit of the str6ng 
The bow of Jonathan turned not back, 
And the sw6rd of Saul returned not vofd.' 

Together with the four-beat measure we also find, in the Song of 
Deborah, a three-beat measure into which about Jive-eighths of the 
poem is cast. We may instance v.*: 

Yahweh Ifsetfckd misseir 

/ r 

frsadhtkhd miss?dhe> E dhdm 

This is the most frequent form of Hebrew measure, the Book of 
Job and a great number of the Psalms being written in it. Couplets of 
this form may account for the term 'hexameter' as used by Josephus.* 

The three-beat measure appears, like the four-beat measure, to be 
of considerable antiquity. We find it, for instance (combined with 
an opening line of four beats), in the ancient 4 Song of the Sword' 
which is ascribed to Lamech in Gen. 4 22ft , and evidently celebrates 
the invention or acquisition of weapons of bronze and iron by a people 
in the nomadic stage : 

* Jos. applies the term {Ant. IV. viii. 44) to the 'Song' (Deut. 32) and 
' Blessing' (Deut. 33) of Moses, in both of which the three-beat measure is well 
marked. He also states {Ant. 11. xvi. 4) that Ex. 15 is composed 'in hexameter 
verse, ' a statement which is true only of a very minor portion of the poem 
(cf. w.2.8bc.i6cdj f the greater part being composed, as we have already noticed, 
in the four-beat measure. David is said {Ant. vn. xii. 3) to have composed 
' songs and hymns to God of several sorts of metre : some of those which he 
made were trimeters, and some were pentameters.' Here the trimeter of course 
is the three-beat measure considered as a stichos and not as a couplet (hexameter); 
while the pentameter is the so-called Kind (elegiac) measure which is well exem- 
plified, e.g. by Ps. 42-43 ; cf. v. 2 : 

' Thfrsteth my s6ul for Odd, 

For the G6d of my Hfe, 
Wh6n shall I c6me and beh61d 
The face of G6d.' 

The former measure is reckoned either as trimeter or hexameter because each 
three-beat stichos is complete in itself, and the two lines of the couplet are usually 
parallel in sense ; whereas in the pentameter (3 + 2) the second line completes the 
sense of the first. 


*Adha w e Silla &mdan koli 


n e se Lcmekh hd a zennd Hinrathi 

t r 

ki Hs hdrdghtl l e phisi 
w ( 'yeledh Phdbburdthi 
ki sibJidthdyim yiikkam Kdyin 
w a Ldmekh sibHim w c sibUa 

* 'Ada and Silla, heir my voice ; 

Wives of Lamech, give e£r to my word : 
For a man have I slain for my wound, 
And a boy for the sake of my bruise : 
If seven times Cain be avenged, 
Then Ldmech full seventy and seven.' 

Occasionally we find couplets in the Song of Deborah com- 
posed of a four-beat line followed by a three-beat line (4 + 3); cf. 
^ /7 ,4b.i5b-i8.26b.27a t Instances of the reverse order (3 + 4) occur in w. 6a - 9 . 
Combination of these two forms of measure is found similarly in 
Ex. 15. Other metrical forms employed in Hebrew poetry do not 
come under consideration in the present connexion. 

The fact that Hebrew vocalization, as known to us from |H, repre- 
sents a somewhat artificial system of pronunciation which is due to the 
method of cantillation practised in the Synagogue from early times, 
does not invalidate the conclusions above illustrated as to the metrical 
form of Hebrew poetry; since there is no reason to suppose that the 
number and position of the accentual beats were essentially altered to 
suit the pronunciation of ilffi. We are not altogether without evidence 
as to the pronunciation of Hebrew as a spoken language, but can 
draw well-founded inferences, partly from comparative philology, and 
partly from evidence derived from the transliterations of Amorite and 
Hebrew words which are found in Babylonian and Assyrian inscrip- 
tions (Amorite proper names on Babylonian First Dynasty Tablets ; 
' Canaanite glosses ' on the T. A. Tablets ; Biblical names in Assyrian 
Annals), and of proper names and place-names in (2r. Such evidence 
indicates that the main difference between the original and the tradi- 
tional pronunciations consisted in the occurrence of short vowels in 
positions in which we now find either tone-long vowels or else vocal 
sh e wa. Such a couplet as that quoted above from the Song of 
Deborah, v.\ was probably pronounced in some such form as 

harrim nazalu mippandy Yahwdh 
inippandy Yahwdh ''eldhdy Yisrdel 

This, however, does not, for our purposes, vary essentially from the 
pronunciation of |K. Cf. further, Additional note, p. 158. 


The theory of Hebrew rhythm here exemplified is substantially 
that which has been expounded in detail by Sievers {op. cit.\ and 
which is now very generally adapted by scholars."* Sievers gives 
(pp. 418 ff.) his view of the rhythmical form of the Song of Deborah, 
which agrees throughout with that which has been arrived at by the 
present writer (prior to consultation of Sievers' version), except in a 
few minor particulars which depend upon individual views as to the 
original form of certain passages. The translation which follows 
aims at reproducing the rhythm of the original, in so far as this can 
be done consistently with a strictly accurate translation. Here and 
there a faithful reproduction of the rhythm (which might have been 

* Ball's rendering of the Song (published nearly thirty years ago) proceeds 
upon the assumption of a more strictly metrical method, his lines falling into 
regular iambic feet, with an occasional anapaest or trochee. Such a theory must 
now give way in favour of that which is adopted above ; yet the writer's method 
deserves notice, if only as a tribute to his exceptional command of English style 
in his reproduction of what he conceives to be the metrical form of the original. 
We may cite, by way of illustration, vv. 25ff -, the account of Sis"era's murder : — 

Maim sha'al, h,alab nathana ; 
Basifl 'addrrim hiqriba h,em'ah : 
Yadah [sam61] layyathed tfshlehenn 
Wimfnah lalmuth 'amilfm ; 
Wahalama Sfs'ra mah,aqa rosh6, 
Umab,aca wahalafa raqqath6. 

Bein raglaiha kara*, nafal, shakab ; 

Bein raglaiha kara', nafal : 

Basher kara', shan/manT nafal shadi'id. 

' He asked but water, milk she gave ; 
In lordly platter she presented curds. 
Her left hand to the tent-pin soft she lays, 
And to the workmen's maul her right ; 
Then smote she Sisera and brake his head ; 
She struck, and pierced withal his temples through. 

1 Betwixt her feet he bowed, he fell, he lay ; 
Betwixt her feet he bowed, he fell ; 
E'en where he bowed, he fell, slain violently.' 

A similar system of syllable-reckoning is found in the Syriac metres, the 
invention of which is ascribed by tradition to Bardesanes (born 154 A.D. ). 

Bickell counts syllables in the same way as Ball ; but his feet (in contrast) are 
trochaic, and he takes great liberties with the Hebrew forms in order to fit them 
into his system. Thus vv. 24ff - run, according to this system, as follows : — 

T6borakh minnaSim Ja'el, 
Mf nna&m b'ohl t'bdrakh ! 

Majm saal, chalab natana ; 
B's6fl -ddir hfqr'ba chdm'a. 

Jadah, l'jated tfSlachanna ; 
Vfminah lehalmutf 'amelim. 


obtained through a paraphrase) has to give way in favour of a faithful 
rendering into English. 

That the poem was intended to exhibit a kind of strophic arrange- 
ment is very probable. On examination of its contents, it appears to 
fall into the following divisions : — 

(i) w. zb . Introduction — Praise of Yahweh, who is pictured as 
setting forth from His earthly seat to the help of His 
people (9 stichoi). 

(2) vv. 6S . Israel's oppression by the Canaanites prior to the 

rising of the tribes (11 stichoi). 

(3) vv. 12 - 9 ' 11 . Summons to a retrospect of Yahweh's 'righteous 

acts' in giving victory to His people (n stichoi). 

(4) vv. lz ~ Xb \ Muster of the clans — The patriotic tribes (9 stichoi). 

(5) vv. 15h ' 18 . Reproach of the recreant tribes, who are contrasted 

with Zebulon and Naphtali, whose bravery was most con- 
spicuous (10 stichoi). 

(6) vv. 1921 . The battle (9 stichoi). 

(7) vv. 22 - 23 . Flight of the foe (6 stichoi). 

(8) vv. 2 ^ 21 . Ja'el's deed extolled — The fate of Sisera (11 stichoi). 

(9) vv. 28 " 30 . The poet gloats over the anxiety and vain expecta- 

tion of Sisera's mother (11 stichoi). 
z/. 31a . A concluding couplet (supposed by some to have been 
added to the poem in later times). 

Vhal'ma Sfs'ra', mach'qa roso, 
V'mach'ca v'chal'fa raqq'to. 

B£n raglaha kara', nafal, 
£V-sakhab ladrec, 

B6n raglaha kara', nafal ; 
Baas"e> kara", Sam nafal sadud. 

This typically German rhythm lends itself admirably to his translation : — 

' Jahel sei von Frau'n gepriesen, 
Von den Frau'n im Zelte ! 

Statt des Wassers gab sie Milch ihm, 
Rahm in macht'ge Schale. 

Ihre Hand griff nach dem Pflocke, 
Und den Hammer fasste ihre Rechte. 

' Und sein Haupt zerschlug sie hammernd, 
Quetschte seine Schlafe. 

Sisara fiel, stiirzte nieder, 
Lag zu ihren Fussen, 

So vor ihr dahingestrecket, 
Blieb er, wo er fiel, zerschmcttert liegen.' 

Marquart's system likewise takes such liberties with the position of the ictus 
as would be capable (by the aid of emendation, where deemed necessary) of 
producing almost any desired result from any Hebrew poem to which it might 
be applied. 


Here we notice that, out of the nine divisions or strophes into 
which the poem falls, four, viz. Nos. 2, 3, 8, and 9, are of exactly the 
same length, viz. eleven stichoi. Every strophe, except Nos. 5 and 7, 
contains a single line ; and in Nos. 4, 6, 8, and 9 these single lines 
correspond with a break in subject, rounding off the strophe. Such 
a measure of uniformity suggests that, in its original form, the poem 
may have been more completely uniform. Thus, e.g., it seems probable 
that v. n in strophe 3 originally stood before vv. 9 ' 11 — an arrange- 
ment which brings the single stichos v. Uc to the end of the strophe. 
This gives a very natural order : — Deborah, Barak, the military com- 
manders, ' the people ' or rank and file of the fighting men, and then 
typical representatives of the community in time of peace — the sheikhs, 
the wayfarers, and the village-maidens. We must not, however, lay 
too great stress upon such an arrangement, since it seems fairly clear 
that it was not hard and fast throughout the poem. Few would doubt 
that strophe 1 stands substantially in its original form. In this case 
the strophe may be said to fall into two parts, ia (v. z ) and lb {vv.*- b )\ 
and it is ia, and not lb, that the poet has rounded off with the single 

The variation in length of strophes 1, 4-7, and more especially the 
very marked comparative brevity of No. 7, suggests that the poem 
has undergone a certain amount of mutilation in transmission — a 
conclusion which is also rendered highly probable by the very corrupt 
condition of the text in the middle part of the poem {vv. 8 " 16 ), which 
has been the despair of a multitude of commentators. 

It is perhaps needless to remark that the emendations adopted in 
the translation are not claimed as offering more than a reasonably 
possible solution of textual difficulties which are in some cases so 
considerable that they may well be regarded as beyond the reach of 
remedy.' 3 *' When confronted by difficulties of such a character there are 
three courses which are open to the translator. He may endeavour 
to force a meaning out of J51 as it stands, in defiance of the ordinary 
rules which govern Hebrew philology; he may abandon the passage 
as hopeless, and leave a lacuna in his translation ; or he may seek, 
by aid of the ancient Versions, or (in default of such aid) by means of 
reasonable conjecture, so to emend the text that it may satisfy at once 
the demands of the Hebrew language and the requirements of the 
context. The third course has been adopted as most appropriate to 
a commentary of which the aim is the elucidation of the Biblical text 
by all the aids which modern research has placed within our reach. 

* The very corrupt condition of portions of the poem may be taken as an 
indication that it was derived by E, not from oral tradition, but from an ancient 
written source which may already have been partially illegible when it was drawn 
upon by the historian. Cf. the similar phenomenon in David's lament over Saul 
and Jonathan, 2 Sam. 1 17ff -, and Solomon's words at the dedication of the 
Temple, 1 Kgs. 8 1218 — poems which we know to have been extracted from an 
ancient song-book, viz. the Book of Jashar. 


5. 1. RJE Then sang Deborah and Barak the son of Abino'am 
on that day, saying, 

2. E (When long locks of hair were worn loose in Israel ; when 

the people volunteered.) 

Bless ye Yahweh ! 

3. Attend, ye kings ; give ear, ye rulers : 
I — to Yahweh I will sing, 

Will make melody to Yahweh, the God of Israe) 

4. Yahweh, in thy progress from Se'ir, 
In thy march from the field of Edom, 

Earth quaked, yea, heaven ^rocked" 1 , 
Yea, the clouds dropped water. 

5. The mountains Tshookl before Yahweh, 
[] Before Yahweh, the God of Israel. 

6. r From^ the days of Shamgar ben-'Anath, 
[From] the days of r old, caravans^ ceased. 

And they that went along the ways used to walk | by 
crooked paths. 

7. Villages! ceased in Israel • 

ceased ; 

Till thou didst arise, Deborah, 
Didst arise as a mother in Israel. 

8. r Armourers had they none jf 

r Armed men failed from the city 
Was there seen a shield or a lance 
Among forty thousand in Israel ? 

12. Awake, awake, Deborah! 

Awake, awake, sing paean ! 
Rise up, Barak, and lead captive 
Thy capt r ors 1 , O son of Abinoam ! 

9. TCome, ye 1 commanders of Israel ! 

Ye that volunteered among the people, bless ye Yahweh ! 

10. IXet 1 the riders on tawny she-asses [preview it,^] 

And let the wayfarers [<Jrecall it to mind ! "•]>] 

11. [] Hark to Tthe maidens laughing" 1 at the wells ! 

There they recount the righteous acts of Yahweh, 
The righteous acts of his r arm n in Israel. [] 


13. Then down l"to the gates gat 1 the nobles ; 

Yah weh's folk r gat them 1 down mid the heroes. 

14. From Ephraim r they spread out on the vale 1 ; 
1 After thee, Benjamin ! ' mid thy clansmen. 
From Machir came down the commanders, 

And from Zebulun men wielding the truncheon []. 

15. And fthy 1 princes, Issachar, were with Deborah; 
And TNaphtali 1 was leal <(to)> Barak : 

To the vale he was loosed at his heel. 

<(Utterly reft)> Hinto 1 factions was Re'uben ; 
Great were This searchings 1 of heart. 

16. Why sat'st thou still amid the folds, 

To hear the pastoral pipings ? [ 

17. Gile'ad beyond the Jordan dwelt, 

And Dan [ ] abideth by the ships. 
Asher sat still by the shore of the seas, 
Dwelling beside his creeks. 

18. Zebulun is the folk that scorned its life to the death. 

And Naphtali on the heights of the field. 

19. On came the kings, they fought; 
Then fought the kings of Cana'an ; 
In Ta'anach, by the rills of Megiddo ; 
The gain of money they took not. 

20. From heaven fought the stars ; 

From their highways they fought with Sisera. 

21. The torrent Kishon swept them off; 
[] r It faced them 1 , the torrent Kishon. 

r Bless thou 1 , my soul, the might <(of Yahweh !]> 


Then loud beat the hoofs of the horsed 1 ; 
TOrT 1 gallopfed 1 , fori 1 gallop' ed 1 his chargers. 

23. Curse ye, fcurse ye 1 Meroz ! [ 

Curse ye, curse ye her towns-folk ! 

For they came not to the help of Yahweh, 

To the help of Yahweh mid the heroes. 

5. i. 2.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 105 

24. Most blessed of women be Ja'el, [] 

^ Of tent-dwelling women most blessed ! 

25. Water he asked ; milk she gave; 

In a lordly dish she proffered curds. 

26. Her hand to the peg she put forth, 

And her right to the maul of the workmen j 
And she smote Sisera — destroyed his head, 
Shattered and pierced through his temples. 

27. 'Twixt her feet he bowed, he fell down, he lay prone ; 

'Twixt her feet he bowed, he fell down. 
Where he bowed, there he fell down undone. 

28. Out through the window she leaned and exclaimed, 
The mother of Sisera out through the lattice : 

1 Wherefore delayeth his car to come ? 
Wherefore tarrieth the clatter of his chariots ? ' 

29. Her wisest princesses makre" 1 answer, 
Yea, she returneth her reply : [ ] 

30. ' Are they not finding — dividing the spoil ? 
A damsel — two damsels for every man : 

A spoil of dyed stuffs for Sisera, 
A spoil of dyed stuffs embroidered ; 
Two dyed embroideries for the neck of fthe queen. 1 ' 

31. So perish all thy foes, Yahweh : 

But be Tthy" 1 friends like the sun going forth in his might. 

R B: And the land had rest forty years. 

5, 1. Then sang Deborah. That the poem was actually composed 
by Deborah does not appear to be probable : cf. note on v. 7h . 

2. When, etc. The view which is taken in the translation given above 
is that this statement forms no part of the poem, but simply states the 
occasion on which it was composed, viz. when the Israelites consecrated 
themselves with unshorn locks (see below) to fight the battle of Yahweh, 
and made spontaneous offering of their service. The form of the 
sentence (Infinitive Construct with 2 in a temporal clause) is exactly like 
that which is employed in stating the supposed occasions of several 
of the Psalms in the 'David' collection. So Ps. 3, 'When he fled 
from Absalom his son' ('n irVUZl) ; Ps. 34, 'When he changed his 

conduct before Abimelech, etc' ('jn ini3^3) : Ps. 51, 'When Nathan 


the prophet came unto him, etc' /'}) m22) • cf. also Pss. 52, 54, 57, 
59, 60, 63 * 

Bdr*khu Yahweh, ' Bless ye Yahweh ! ' may then be regarded as 
the title of the poem, indicating that it is a song of thanksgiving ; 
just as in certain Psalms we find a prefixed Hal*lii Yah, ' Praise 
ye Yah ! ' which is not strictly part of the Psalm itself, but indicates 
its contents, viz. a song of praise: cf. Pss. 106, III, 112, al. Title 
and note of occasion appear to have been taken over by the E 
writer from the old song-book (perhaps 'the Book of the wars of 
Yahweh,' Num. 21 u ) in which the poem was contained. The 
ordinary view, which makes this verse the opening couplet of the 
poem, is opposed by its somewhat abrupt character, in contrast 
to v. % which forms a natural opening (cf. Ex. 1 5 lb , 'I will sing to 
Yahweh, etc.') ; and also (and especially) by the difficulty of finding 
a suitable rendering which does justice to the Hebrew construction. 
It is very doubtful whether the rendering of R.V., 'For that, etc., 
bless ye Yahweh ' {i.e. Thank Yahweh that such spontaneous service 
was rendered) can be justified, no parallel to the use of the Infinitive 
Construct with 2 in such a sense seeming to exist.J The only 
natural rendering of '21 JTIQ3 is that which makes it a temporal 
clause: 'When, etc., bless ye Yahweh'; i.e. when Israel offers 
spontaneous service, bless Yahweh as the true source of the noble 
impulse, just as He is the true giver of victory ; and (implicitly) do 
not ascribe the movement to human merit (cf. ch. 7 2 ). The impulse 
described by the verb hithnaddebh, i.e. voluntary service in Yahweh's 

# Since writing the above note, the present editor has discovered that a similar 
view was put forward by William Green, Fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge, in 
1753 ( The Song of Deborah, reduced to metre). Green treats z/. 2 as a statement of 
the occasion of the poem, and renders vv. '•*, 

'Then sang Deborah and Barak 
The son of Abinoam, on that day, 
When they set Israel free, (and) 
The people willingly offered themselves, 
saying, Bless ye Jehovah.' 

His note on the passage runs as follows: — 'The second Period contains the 
title and occasion of the Song, as may be seen by comparing it with the titles of 
the Psalms, many of which run as this does. See titles of the 3rd, 34th, 51st, 
and other Psalms. The Song plainly begins at Period the third.' 

± We should expect hv with the Infin. Constr. (cf. Ex. 17 7 ^"JIK DDIDJ"^ 


'on account of their trying Yahweh,' Am. i 8 DtPVT^y 'on account of their 


threshing '), or "|$K"^y or -|^X alone, with the finite verb (cf. Ex. 32" 

WV *1BW"^y 'because they had made,' Ps. 144 12 D^D33 ti^3 "1£>N 
tv-:- ...... T ... -. 

' For that our sons are like young plants'). Bu. asserts (against Mo.) that it is 

permissible to render 2 ' on the ground that ' after "p3 ; but he quotes no 

illustration of such a usage 

5. 2.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 107 

cause, is ascribed to the influence of Yahweh in 1 Chr. 29 14 . It 
would be precarious, however, to argue from so late a passage to the 
passage with which we are dealing ; and, in any case, such an 
explanation involves reading more into our verse than perhaps it 
may reasonably be supposed to contain. Mo. suggests that the 
pref. 1 might here be rendered ' with ' : — ' with long streaming locks 
in Israel, with free gifts of the people, praise ye Yahweh' — a render- 
ing which, even if it be possible, does not commend itself as at all 

When long locks of hair were worn loose. Heb. biptirod p^rddth. 
The construction is literally that of an impersonal active verb : 
'When one let loose long locks, etc. 5 

Much discussion has taken place over the meaning of substantive 
and cognate verb. The grounds upon which the rendering given 
above is adopted are as follows. In Bab. pirtu (plur. piretu, piritu) 
means ' long hair ' (of the head) : cf. Gilgames-epic 1. col. ii. 36, 
where it is said of the wild man Engidu that ' his long hair is arranged 
like a woman's ' {uppus piritu kima sinnisti ; lit. ' he is arranged as to 
the long hair, etc.'). The same subs, is seen in the Ar. far 'long hair' 
of a woman, 'full or abundant hair' (Lane). In Heb. perd occurs in 
Num. 6 5 with reference to the Nazirite : R.V. 'All the days of his 
vow of separation no razor shall come upon his head : until the days 
be fulfilled in which he separateth himself to the Lord, he shall be 
holy, he shall let the locks {perd) of the hair of his head grow long. 
Similarly, Ezek. 44 20 : R.V. 'Neither shall they (the priests the sons 
of Sadok) shave their heads, nor suffer their locks {perd) to grow long ; 
they shall only poll their heads.' In all these cases (Bab., Ar., and 
Heb.) the meaning of the substantives is undisputed. 

A plur. form par 6th, Construct State of p e rdoth in our passage with 
fern, termination (cf. Bab. pirtu, plur. piretu), is found in Deut. 32 42 ; 
and the meaning has been held to be equally ambiguous in Deut. and 
judg. In the passage of Deut. (where Yahweh is the speaker) Driver 
renders as follows : — 

' I will make mine arrows drunk with blood, 
And my sword shall devour flesh, 
With the blood of the slain and of the captives, 
From the long-haired heads of the foe. 5 

The Heb. phrase in the last line is ros paroth, lit. 'head of long 

There is no dispute that the verb para has the meaning let loose, 
unbind long hair in other passages: cf. Lev. 10 6 , 21 10 , 13 46 , 
Num. 5 18 . It is also used metaphorically in the sense of letting 
loose people by removing restraint from them, in Ex. 32 25 (twice). 
Syr. pPrd means 'to sprout,' and late Ar. farda is quoted in this 
sense* (cf. references in BDB. s.v. JTiS 11.). 

* The roots JHS and fTlQ ' sprout ' may be ultimately connected. 

io8 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 2. 

This is the case for the rendering which has been adopted in the 
text with some confidence. As Black remarks (after W. Robertson 
Smith), 'The expression . . . refers to the ancient and widespread 
practice of vowing to keep the head unshorn until certain conditions 
had been fulfilled (cf. Acts 18 18 ). The priests [cf. the passage from 
Ezek. already cited] were prohibited from making such vows because 
they might interfere with the regular discharge of the priestly 
functions ; but with warriors in primitive times the unshorn head was 
a usual mark of their consecration to the work which they had under- 
taken, and their locks remained untouched till they had achieved 
their enterprise or perished in the attempt (cf. Ps. 68 21 ). War among 
most primitive peoples is a sacred function, and this was specially 
the case in Israel where Jehovah was the God of Hosts.' 

This interpretation, which was probably intended by 2. iv ra 
avaKa\vy\ra(Tdai KecpaXds (cf. (5r B 'A-TreKaXiXpdr) aTTOKdXvfifia), is also 
adopted by Cassel, Wellh. (Isr. u. Jiid. Gesch 2 . p. 97), Vernes, No., 
La., Cooke (Comm.), Gress., and, on Deut. 32 42 (according to Driver), 
by Schultens, Knobel, Keil, and by R.V. marg. 2. 

The principal rival interpretation is ' For that {or when) the leaders 
led.' This appears in (Gr AI ', 0., iv ra> ap^aa-Oai dpxvyovs, and is adopted 
by R.V., Schnurrer, Herder (1780), Hollmann, Ges., Ros., Donaldson, 
Meier, Ewald, Hilliger, Bach., Reuss, Ber., Oet, Bu., Stephan, 
Kit., Zapletal, Kent, Smith, and apparently given the preference by 
Mo. on Judg. ; and in Deut. by R.V. (' From the head of the leaders 
of the enemy'), Schultz, Kamphausen, Dillmann, Oet., Steuernagel. It 
depends upon the fact that in Ar. the vevbfarda has the sense over- 
top or surpass in height, and then become superior in eminence, nobility, 
etc. ; and hence is derived the subs, far, noble or man of eminence 

If this rendering is correct, it is at any rate remarkable that, where 
so many occasions for mentioning leaders or chieftains occur in the 
O.T., both in poetry and prose, this particular term should be found 
only in the two passages specified, and should in both of them be 
open to a considerable measure of ambiguity. 

Other explanations may be dismissed in a few words. Kimchi, and 
several older modern commentators (Kohler, Herder (1825), etc.), 

* There can be little doubt that this root is the same as that from which the 
subs, 'long hair' is derived, the common idea being that of luxtiriant growth. 

Cooke makes a mistake in attempting (with some of the older commentators) 
to connect the Aram. D^JTflSa which is used in £ Deut. 16 18 to translate the 

Heb. D"HLJ£> ' officers ' (in subordinate position) ; since the sense here intended 
is vindices (from JTlQ 'to avenge'), alongside of Heb. CDEC^ Aram. jO^T 
'judges.' Cooke adds a reference to Ex. 20 5 in 2T J ; but this is quite off the 
point, ISTHB here having the sense 'vindictive,' in the phrase, 'a jealous and 

t : 

vindictive God.' 

5. 3- 4-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 109 

following the rendering of iz$ p , 'For the vengeance wherewith Israel 
was avenged, 5 explain ' For the vengeance (lit. vengeances) which 
was taken in Israel,' i.e. the avenging of their wrongs. Similarly, in 
Deut. 32 42 R.V. marg. offers the rendering, ' From the beginning of 
revenges upon the enemy.' But this sense of the verb JHB, though 
common in Aram., cannot be paralleled in Heb., in which nakam is 
the regular term for 'avenge.' Lastly, Le Clerc, Michaelis, Justi, Stu., 
von Gumpach, assuming the meaning of the root to be to loosen in a 
general sense, would render ' For the freedom (freedoms) which was 
wrought in Israel.' Such a sense, however, cannot be supported. 

volunteered. The Heb. hithnaddebh, which is used, as here, in 
2 Chr. 17 16 , Neh. n 2 , in the sense of offering one's self willingly to 
perform certain services, occurs in 1 Chr. 29 {passim), Ezr. 1 6 , 2 68 , 
3 5 1 with the meaning offer freewill offerings {n e dhdbhdth) for the 
Temple. Cf. also, in Bib. Aram., Ezr. 7 131516 t. 

3. ye rulers. Heb. roz e nim, which is connected with an Ar. root 
meaning 'to be weighty, grave, firm in judgment,' is only employed 
in the O.T. in poetical or elevated diction. It is parallel to 'kings' 
(as here) in Hab. 1 10 , Ps. 2 2 , Prov. 8 15 , 31 4 , and to 'judges of the 
earth' in Isa. 4o 23 t. Cf. Bab. urzunu {ruzzunuT), russunu, 'mighty, 
dignified,' cited by Dyneley Prince, JBL., 1897, pp. 175 ff. ; Langdon, 
AJSL., 19 1 2, pp. 144 f. 

I — unto Yahweh I will sing, The first ' I ' is a nominativus 
pendens. R.V., ' I, even I will sing, etc.,' is incorrect. 

will make melody. Heb. simmer is used of playing an instrument 
(cf. Ps. 33 2b , 144 9b , 147 7b , al.), as well as of singing. Hence the 
rendering adopted is preferable to the more specific rendering of R. V., 
* I will sing praise.' 

4. Yahweh, when, etc. Yahweh is pictured as marching to the 
assistance of Israel from His ancient seat in the south (as rightly 
observed by Hollmann), which is placed by the poet in 'Se'ir' or 'the 
field of Edom.' That this seat can be no other than Sinai (of J and P) 
or Horeb (of E and D), as is assumed by the author of the ancient 
gloss 'This is Sinai' in v. bh , cannot be doubted. The old poem 
called 'the Blessing of Moses,' Deut. 33, is very explicit. It opens 
with the quatrain — 

* Yahweh came from Sinai, 
And beamed forth unto them from Se'ir ; 
He shone forth from mount Paran, 
And came from r Meribath-Kadesh.T 

Here Sinai is grouped with Se'ir, i.e. the mountain-range of Edom 
which runs north and south, from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of 
e Akaba ; with a mountain (or mountain-range) belonging to Paran — 
perhaps Gebel Faran, among the mountains to the south-east of 


Kadesh ; and with Meribah of Kadesh,* i.e. Kadesh-Barnea , which 
was close to the border of Edom : cf. Num. 20 16b , and note on ' from 
the Crag,' Judg. 1 36 . 

The evidence of the ' prayer ' of Habakkuk is similar. This opens 
with the statement — 

' God came from Teman, 
And the holy one from mount Paran.' 

Teman, which etymologically means ' the right hand side,' or South 
country, from the standpoint of Cana an, is the name applied to a 
district of Edom, as appears from Ezek. 25 13 , Ob. 9 . 

If the site of Mount Sinai is to be sought among the mountains of 
Edom, not far from Kadesh — possibly in the debel el-Makrah group 
to the south-east of 'Ain Kudes (cf. Map V.), this is consonant with 
several other statements contained in the O.T. For instance, Moses 
comes to Mount Horeb when feeding the flock of his father-in-law, 
the priest of Midian (Ex. 3 1 E); and Midian appears to have been 
situated north-east of the Gulf of 'Akaba, in the neighbourhood of the 
hill-country of Se'ir.J Israel's first conflict with the 'Amalekites is at 
Rephidim close to Sinai (Ex. I7 8ff -E); and the 'Amalekites are 
mentioned elsewhere as inhabiting the region immediately south of 
the Negeb, in the neighbourhood of the Kenites and Sime'onites : 
cf. note on ' 'Amalek ' ch. 3 12 . The story of Moses striking the rock 
at Kadesh is given as the origin of the name Meribah in Num. 20 1_13 
(JEP), and is closely parallel to the story of his striking the rock at 
Rephidim close to Sinai, Ex. I7 lb-7 (JE), where the name Meribah 
is similarly given ; and it is impossible to think otherwise than that 
the two narratives are duplicates of the same tradition. Cf. further 
Sayce, pp. HCM. 262-272. 

The traditional site of Sinai is Gebel Musi in the south of the 
peninsula of Sinai, more than 150 miles south of Kadesh ('Ain 
Kudes), and considerably over 100 miles from the southernmost 
district of Edom, and from the land of Midian. The only evidence 

* jffil reads t£Hp nhllft i.e. 'from ten thousands of holiness,' which is 

paraphrased by R.V., 'from the ten thousands of holy ones.' ffif, however, 
renders abv fivptdcnv Kadrjs, and it is clear that a place-name is required by the 
parallelism with the three preceding stichoi. This can be scarcely other than 
CHp mnftD: cf. Deut. 3281, Ezek. 47 » 48 28; p s . 106 32. 

X The statement of Ex. 3 1 that Moses 'led his flock to the back of the wilder- 
ness ' implies that the mountain of God lay to the west of Midian. The Modiava 
or Ma5ta/xa of Ptolemy (vi. 7), i.e. the Madyan of the Arabic geographers, lies 
east of the gulf of 'Akaba and south of the mountain-range of Se'ir ; but the land 
of Midian may in all probability have extended further northwards along the 
eastern side of Se'ir. Thus a mountain west of Midian might be situated in Se'ir 
to the east of the 'Arabah : but the tradition which associates Sinai with Kadesh 
and Paran, seems rather to favour the district of Edom which lay to the west of 
the 'Arabah. 


in the O.T. which may be said to tell in its favour, in so far as it is 
incompatible with the evidence given above associating Sinai with 
Kadesh, is the statement of Deut. i 2 that 'it is eleven days from 
Horeb by way of the hill-country of Se'ir to Kadesh-BarneaV It may 
be noticed also that P in Num. 33 16 " 36 places twenty stations between 
Sinai and Kadesh ; but this is discounted by the fact that the old 
narrative JE knows nothing of these stations, and only mentions 
Tab'erah (Num. 11 3 ), Kibroth-hatta'avah (Num. n 34 ), and Haseroth 
(Num. n 35 ), as intervening.* 

The tradition which connects Sinai with Gebel Musa cannot be 
traced beyond the monastic period. It seems to have been in the 
fourth century A.D. that Christian communities began to settle in the 
Sinai peninsula, and monasteries were established in the neighbour- 
hood of Gebel Musa, and also of Gebel Serbal in the west of the 
peninsula, which, in the opinion of many authorities, possesses the 
earlier claim to have been considered the traditional Sinai. Upon 
this question, cf. Driver, Exodus {Camb. Bib.\ pp. 186 ff. J 

the field of Edom. The phrase DilN TtW (parallel to ' Seir,' a 

mountain-district : cf. preceding note) suggests an original connexion 
between Heb. sddhe, ordinarily rendered 'field,' and Bab. sadu, 
'mountain.' § Cf. also 7/. 18 , 'on the heights of the field" 1 ; Num. 23 14 , 
'unto the field of the. watchmen' (Sophim), further explained by 'unto 
the top of Pisgah,' mentioned as a point of view; Deut. 32 13 , 'produce 

* Kadesh is not mentioned at the end of Num. 12 or the beginning of 13. 
Num. 12 16 says that ' the people journeyed from Haseroth and pitched in the 
wilderness of Paran,' and ch. 13 then at once commences to relate the mission of 
the spies. But that it was Kadesh from which, according to the old narrative, 
the spies were sent forth is clear from 13 2G , where they return to Kadesh, and 
from 32 s , where they are definitely stated to have been sent forth from Kadesh- 

% An expansion in m's paraphrase of v. 5 shows that the translator must have 
supposed Sinai to be a very small mountain, and therefore could not have known 
the tradition identifying it with Gebel Musa or debel Serbal. The passage runs, 
'Mount Tabor, Mount Hermon, and Mount Carmel were in a fury one with 
another, and were saying one to another, the one of them, " Upon me shall His 
SMkhina dwell; and me it becometh " ; and another, "Upon me shall His 
SMkhina dwell; and me it becometh." He caused His Shekhind to dwell on 
Mount Sinai, which is weaker and smaller than all the mountains.' 

§ Heb. b>=Bab. /is seen also in y2W=seid 'be sated", 7\W=suu 'sheep', 
\2W=satu 'rebel', y'W=sebu 'hoary', rpfe> 'plant '=/££/* ' shoot ' from 
Uhu 'grow', hvto\P=fumMu 'left side', "ty& ' hair' =sdrtu 'hairy skin', 
\>\$=sakku 'sack', ^W — sar&pu 'burn', *)b> ' prince '=sarru 'king', and 

in other cases in which the connexion is not so obvious. Cf. the way in which 
loan-words in Hebrew from Assyrian represent /by D J e.g. jijHD for Sargdnu, 

etc. : cf. the present editor's note in JTS. xi. p. 440. 


of the field,' parallel to ' the heights of the earth ' j 2 Sam. 1 21a , where 
we should perhaps read ''ye fields of (deaths ny\p **}&) parallel to 

'ye mountains of Gilboa"; Jer. 18 u , 'Shall the snow of Lebanon fail 
from the rock of the field?' In all these cases the more original 
meaning 'mountain' appears to be prominent. Cf. Barth, Etymo- 
logische Studicn, pp. 65 f. ; Winckler, AF. i. p. 192 ; Peters, JBL., 
1893, pp. 54 ff". The reason why sddhe* came to denote more generally 
'field,' i.e. open country, usually uncultivated pasture or hunting- 
ground, probably was that the usage sprang up in Palestine where 
this type of country is found in the hills as opposed to the vale (emek), 
which doubtless was then, as it is now, appropriated for arable pur- 
poses. A parallel may be found in the fact that, for the Babylonians, 
the same Sumerian ideogram KUR stands both for sadu, 'mountain,' 
and mdtu (Aram. matha\ ' country ' ; a fact which points the inference 
that for the original users of the ideogram their 'country' was a 

Earth quaked. The reference is not to Yahweh's manifestation 
in storm and earthquake at the giving of the Law on Sinai or Horeb 
(Ex. i9 16ff -, Deut. 4 1112 , 5 22ff ), as has been supposed by many 
scholars — a fact which would have no special significance in the 
present connexion, but to his appearance in these natural phenomena 
upon the occasion with which the poem deals. As we have already 
noticed (4 14 note\ the fact that a thunder-storm burst in the face of 
the foes, and materially assisted in their discomfiture, may be inferred 
both from the poetical and prose-narratives. The statement that 
'the earth quaked' need not be taken more literally than the com- 
panion-statement that ' the heaven rocked ' ; and may well be a 
poetical description of the apparent effect produced by the rolling 
peals of thunder. 

rocked. Reading ufoj with & LNaZ €Tapd X 0rj (cf. ffi A e^orafy), 


IL 'turbatum est,' Bu., Mo., Oort, No., in place of f^ i|QOJ which 

T T 

means 'dropped' or 'dripped,' and is the word used in the following 
stichos — a fact which doubtless accounts for its erroneous occurrence 
in our passage. The Heb. root mugh, suggested by the Versions 
above cited, is the same as the Ar. maga, which, as applied to the 
sea, means 'be in a state of commotion,' 'be agitated with waves,' 'be 
very tumultuous' (Lane). Marquart, Ehr. read W)D) * were shaken.' 

5. shook. Vocalizing ^fo (as in Isa. 63 19 , 64 2 ) with <Ex eaaXfvBijo-av, 

& h Q-L1, IL 'commoti sunt,' & p a!>5, % WT, Ar. t^^clcjj and most 

moderns, in place of M ^T3 ' flowed down,' which has the support 

of V 'fluxerunt.'* 

* It is possible that 1^T3 as vocalized by Jfl may be intended as a weakened 

form of ^>fj • cf. \OV for «3> n!>33 for flfcu j n Gen. n«-*; G-K. § 67 <W. 
t > :it t' t : it t 


Before Yahweh, etc. |^ opens the clause with the words ^p HT, 
i.e. if part of the original, 'Yon Sinai before Yahweh, etc.' The use 
of the pronoun n? deiktikos can be paralleled (cf. BDB. s.v. HT 2); 

but, as Mo. remarks, 'would only be natural if Sinai were in sight.' 
The chief objection, however, to the originality of the words is the 
fact that they are metrically superfluous, since they make the stichos 
to contain five beats ; * whereas, with their omission, the verse is 
perfectly balanced. It can hardly be doubted that VT'D !"1T is simply 
a scribe's marginal note which has crept into the text, and which is 
to be understood predicatively, ' This is Sinai ' (cf. 2. rovreV™ r6 2iva). 
i.e. ' This refers to Sinai,' viz. the mention of the mountains in the 
first stichos of v. b . The inclusion of this gloss in the text must have 
happened fairly early, since it appears in the same position in all the 
Versions, and also in Ps. 68 8 , which is copied from our passage. | This 
view is adopted by von Gumpach, Donaldson, Ball, Mo., Bu., Oort, 
No., La., Kit., Cooke, Gress. Winckler and Marquart read M^D W\ 

'Sinai trembled,' and modify Yahweh's title in order otherwise to 
shorten the stichos (Winck. 'before Yahweh' — tautologous with 
parallel stichos ; Marq. 'before him'— three beats only in the stichos). 
Kit., BH. proposes (after Gra.) to read JJT for fl? — 'Sinai quivered,' 


and to delete ni!"l\ 

6. In the days of Shamgar, etc. Cf. note on 3 31 , where the fact is 
remarked that the name Shamgar is non-Israelite, and may very 
likely be Hittite in origin. We have also noticed (4 2 note) that Sisera 
may very possibly be a Hittite name ; and these two inferences, taken 
together, lend colour to the theory, propounded by Marquart, and 
afterwards worked out by Mo. (J A OS., 1898, pp. I59f.)j that Shamgar 
may have been a foreign oppressor, and Sisera his immediate suc- 
cessor, if not his son : both being members of a Hittite dynasty ruling 
in Cana'an, to which the Cana'anite city-kings, at least in the vicinity 
of the great plain, were vassals. 

From the days of old. f^ reads 'In the days of Ja'el'; but this 
can scarcely represent the original text. As Mo. appositely remarks, 
'it is singular that the name of this Bedawi woman should be 
coupled with that of Shamgar. And how can the period before 
the rise of Deborah be called the days of Jdel, when the deed which 
made her famous was only the last act in the deliverance which 
Deborah had already achieved? The best that can be said is 
that, although Shamgar and Ja'el, both of whom in different ways 
wrought deliverance for their people, were living, they did nothing 
to free Israel from the tyranny of the Cana anites until Deborah 

* *3*D HT would count as one beat only. 

% Ps. 68 is probably not earlier than the Maccabaean period. Ball has made 
out a strong case for finding its occasion in the events narrated in 1 Mace. s 9ff -, 
cir. B.C. 165 : cf. JTS. xi. (1910) pp. 415 ff. 




appeared.' The difficulty is enhanced if Shamgar was not really an 
Israelite Judge, as supposed by the author of the gloss in 3 31 , but 
(as is suggested by his name : cf. note) a foreign oppressor. Many 
commentators would escape the difficulty by excising the words 
'in the days of Ja'el' as a gloss suggested by w. 2iif . Here, how- 
ever, we find ourselves upon the horns of a dilemma. If we excise 
no more than these words, with Geddes, Bickell, Cooke, Marquart, 
Bu., Mo. (Comm., but not SBOT.), No., we then have a stichos con- 
sisting of two beats only, Dimx )?1H 'caravans ceased' — which is 
scarcely possible. If, on the other hand, we also excise 'the son of 
'Anath' from stichos a (with Kit), and then read a b as a single 
stichos, 'In the days of Shamgar caravans ceased' (rhythmically 
correct), we are unable to point to the source whence 'the son of 
'Anath ' was derived by the late author of 3 31 . 

Assuming the correctness of the suggestion noticed above, that 
Shamgar was a foreign oppressor preceding Sisera, it is feasible 
to regard the * of ?V as due to dittography of the final letter of > D S 3, 
and to find in ?V the first two letters of D?y 'old time' (so Ball, 


privately). Then, reading in both stichoi '•D^D for '•CH (confusion of 

E and 2 is frequent ; cf. examples cited by Driver, NUTS. 2 p. lxvii.) 
we obtain the text adopted above. It may be objected to this that 
U?V ^D suggests too remote an antiquity. Yet cf. the expression 
u?)V nuin 'the desolations of old time,' Isa. 58 12 , 61 4 , an expression 
covering a period of not more than fifty to seventy years. It would 
be natural for the poet, after the great victory, somewhat to exag- 
gerate the duration of the oppression. 

Suggested substitutions of another proper name for the name Ja'el 
{e.g. 'Ja'ir,' Ewald, HI. ii. p. 365; ''Othniel,' Gra.) do not call for 

caravans. Vocalizing Dimx with most moderns, in place of 

rrimK 'ways' or 'paths' of fft* 'O^M (cf. Gen. yj 2b , Isa. 21 13 ) is 

t t: 

the active participle fern. sing, of 'drak 'to journey,' and is used 
collectively to denote a travelling company. The aggressions of the 
Cana anites put a stop to commercial intercourse in Israelite territory. 
rrimN ^in of HI, i.e. 'the ways ceased,' is interpreted by R.V. 'the 

t t: : it 

highways were unoccupied' ; J but to make 'ceased' to mean * ceased 

* The same change has to be made in Job 6 19 , where M2F\ DSfMJA M should 

be TJ nirnj*. Similarly, in Job 31 82 we must read ftliO 'for the wayfarer* 
(|| "13 ' a sojourner ') in place of rnK? ffl, which oan only mean « for the way.' 

£ R.V. marg. offers the rendering 'the caravans ceased'; but it should be 
noted that this involves a tacit adoption of our emendation, and cannot be got 
out of ftt as it stands. 

5. 7-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES ii$ 

to be used' is a forced expedient which cannot be justified. Such an 
idea would have been more naturally expressed by a different verb : 

cf. Isa. 33 8 , 'The highways lie desolate (]"ri;>D» IBBfo), the wayfaring 
man ceaseth.' 

They that went, etc. Even the private wayfarer could only find 
safety by taking ' crooked,' i.e. devious and roundabout, paths. 

crooked paths. Lit. ' crooked ones,' ' paths ' being naturally inferred 
from the context. So in Ps. 125 6 fi'rkphpy 'their crooked (ways).' 

p? inserts Dimx 'paths' before rvfepbpy but this spoils the rhythm 

t t: -: "-;' 

by introducing a fifth beat into the sti,chos. The omission is 
favoured by Mo. (who quotes Briggs, Ley, Grimme), Bu., No., 
La., Cooke. 

7. Villages. Reading rriHB with four MSS. of M, &* V*>-&-» 

t : 

'open {i.e. unwalled) places,' K KVT3S3 Tip 'village-towns,' and many 
moderns. P e razoth (cf. Ezek. 38 » Zech. 2 4 ($? 8 ), Est. 9 19 f) are the 
unwalled hamlets which the Israelites dwelling round about the plain 
of Esdraelon were compelled to inhabit owing to their failure to 
capture the fortified cities of the Cana anites : cf. ch. 1 27 ff . Such 
hamlets, being unprotected, were speedily swept out of existence by 
the foe ; and we are left to infer that, as happened during other 
periods of oppression (cf. ch. 6 2 , 1 Sam. 13 6 ), the Israelite inhabitants 
must have been driven to take refuge in the caves and fastnesses of 
the hills. 

p? |iP3 which occurs again in the suffix-form ijiPB in v. l \ has 

been explained as a collective 'peasantry,' 'rural population' (hence 
R.V. marg. 'villages'); but the coupling of the plur. verb }~Hn 

: it' 

'ceased' with the sing, collective subject is extraordinarily harsh, and 
can scarcely be justified.* Bu., who retains pHB, feels constrained 
to alter the verb into the sing. \nx\ (cf. (Sr AL egeXnre fypafav). DpIV 

- T 

WHB in v. u is likewise only susceptible of a very forced explanation : 
— 'the righteous acts of {i.e. pertaining to) his peasantry,' i.e. 'his 
righteous acts towards the peasantry.' The rendering of <3r B dwaroi 
v. 7 , TS 'fortes' vv. 7 - u , Ber., La., and several of the older commen- 
tators,! R.V. text, 'rulers' (or 'judges') v. 7 , 'his rule' v. n , maybe 

* A parallel may perhaps be found in 1 Kgs. 5 3 ($ 17 ), im3D "lE^N nonfen 

■.. t : v ~: t t : • - 

* the state -of warfare (sing.) which surrounded (plur.) him,' which can only b"e 
explained upon the supposition that the writer, in speaking of warfare, had 
implicitly in his mind the foes (plur. ) who were its cause, and so lapsed into the 
plur. verb. Cf. NHTK. ad loc. 

X This interpretation is given by Rabbi Isaiah (in Buxtorf, Rabbinic Bible) : 

n^oo nrb nvnn )bir\^ nbvnn fie£ nmai> ^ s i -and it is possible 

to interpret it in the sense of " rule," viz. that they ceased to have rule.' 


compared with ItlQ in Hab. 3 14 , where the meaning 'his chief men, 5 

t t : 

'rulers,' or 'warriors' is given by (5r, U, & v , E, and is agreeable to 
the context. Such an explanation is not without philological support* 
(as stated by Mo.) ; yet if the root T"1D was really employed in Heb. 
in the sense 'decide' or 'judge,' it is somewhat strange that no clear 
occurrences of it are to be found. 

. . . ceased. As ^ stands, the word is connected with the preced- 
ing stichos : 'Villages ceased in Israel, they ceased'; and the Versions 
all presuppose the same text. Since in v. 7b , however, we have a 
perfectly balanced distich, it seems obvious that v. 7a must originally 
have formed a similar distich, the first stichos beginning, and the 
second ending, with v"in 'ceased' (cf. the similar structural arrange- 
ment in the distichs vv. 2U2i ) ; though what the subject of the second 
V1H was we have no means of conjecturing. 

Till thou didst arise. "TMDp is doubtless intended by iJH for 1st 

pers. sing., as rendered by <S P , 5T, A.V., R.V., 'until I arose.' The 
objection that, inasmuch as the poet addresses Deborah in v. 12 , it is 
scarcely possible that she can here be the speaker, is sufficiently 
answered in the words of Herder, who, writing of v. 12 , remarks, ' Just 
as Pindar so often arouses himself, his ' (f)i\ov rfTopf just as David so 
often summons heart and soul, when both are preparing themselves 
for the highest flights of their song ; so Deborah wakes herself as she 
now commences the actual description of the battle, and as it were 
endeavours once more to fight the valiant fight.' A real objection to 
taking TIEp as the first pers. has, however, been advanced by Houb., 
viz. that, if this had been intended, we should have expected the 1st pers. 
pronoun, mm \3K, instead of iTYlin simply (cf. Dan. io 7 , 12 5 ) : and 
it is perhaps preferable, therefore, to take the verb as the older form of 
the 2nd pers. fern. sing, (for fiDp : cf. Jer. 2 20 , where ^fi-Q^ T\pF\3 

• • • * • 

must be regarded as 2nd fern. sing. ; Mic. 4 13 , TlOinni : G-K. § 44 h\ 

as is done by most moderns. (Or eW ov dvia-rrj ( B , according to Swete, 
dvao-TJj), 3L 'donee surrexit,' 15 'donee surgeret,' presuppose nDp or 

T T> 

possibly DOp. If this is original, we must suppose that it was altered 
into TlJOp (intended as the 1st pers. sing.) in ^ under the influ- 
ence of the heading in v.\ 'Then sang Deborah and Barak' (so 

* Ar.faraza means to separate, divide, and then, apparently, decide', cf. Lane 
s.v. 2.8. Bab. pardsu (with which cf. Heb. para's, ' divide ') means to decree, 
judge, give decision ; and piristu = decision. Sum. GAR.ZA, MAR.ZA = Bab. 
parsu, i.e. a divine decree or institute in Temple-worship: cf. Br. 5647, 5836; 
Muss-Arnolt, Diet. p. 836 £. We thus have evidence that the sense divide, 
and thence decide, runs through the differently modified Semitic root prs {prs), 
prs, prz. 

5. 8.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 117 

8. Armourers, etc. Reading 

D^hn urh riDn 

• T IT V T : IT 

• •• • \ -: : it 

The text of $? here offers perhaps the greatest crux in the poem. As 
it stands, it can only be rendered, ' One chooses {or shall choose) new 
gods {or God chooses new things) ; then battling (??) of gates.' The 
rendering of A.V., R.V., 'They chose new gods ; then was war in the 
gates, 5 proceeds upon the assumption that the verb "inT is an imper- 
sonal Imperfect used pictorially of a past event, and that DPI? is 
employed in place of the ordinary nDi"PO in the sense 'war' ; 'war 

t t : • 

of gates' being interpreted as 'war in the gates. 5 If urb or DI"P* is 

V T " T 

really intended to convey this sense, it is best to regard the form as 
an Infinitive Pi'el, used in place of a substantive, in accordance with 
the explanation of Schnurrer, 'tunc factum est to oppugnare urbes 
(Israelkicas).' The meaning then is that apostasy from Yahweh to 
the service of strange gods was punished by the siege of Israel's cities 
by the Cana'anites ; a thought which is akin to the pragmatism of R Ea . 
It is true that the 'new gods' maybe paralleled by Deut. 32 17 , 'They 
sacrificed ... to gods whom they knew not, to new ones that came 
up recently ' ; and the idea of choice of gods other than Yahweh is 
found in ch. 10 14 (E 2 ).J But, apart from the difficulty of construing 
the Hebrew in this sense, the stage depicted as 'war in the gates' 
hardly suits the condition of abject submission already described in 
z/z/. 6 - 7 , or the statement as to the absence of weapons among the 
Israelites in v. 6h . Still less probable is the explanation of Ewald 

(and so Meier), who regards DTpK as referring to judges, so called 

as God's representatives § ('heilige Richter'), and somewhat prosaic- 

* The common reading is Dlv- but thirty-six mss. read DIT? or Dlv 


(Kit., BH.). We should expect the Infin. Pi'el to be DJ"I? • but no other 
instance of the Pi'el of this verb exists. J 

% Possibly a scribe may have endeavoured to restore an illegible text under the 
influence of these two passages (Cooke, Mo.). 

§ Cf. the present writer's Outlines of O. T. Theology, pp. 15 f. The use of 
'Zlohim in the passages quoted from Ex. 21 6 , 22 s - 9 ('The Book of the Covenant'), 
is susceptible, however, of a different and probably preferable explanation, viz. 
the household-gods (Teraphim), which were possibly connected with the practice 
of ancestor-worship, and whose cultus appears to have existed among the Israel- 
ites in early times apart from any conception that the allegiance due to the 
national God Yahweh was thereby contravened. Laying these passages aside, 
the only certain instance of the employment of 'elohim to denote judges is 
Ps. 82 e. 


.illy makes the passage state that the outbreak of hostilities was co- 
incident with the appointment of new judges (Deborah and Barak). 

The evidence of the Versions is somewhat conflicting. ffi u , & sup- 
port substantially the text of |ij, and the interpretation of it given by 
A. V., R.V. (K n renders etjeXegavro deovs icaivovs, ore inoXip^aav it oXeis 
apxovroiv. Here ore is probably a corruption of Tore (as in HP. 58), 
and noXfis a corruption of nvXas. nvXas dpxovrw is most likely to 
be the result of a doublet (D^WK* 'gates'; D s "l^ 'princes'); the 

• t : • t 

second rendering coming into the text from the margin as apxovras, 
and then being altered to the genitive to make sense.* itroXip^a-av 

may be a rendering of D)"I7 of £H, regarded as Infin. Constr. Pi'el ; 

or it may represent an original }£ri7 (or '0117 regarded as an abbre- 

~ : t 

viated plural) ; unless it be considered as a corruption of inoXipr}o-ev^ 
as is suggested by U, 'et portas hostium ipse [Dominus] subvertit,' 
where the translator had before him a text identical with p?, but 

treated DJ17 as the Perfect Qr6. The lengthy paraphrase of % 

" T 

appears to have behind it a text in no way different from |H : — ' When 
the house of Israel desired to serve new errors [i.e. idols], which had 
lately been made, with which their fathers had not concerned them- 
selves, the peoples came against them and drave them from their 
cities, etc' Here the description of the idols clearly points to the 
fact that the paraphraser had Deut. 32 17 in his mind. The same 
text and interpretation are offered in stichos a by (Hr AL tjpeTio-ap 6eovs 
Kaivovs. The rendering of this stichos which makes ' God ' the 

subject of the verb is offered by 3> p |2,-kj |<7lX| ].CUwJ, ' God 

chooses a new thing,' U ' Nova bella elegit Dominus' ; and has been 
adopted by a few of the earlier commentators, who understand D^BHn 
'new ones,' either as 'new judges,' or 'new things' (properly ITIKHn ; 
cf. Isa. 42 9 , 48 6 ; sing. Isa. 43 19 , Jer. 31 21 ) — i.e. a new mode of action, 
viz. deliverance through the agency of a woman, j This rendering, 
however, is opposed by the fact that ' Yahweh,' and not ' God,' is 
employed elsewhere throughout the poem with reference to the God 
of Israel. 

Another interpretation of the stichos b is offered by (5i AL oZ - as aprov 
upldivov, 1L 'velut panem hordeaceum' (so & h ) ; i5 p (ScLkk^ _-»j-»criO 
"j . vcr» • i.e. the last two words of p? are vocalized as D'H'y^ DJ"6 'barley- 
bread.' This has led Bu. to propose the emendation D'H'yfey DPI7 7tK 

* HP. cite four Codd. Arm. as reading &pxovres TroXewv. 

X Kemink (as quoted by Donaldson) seeks to find the clue to the passage in 
this conception; but emends D^BHn into D^DH — 'God makes choice of 

• T " 

women ' (Deborah and Ja'el). 


* The barley-bread was spent,' upon the view that the 2 of ?TN has 

been omitted through haplography. The verb ?TK is employed in 
this sense in 1 Sam. g 7 ; and barley-bread is typical of the Israelite 
peasantry in the Midianite's dream, ch. 7 13 , doubtless as forming 
their staple sustenance. In harmony with this suggestion, Bu. con- 
jectures that stichos a may have run x>*V?\ DTT7K TO? ' The sacrifices 

of God ceased,' i.e. through lack of the wherewithal to provide them. 
Apart, however, from the objection to the use of 'God' instead of 
'Yahweh,' which we have already noticed, such a distich, though not 
at variance with what follows in the next distich, yet stands in no 
necessary connexion with it. Such a connexion has been sought 
by Lambert {REJ. xxx. p. 115) in his emendation of stichos b 

D*Hy ^'Cvh TN ; according to which the sentence would run on into 

•t •• - : - t 

the following distich : — ' Then unto five cities was there seen a shield, 
etc' But such an overrunning between distich and distich is con- 
trary to analogy. La., Schlogl, Kent, in following Lambert, reject 
stichos a altogether ; and combine stichos b with the following dis- 
tich in such a way as to form a single distich of the whole : — 

' Then there was not seen a shield for five cities, 
Or a lance among forty thousand in Israel. 5 

The emendation adopted above has been made at the suggestion 
of Dr. Ball, who observes that the only guide which we possess 
as to the original sense of the distich is found in the succeeding 
distich, 'Was there seen a shield, etc.' This immediately recalls 
the similar account of the drastic disarmament effected by the 
Philistines at the commencement of Saul's reign, as recorded in 
I Sam. 13 19 ' 22 , which relates that 'no armourer {or smith, fcjhn) was 

found throughout all the land of Israel : for the Philistines said, Lest 
the Hebrews make them swords or spears'; but all the Israelites 
were obliged to go down to the Philistines in order to sharpen their 
agricultural implements. ' So it came to pass in the day of battle 
that there was neither sword nor spear found in the hand of any of 
the people that were with Saul and Jonathan : but with Saul and with 
Jonathan his son there was found.' The resemblance between D^BHn 
'new things' and D^Jhfl 'armourers' is patent ; "irQ* may have arisen 
through transposition of the letters of VlDn, and DH?K from Di"6 or 

Di"l?K. As a parallel clause we have the statement that 'Armed 

men failed from the city ' — a natural result of the absence of armourers 
and the vigorous oppression exercised by the Cana anites. D^bn is 
the term employed of the armed warriors in the Midianite camp, ch. 
7 11 . Possibly D^Dn ^TX may have been written in abbreviated 

• \ —. : it 

120 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 12. 

form 'CEn 7TN (cf. footnote, p. 124) ; while the letters of "IW may be 
supposed to have suffered transposition D^V- 

Marquart already has our D^hn ;* but rearranges vv. 7&s& in a 

• T T 

manner which scarcely commends itself. Supposing v. 7h to be a 
later gloss, he follows 7/. 7a (as in $?) by the first two words of stichos a 
of v. s& in the form DvilN W\T : 'Village-life ceased in Israel ; They 

fled into tents . . .' His next distich then runs, 'The barley-bread 
was spent; Armourers ceased in the land' f/piNaN D^Bhn *S>in\. 

% \ N V T T / • T IT : IT/" 

Here the first word is from v 7a , the second from v. 8 *, and the third 
supplied by conjecture. Other suggested emendations need not here 
be noticed. 

Was there seen, etc. The Imperfect ("INT' is frequentative — whenever 

and wherever one might look, this condition of affairs existed. The 
curious reading of (5r L (occurring with variations in other recensions 
of (Sr), o-k4ttt) veavibav av 6(p6fj Kcii o-ipopdo-Tijs, has undoubtedly arisen 
from an original text a-Kinr)v iav i'Sto kcu a-ipofidarrjv, reading nKlK DK 

'Do I see,' for nK'V DN which maybe original (so Marquart, Gress.). 

In its present form (3r L seems to have undergone the following process. 
A scribe noted the variant av cxpOrj (the reading of ffi B ) upon the 
margin of his MS. This was subsequently copied into the text ; and 
since iav Xba> was superfluous by the side of av 6<p6r], o-Kenrjv iav iSo) 
was corrupted into a-Kinr) veavidav, thus supplying a nominative to 
6(p6fi ; and, in accordance with this, cripopda-Trjv became aipop,do-TT)s. 

Among forty thousand. Hollmann comments upon the contrast 
between the number of able-bodied men in Israel as here given, and 
the large numbers of the Pentateuchal narrative: Ex. I2 37b , Num. 
II 21 (J) 600,000; Num. 1 4C (P) 603,550. The modest assessment 
of our passage is, as he remarks, a strong argument for the con- 
temporaneousness of the poem with the events which it celebrates. 
So Wellh. as already quoted (p. 78, footnote). 

12. This verse is placed before w. 9n for the reasons noted on 
p. 102. 

Awake, awake, Deborah/ On the supposed incompatibility of this . 
address with Deborah's reputed authorship of the Song, cf. note on 
v\ 'Till thou didst arise.' The variation of accent — here itrl firi, 
but in the next stichos dri uri — is a rhythmical device : cf. G-K. 

§ 72 J. 

Thy captors. Vocalizing ^2W with & F , Michaelis, Wellh., Stade, 

Black, Bu., Kit., No., Marquart, Segond, La., Ehr., Smith, Cooke {Comm.\ 

Gress.: cf. Isa. 14 2 DiT3£>1> D*3B> VTV\ ' and they shall be captors to 

their captors.' fH Tp2£> i.e. 'thy band of captives' rather than 'thy 

* The same emendation was offered by von Gumpach in 1852. 

5. 12.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 121 

captivity' (R.V.), offers a sense which is perfectly legitimate, and can 
be paralleled elsewhere (cf. Num. 21 1 , 2 Chr. 28 17 , Ps. 68 18 , p? 19 ); 
but misses the fine paradox which is gained by the easy emendation. 
It is by no means improbable that Barak, like Gide'on (cf. ch. 8 18ff ), 
may have had his own private wrongs to avenge as well as those of 
his people. 

A number of interesting variants are offered in this verse by 
<5r AL oI -, J5 h . Taking <£ AL as typical, it runs igeycipov, igeyclpov, Ae/3/3oopa, 
A i£(yctpov ( L i£('yeipov) pvpiddas perd Xaov, e£eyeipou, it-eyelpov ( A adds 
XaXet) jxer' 6)8779' iviax^cov A i^avdaraao Bapa^ ( L itjaviaras 6 B.) not 
A iviaxvaov ( L Karlaxvaov) Ae/3/3a>pa t6v Bapa^, kcu alxpaX(i>Ti(f 
aixpaXaxrlav aov, vlbs Afiiveep. Other noteworthy variants are the 
addition of aov after /-iera Xaov, and iv laxvi in place of iviaxvcov. 
Here we must eliminate the doublet of stichos b, igeyeipov, it-eydpov, 
XdXet per' (odrjs, which represents insertion of the p| tradition (cf. (£ B ); 
and, since La. is probably right in regarding eviaxvcov, with variant 
iv laxvi, and iviaxvaov as doublets of an original iv lax™ <rov m 
stichos c, we can scarcely err in also excising kcu iviaxvaov . . . 
Bapax, tne addition of AcfSfioopa rbv Bapax being an attempt to explain 
the corrupt iviaxvaov. Thus, the original Heb. which lies behind 
this recension of dR may have run as follows : — 

t : 

Di>n rrinn-i nwi 

» T T : • • T 

p"J3 Dip SJW3 

• • • • • • 

* Awake, awake, Deborah ! 
Arouse myriads among the people ! 
In thy strength arise, Barak ! 
Lead captive thy captive-band, son of Abino'am ! 

So La., with the addition of Y#3 /*«"' coBr/s, at the end of stichos a. 

Mo. (SBOT.) reads DJ> (? *Jtpy) for UV2, and pm 'Take courage' in 
place of SjttJa^ 

It is a moot point whether such a text is superior to p?, as Mo., 
No., La., Zapletal, Cooke (Comm.) think. Mo. rests his argument 
mainly upon the fact that ' Here Deborah is not summoned to sing a 
song — whether of battle or of victory — but to arouse the myriads of 
her countrymen, which certainly agrees better with the words 
addressed to Barak.' This is true, if we suppose that the poet 
pictures himself as addressing the chief actors prior to the battle ; but 
the obvious inference to be drawn from p?, as it stands, is that he is 

122 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 9. 10. 

rather addressing them as he voices his song, i.e. subsequently to the 
victory, calling upon Deborah to recount the main facts in poetic 
strain, and upon Barak to fight his battles o'er again. Nor is it any 
objection to this view that in such a case the verse should stand at 
the commencement of the poem (where it is placed by Niebuhr) : cf. 
the words of Herder already cited under v. 1 note on 'Till thou didst 
arise.' A point which should not escape notice is that it is somewhat 
strange if the poet here alludes to ' myriads among the people,' even 
in hyperbole, when previously (v. 8 ) he has placed the whole available 
fighting strength of Israel at the moderate assessment of forty 
thousand. JTOJ"! may quite easily have arisen as a corruption of 
mm or of *1.H, and DJD (among the people) come in later in ex- 
planation of the 'myriads.' It thus appears that there is no sound 
ground for abandoning the lucid text of ffi. 

9. Come, ye commanders. Reading s pphD xh as privately sug- 
gested by Ball. ffi ^pphb s 2? 'My heart is to the commanders,' 

i.e. (presumably) it turns or goes out towards them : cf. V ' Cor meum 
diligit principes Israel.' The ellipse of the verb is illustrated by 
Schnurrer from Ps. 141 8 W ItfiV "j^« 'Unto Thee, Yahweh, (are) 
mine eyes.' Such a use of 'heart,' as denoting sympathetic attrac- 
tion, is perhaps not quite without parallel in Hebrew (cf. 2 Kgs. 10 16 ), 
though 'soul' (nephes) is more usual in such a sense (cf. 1 Sam. 18 1 , 
Gen. 34 3 - 8 , al.)\ but the invitation, 'Bless ye Yahweh!' of stichos b 
favours the supposition that the commanders are addressed in 
stichos a ; and the imperative w forms a natural and appropriate 
opening to the invitation to thanksgiving. 

commanders. M*hdk?kim are the imposers of hukkim, 'statutes' 
or 'enactments.' 

that volunteered. Cf. v. 2 note. ®r AL ot dvvdarrat reads D^lHil. 

a • • •» 

10. Let the riders, etc. Reading 

irpfc* nnhv rriiriK *aah 

•• ~ • t . v V ~ •• ; : 

As the verse stands in ?^, it offends against parallelism and rhythm. 
The imperative WV'ty (rendered by R.V. 'Tell of W) comes at the end 

of stichos c of a tristich referring to three classes of people previously 
mentioned ; and the rhythmical form of the tristich is 3 + 2 + 3 beats. 
Moreover, stichos b, fltt-py ^2^ which affords the only instance of 

a two-beat stichos in the poem, cannot, as it stands, be explained with 
any approach to probability. The substantive madh, to which the 
plur. middin must be referred, is derived from a verb mddhadh, ' to 
measure,' and denotes 'measure' (Jer. 13 25 , lit. 'the portion of thy 

5. io.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 123 

measures'), or more usually 'garment,' as in ch. 3 16 , so-called as 
lengthy or wide (cf. Ar. madda, 'to extend or stretch')- R-V. 'rich 
carpets,' however, has no more basis than the mere supposition that 
a word which usually means a spreading garment may also denote 
any spreading piece of woven material, and that such a rendering is 
suitable to the context. But even the appropriateness of this assump- 
tion may be questioned. The two other classes mentioned are 
travellers along the roads, which, in contrast to their former con- 
dition (v.% may now be used with impunity. These classes appear 
to cover all the population — the wealthy magnate who rides, and the 
plain man who walks. Is it appropriate that between these two 
classes there should be interposed reference to a third class of persons 
who are vaguely defined as those who sit (presumably indoors) upon 
carpets ? It is true that some have explained middin as ' saddle- 
cloths ' or 'housings,' thus making the clause a further description of 
the riders ; but this is excluded by the fact that the verb ydsabh, 'sit,' 
is never used in Hebrew of riding an animal. 

The Versions afford no help towards elucidation. (5r BL KaOrjfxevoi 

eVl Kpirrjpiov (so & h ), 3J <et sedetis in judicio,' K KJH bv 2T\ftb pnnro, 
'and are associated in order to preside over judgment,' read pD which 

may mean 'strife,' but scarcely 'judicial procedure.' (5i A represents 
|HD by Xafxirrjvfbv, ' covered chariots,' IL ' in lecticis,' apparently a guess 

influenced by the context ;* i5 p |AilO «_»«oA_»0 'and ye who sit at 
home ' — a guess. 

The emendation offered above proceeds upon the assumption that 
the strophe vv. 12 - 911 contains an invitation to a retrospect of the past 
deliverance; as is evident from vv. 1112 . If, then, the word }rPb> 

at the end of v. 10 means ' review ' sc. the past deliverance, whether in 
thought or in speech (see note below) ; and having regard to the fact 
that so much of the remainder of the verse as can be translated con- 
tains reference to two classes of persons which, as we have noticed, 
appear to include the whole population ; it is reasonable to assume 
that the complete verse was originally a distich, in which the two 
classes are mentioned in parallel stichoi, and summoned to take part 
in the retrospect. In other words, we may expect to find in the obscure 
pi» bv "OB* a parallel to IrW ' review.' The resemblance to the 
phrase 2?~?V teW* 'let them recall it to mind,' is obvious ; the only 

real difference — that between 2? and pE — being accounted for by 
the fact that the resemblance between 2 and 1 is very close in the old 

character, and that between ? and D not remote. 2? read as ID may 

* Or possibly reading D^2V • cf. Isa. 66 20 , Num. 7 3 - iv "Kafi7rif]vacs is the <ffir 
rendering of this word in the Isa. passage. 

I2 4 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 10. 

have been taken for "TO, an abbreviated form of the plural (cf. foot- 
note- % below). 

If we have in \1& a jussive, 'let them recall,' etc., it is probable 
that in place of the imperative }!T{J> we should likewise have a jussive 
form in^ 'let them review.' But if X> 7JJ \1W belongs to stichos a 

■ T 

and lITt^ to stichos £, the former contains five beats and the latter 
three beats. We may assume therefore that an erroneous transposi- 
tion has taken place, the rectification of which gives us four beats in 
each stichos. That such errors of transposition have often occurred 
in copying MSS. cannot be doubted. The explanation is that a scribe 
erroneously copied the latter part of stichos b in place of the corre- 
sponding part of stichos a ; and then, in order to avoid spoiling the 
appearance of his MS., transposed the omitted part of stichos a to 
stichos b. Such an erroneous transposition has clearly taken place in 
Ps. 35 5G , where v. b \ ' Let them be as the chaff before the wind,' should 
be followed by v. 6h , ' And the Angel of Yahweh pursuing them ' ; and 
v. 6a , ' Let their way be dark and slippery,' by v. 6b , ' And the Angel of 
Yahweh pushing them down.'* Similarly, in v. 7 of the same Psalm, 
'a pit ' has been transposed from stichos b, where ' digged ' now has 
no object, to stichos a, where 'they have hid' already has its proper 
object 'their net.' Cf. also the transposition which is rectified in 
Judg. 7 6 , with note ad loc. 

tawny she-asses. A.V., R. V., ' white asses.' The adjective fhoroth 
occurs only here in Heb., but comparison of the Ar. shows that it 
denotes light reddish-grey, or white flea-speckled with red (suhra the 
colour, sahur a she-ass so coloured). % Asses of this colour are rare 
and highly prized at the present day in the East ; and their mention in 
this passage implies that their owners are persons of rank and means, 
travelling at their ease in a time of peace. The she-ass is preferred 
for riding purposes as more tractable than the entire male. § 

* 7\T\*] always means to push or thrust for the purpose of casting down : 
cf. BDB. s.v. R.V.'s rendering, ' driving them on,' is intended to give a suitable 
meaning, as the half-verse now stands (clearly ' chaff before the wind ' cannot be 
1 pushed down ') ; but is quite unwarranted by the usage of the verb elsewhere. 

% Lette (quoted by Hollmann) cites Firuzabadius : \}? i^J <J^' J^T^* 6 

*J*^~3 L/ 2 ^ ' sahfir is used of a camel or she-ass in which there is white 
and red.' 

§ The reading of <E B iwl '6vov drfkdas fxeo-r]fx^pias is interesting as seeming to 
prove that D1"inV ITUriK must have stood in the Heb. MS. used by the trans- 
lator in the abbreviated form "^TVX 'JHK, which was read as '*!!"!¥ 'JJ1X and 
then interpreted as D*Hn¥ |nN. Similar abbreviations of plural terminations 
are presupposed in 7/. 8a £ ('£>ftn vTK), v - l ° (2? misread as *10, and then 
treated as shortened plur. HD), ». a ('pflVlD), ^- 22b ("liTl im), On the 
use of abbreviation in Heb. MSS., cf. Ginsburg, Introd. to Mass.-Crit. Bible, 
ch. v. 

5. ii.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 125 

review it. The verb rpfef may mean to talk about anything or to 

any one, as in Ps. 69 12 ( 13 p?), ' They that sit in the gate talk about 
me'; Job 12 8 , ' Speak to the earth, and it shall instruct thee 5 ; or 
to muse or meditate upon some topic, as in Ps. 77 6 ( 7 P?)> 'I will muse 
with my heart'; Ps. 119 78 , 'I will muse upon thy precepts'; al. 
Hence in our passage the verb may mean 'think about it' (J5 P Qj5) 
or 'talk about it' (<£ u S^yelo-fc, A (j>8ey£ja<rdai, L e(£0e'y£ao-0e, *E 'loqui- 
mini,' % pyn^Dl), and the rendering 'review it' is adopted as appli- 
cable either to thought or speech, and therefore equally ambiguous. 

The Heb. leaves the object of the verb to be understood from the 
context, both here and in the corresponding expression in the parallel 
stichos ; but English idiom obliges us to supply it as ' it.' Obviously 
it is the recent deliverance, which is defined in v. u under the term 
'the righteous acts of Yahweh.' There is not the slightest ground 
for doubting the originality of the verb IV£>, as has been done by some 

recall it to mind. Lit. ' bring it back to {or upon) heart,' the heart 
being regarded by the Hebrews as the seat of the intellectual or 

reflective faculty. The same expression, with ?V 'upon,' as here, 

occurs in Isa. 46 s ; but is more frequent with ?N 'unto' :* cf. Deut. 
4 39 30 \ 1 Kgs. 8 47 , Isa. 44 19 , Lam. 3 21 . 

11. Hark . . . wells ! Reading 

d*3NK>o }»3 rripnyi? top 

As |^ stands, D^Vnft PIpE can only be explained upon the most 

improbable assumptions. The difficulty is twofold. In the first 
place, it seems impossible to assign a satisfactory sense to JD. The 

suggestions which have been put forward may be grouped as follows : 
}£ has been explained as denoting (1) Separation ; 'Away from or 

Far from ' (cf. for this usage, BDB. s.v. 1 b) ; (2) Substitution ; ' Instead 
of (as though for DiTID; this is an explanation which is of very 

doubtful justification, nnfi being commonly used in such a sense) ; 

(3) Comparison-, 'More than' (BDB. 6); (4) Origin; 'By reason 
of (BDB. 2 e) ; (5) Partition ; ' Something of (BDB. 3). 

Secondly, we have no clue to the meaning of D^nft which can 

only be conjectured.]; The rendering of A.V., R.V., 'archers,' is that 
which is adopted by Kimchi and Levi ben-Gershon, and by Luther, 

* The prepositions py and pfc$ are frequently used interchangeably after a 
verb of motion. Cf. cases cited in NHTK. p. 10. 

X Several of the modern explanations of the word were already debated by the 
mediaeval Jewish commentators. Cf. Tanchum, as cited by Ges. , Thes. p. 511. 

126 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. n. 

Ges., Justi, Ke., Ber., Oet., Cooke, etc. It appears to go back to the 
interpretation of £, f*Y!l '•svno 'those who shoot arrows,' which, 

though occurring in v. s (or as a gloss to v. 8 ; cf. note to Praetorius' 
edit.), is doubtless based upon our passage, and interprets D^VriD 
as a denominative from pn ' arrow.' Adopting this explanation, the 

rendering least open to objection is that of R.V., ' Far from the noise 
of the archers.' Justi renders somewhat similarly, ' Instead of the 
noise of the archers' ; and, in favour of this, Hollmann cites Gen. 
40, 22.23 — a passage which seems similarly to refer to the disturbance 
of pastoral peace by the attacks of hostile archers (there described 
as D^n vJJU lit. 'owners of arrows'). Hollmann rightly objects, 

however, to the use of }D in place of Jinn, 

Other interpretations of D^SVPID base themselves upon the root- 
sense of the verb pff"!, which is that of dividing. Among these, the 
most widely adopted is 'those who divide the spoil' (Schnurrer, 
Kohler, Hollmann, Hilliger, Stu., von Gumpach, Bach., Bickell, Kent). 
All that can be said in favour of this interpretation has been said by 
Hollmann, who compares the Ar. verb kassa, which means in Conj. in., 
'share a portion with some one else, give to some one else'; Conj. IV., 
' give (to some one else) one's portion ' ; and the substantive hissah, 
'portion.' As parallels for such a sense, Hollmann cites Isa. 9 3 , |^ 2 
('as men exult when they divide spoil' ; already cited by Ges.), Isa. 
33 23 - 24 , Ps. 68 ,2 , $? 13 ; and giving fft a comparative meaning, he ren- 
ders 'prae jubilo sortientium . . . ibidem canant laudes Dei.' An obvious 
objection (noted by Meier) is that the crucial word 77^ ' spoil ' has to 

T T 

be supplied by conjecture, and that the ordinary term for 'dividing' 
spoil (occurring with object ~>?W in all the passages cited by Hollmann, 

T T 

and also in v. 30 of the Song) is p?n. 

Some commentators, again (Menahem quoted by Rashi, Boettger, 
La.), have been attracted by the use of the verb in Prov. 30 27 — R.V. 
'The locusts have no king, yet go they forth all of them by bands' 
(fVTl lit. 'dividing [themselves] into companies or swarms,' BDB.). 

Thus D^Wno is thought to mean ' those who range themselves ' in 
battle-array, or 'divide' the army into companies. Whatever sense, 
however, is attached to p in this connexion, it remains an enigma 

why these military operations should be carried out at the places of 
drawing water. 

From this point of view, the explanation of Ros., 'those who divide 
(the flocks) at the watering places,' is more comprehensible. Vernes, 
who also adopts this explanation, paraphrases the verse, '"Chantez 
par-dessus la voix des distributeurs aux auges," c'est-a-dire : chantez 

5. ii.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 127 

de tous vos poumons, plus fort encore que ne orient ceux qui distri- 
buent et font ranger les troupeaux pres des auges ou ils vont s'abreuver 
a la tombee du jour.' Having thus expressed his idea of the meaning 
of the passage, Vernes refers to the rivalry existing between shepherds 
in watering their flocks, which leads to frequent disputes. But such 
a comparison of the singing of the praise of Yahweh with the angry 
shouts of rival shepherds is altogether grotesque. 

Herder thinks that D^VIID may have the sense, ' those who appor- 
tion,' sc. water to their flocks ; and having rendered irP&J> in the 
preceding verse ' denkt auf ein Lied,' he gives to }D a partitive sense, 
and makes the clause resumptive of IIVE? : — 'Ein Lied zum Gesange 
der Hirten die zwischen den Schopfebrunnen Wasser den Heerden 
theilen aus.' A similar connexion with IITE* (already suggested by 
€r B diTjyclo-de airb (fxovrjs k.t.X., ®r L etyOeyt-aade (fxovrjv k.t.X., & p , Ar. as 
noticed below) is sought by Meier, who quotes, as a parallel to such 
a partitive usage of }D, Ps. 137 3 , ' Sing us one of the songs (Ttyip) of 

Zion.' * Such an overrunning from the one distich to the other is, 
however, in the highest degree improbable : and, moreover, since 
the words, 'There they recount, etc.,' in stichos 2 cf v. n can only 
refer to what goes on at the places of drawing water, the gist of the 
passage (according to this interpretation) is that the classes of people 
mentioned in v. 10 are summoned to relate (UTt?) how another class 
of people are relating O^JV), etc. — a very awkward and unpoetical 

Lastly, as probably based on the idea of division inherent in the 
verb pfll, we may notice the rendering of (Gr, dvaKpovofievov, i.e., 
apparently, ' singers ' or ' players ' (cf. the use of the verb elsewhere 
in (5 : 2 Sam. 6 141G , 1 Chr. 25 3 - 5 , Ezek. 23 42 ) — an interpretation which 
suggests that p?n may have had the sense of marking the intervals of 
the musical scale : cf. the use of the Lat. dividere by Horace, Odes 
I. xv. 15, 'Imbelli cithara carmina divides'; and the 'septem dis- 
crimina vocum ' of Virgil, Aen. vi. 646, i.e. probably the seven notes 
of the scale. So also Shakespeare, /. Henry the Fourth, iii. 1 : 

' ditties highly penn'd, 
Sung by a fair queen in a summer's bower, 
. « With ravishing division, to her lute.' 

Romeo and Juliet, iii. 5 : 

' Some say the lark makes sweet division ; 
This doth not so, for she divideth us.' 

Ewald, who adopts the rendering ' singers ' upon the authority of 

* Meier does not, however, agree with Herder as to the meaning of D^WniD * 
but he revocalizes the form as D^VIID (a supposed derivative of }TID), and 
readers ' Feindezerschmettrer ' 1 


(5r, offers a very improbable explanation of the ground-sense of the 
verb, those who keep time or order, and hence rhythm ; quoting in 
support of his view fvn of Prov. 30 27 , which has already been noticed 

above : cf. HI. ii. p. 355 n 1 ; DAB. i. p. 180. 

The other Versions were evidently very puzzled by the stichos. 
F's rendering, 'ubi collisi sunt currus, et hostium suffocatus est exer- 

citus,' is obscure. <£ p (connecting with VVW) renders (Jib —SO QJ5 
]i g^V^n Ai .os j_,o ^05 ' Meditate upon the words of the 

researchers, who are among the learned ' ; and this appears in Ar. 
as ' Consider some of the words of those who investigate the books 
of the learned. 5 Here the idea of dividing which is proper to fVn 
appears to be understood as referring to investigation (as in Heb. 
Ipn) ; and 'the places of drawing water' seem to be metaphorically 

explained as the founts of knowledge. The paraphrase of % clearly 
understands the verse to mean that the scenes of former hostile 
outrages are now consecrated to the praises of Yahweh ; but the 
rendering is too vague and diffuse to admit of detailed elucidation.* 

This survey of the interpretation of the stichos may serve to show 
that every artifice has been employed by scholars, ancient and 
modern, to extract a suitable meaning from f^, and that the best sug- 
gestions possess only the slightest of claims to serious consideration. 
It is probable, therefore, that the text has suffered corruption. The 
emendation offered above is based upon the acute suggestion of 

Bu. (adopted by Marquart) D^pnVID Tip ' Hark ! the merry-makers.' 

Here the change in the verbal form is but slight ; and the rejection 

before Tip has the support of (3r A (fcOiyi-ao-de ((5r L €<j)dey{;ao-de) (fiotvfjv, 

i.e. apparently Pip 1fVE\ Tip, properly 'a sound of.-. . !' is then 
employed as in Gen. 4 10 , Isa. 13 4 , 40 3 - 6 , 52 s ; Jer. 4 15 , io 22 , 25 s6 , 50 28 ; 
Cant. 2 8 , 5 2 : cf. G-K. § 146 & * 

The reason why we have adopted the fern, form nipnVID* 'laughing 

maidens,' in preference to the masc, is because it appears more 
natural to find the girls of the village (has-so ,a dhSth„ 'the maidens 
who draw water ' ; cf. Gen. 24 1113 ) at the mafabbim, * places of 
drawing water,' than representatives of the male portion of the com- 
munity (unless it be supposed that the D^pfTCB are the shepherds, 

* It has not been deemed necessary to discuss the Rabbinic interpretation of 
D^VriD advocated by Schultens (as quoted by Ros., etc.), which, regarding 
the word as a denominative from Y^}, explains it as meaning ' those who cast 
lots with arrows ' ; nor the suggestion (also current in Rabbinic circles) which 
surmises a connexion with pffl 'gravel,' in the sense 'gravel-treaders.' 


watering their flocks). A fem. form is as likely as a masc, if it may 
be supposed that the plur. was written in abbreviated form 'pHV.O (cf. 
footnote §, p. 124) ; and the fact that the masc. plur. verbal form 13JV, 
'they recount,' follows in the next clause, does not militate against 
such a supposition, since there are many cases in which the 
masc. form of the 3rd plur. Imperfect is employed in preference to 
the fem. with reference to a fem. subject preceding (cf. the cases 
collected in G-K. § 145 u). Other suggested emendations need not 
be noticed. 

at the wells. Lit. ' between or among the places of drawing water.' 
The subs, mas'abbim is a anai; Xeyd/zei/oy, but there is no ground for 
doubting its genuineness ; since it is a regularly formed derivative from 
the verb sd'abh, ' draw water,' which is of frequent occurrence. For 
pa usually 'between,' in the more general sense 'among,' cf. Hos. 13 Vo , 

Ezek. 19 2 , 31 3 , Cant. 2 2 - 3 . 

they recount. The verb tinna, which occurs again in a similar 
sense in ch. n 40 ('to commemorate the daughter of Jephthah') is 
doubtless the same as the Syr. tanni, which corresponds to the Ar. 
tanna, ' celebrate ' ; the root-idea being ' do a second time.' The 
normal Heb. equivalent of the Syr. and Ar. should be sinnd ; and a 
Heb. sand (the Kal or simple stem-form) does occur several times, in 
the sense 'repeat,' as the regular equivalent of the Ar. and Aram, 
verb. The form tinna must therefore be regarded as a pronounced 
Aramaism ; but is not on that account necessarily to be condemned, 
since it is reasonable to suppose that the North Israelite dialect was 
to some extent tinged by Aramaic influence. Cf. further Additional 
note, p. 171. 

<& dao-ovo-iv, 3L 'dabunt,' i5 p ^CL^Aj, vocalize the form as Wfl^ 
which is adopted by Marquart ; but this is very improbable. U, ' ibi 
narrentur justitiae Domini,' takes the form as a passive, and makes 
"■ mpiV the subject. % "1 Kni3? bv |HV, supports M. 

the righteous acts of Yahweh. The acts by which Yahweh manifests 
His covenant-faithfulness — in this case by vindicating His people 
against the national foe. The meaning of the expression is best 
illustrated by its occurrence in 1 Sam. 12", with the description of 
Yahweh's dealings with Israel which follows, in substance corre- 
sponding with the pragmatism of R Ea . Cf. also the use of the same 
phrase in Mic. 6 5 . 

his arm. Reading iyht as suggested privately by Ball, in place 

of f^ WflB the difficulties of which have already been noticed under 

v. 7 note on 'Villages.' The phrase the arm of Yahweh, as descriptive 
of His might exhibited in the deliverance of His people, is familiar in 
the O.T. Cf. Ex. 15 16 , 'By the greatness of thine arm they [Israel's 


130 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 12. 13. 

foes] are as still as a stone' ; the characteristic phrase of Deut., 'with 
a mighty hand and with a stretched out arm'; Isa. 51 9 , 'Awake, 
awake, put on strength, O arm of Yahweh ' ; al. 

At the end of the verse ^ adds an additional stichos, 
iTirVDy Dnyt$6 VI V ?K 'Then down to the gates gat the people of 

t : - • t : - :it t 

Yahweh.' This clearly belongs to the description of the tribal muster, 
which commences with v. 13 ; and the similarity of the stichos to 
stichos a of that verse, which, as it stands, is obviously somewhat 
corrupt, proves it to be a marginal variation which has been subse- 
quently copied into the text. We observe similar variants of a single 
stichos in vv. 15b - l6b . 

12. For the notes on this verse, cf. pp. 120 f. 

13. Then down . . . heroes. Reading 

d^vtk mytib vrv m 

• • - • t : - : it t 

tfnteaa ii>-Tv mrv-Dy 

■ • • 

It is not clear what fH intends by the vocalization of the twice 
repeated TV, Jewish interpreters explain the form as apocopated 

Imperfect Pi'el of nT"l 'to have dominion' (from full form nil' 1 ) the 

Pi'el, which does not occur elsewhere in Heb., being employed cau- 
satively, ' cause to have dominion.' * That this was intended by ffil 
seems very probable, since we may thus explain the awkward and 
ungrammatical connexion of DJJ with CVTN, as due to the necessity 
of making niiT the subject of the verb in stichos £, just as He must 
have been assumed to be in stichos a : — 

'Then may He cause a remnant to have dominion over the 

nobles — the people ; 
* May Yahweh cause me to have dominion over the heroes.' 

Or possibly it may have been supposed that the apocopated form 
has the sense of a full Imperfect : 'Then He shall cause, etc' 

The awkwardness and improbability of this need not be laboured. 
It may suffice to remark that, since vv. 1415 describe the advance of 
the tribes in ordinary narrative -form, employing Perfect tenses, we 
naturally expect to find the same method adopted in the present 
passage. This is a consideration which sufficiently refutes the 
alternative explanation of TV as Imperative Kal of TV 'go down' 

* We should expect TV (apocopated Imperf. Hiph'il) in such a sense (cf. 
Isa. 41 2 ) — a form which is here adopted by von Gumpach. 


(in place of the normal Imperative T"l), as adopted, e.g. by Hollmann, 

who regards the verse as the words of Deborah prior to the battle : — 
'Tunc ego: "Descendite residui nobilium populi, Jehova descende 
mihi cum heroibus."' A further difficulty is found in the use of the 
word THE> 'remnant,' a term ordinarily applied to a survivor (or 

• T 

survivors) after a defeat in battle ; but here, it must be supposed, 
employed to denote Israel's exiguous forces, implicitly contrasted 
with what they might have been but for the long-continued aggres- 
sions of the Cana'anites. ■ 

It need not be doubted that the true text of the verse is indicated 
by v. Uc , which we have already noted as a marginal variation to v. 15 . 
This variation appears, in fact, to represent the combination of two 
originally separate marginal notes ; viz. D'Hi^? 1TV TN as a variant 

•t : - : it t 

of T"li? TV TN and nirT» Dtf 'the people of Yahweh,' a variant of 

• t - : t ' 

the separated ni!V DJJ which is found in 20 MSS. of £H. <£ B , though 


agreeing with fH in reading TT0> supports the vocalization of TV as 

a Perfect, and the view that DJJ goes with TW7Y 1 and forms the subject 
of stichos b ; and further reads V {i.e. the ' ethical ' dative, referring 
to the subject of the verb — cf. BDB. s. ?. 6h — rather than 'for Him, 
i.e. Yahweh) in place of *»7 in stichos b — a correction which is 
obviously to be adopted : — 

tot( Kareftr) tcaTaXrjixfxa rolls to^vpoiff* 
\aos Kvpiov Karefij] airy iv rois Kparaiois. 

The restoration of the verse as given above is, as regards stichos b, 
generally adopted by moderns, and is scarcely open to doubt. 
Stichos a may perhaps be held to be open to criticism as regards 
the sense which it yields. Since the verb V7"l * ' went down,' as 

: it 

employed in 7/. 14 , refers to Israel's downward onset from mount 
Tabor (cf. ch. 4 14b ), the meaning must be the same in the present 
passage ; and ' to the gates ' can therefore only refer to the gates of 
the foe — it was down to the very gates of such Cana'anite cities 
as Ta'anach and Megiddo (cf. v. 19 ) that the Israelites advanced in 
their first spirited onslaught. If this interpretation be held to 
be improbable, it is difficult to see how the text can otherwise be 

Other conjectural emendations of stichos a have been made. Thus 
Mo. (followed by Bu., No., Gress.) thinks that ? THK> represents an 
original ^tOK^ and, supplying 3 before D'HHK, he obtains the sense, 

'Then Israel went down like the noble.' Kit., in BH., offers the 

132 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 14. 

suggestion Dm'"6 Tlfe> TV TK ' Then let a remnant dominate those 
...... . T .... T 

who dominated them.' 

14. From Ephraim . . . vale. Reading 

p»W «DP» D^BK "»3» 

v •• t : it • -:•.• 

f£?, as it stands, is incredibly concise. The literal rendering is c From 
Ephraim their root in 'Amalek' ; which is explained, by inferring the 
necessary verb from v. 13 , ' From Ephraim came down those whose 
root is in 'Amalek.' The explanation of ' their root in 'Amalek ' is also 
a grave stumbling-block. The Bedawi people called 'Amalek in the 
O.T. appear elsewhere as inhabiting the desert-region south of the 
Negeb (cf. note on ch. 3 13 ) ; and it is to this region that Saul marches 
in order to carry out his commission to destroy 'Amalek, as recorded 
in 1 Sam. 15. In the present passage we seem to be told that the 
* root ' of the tribe of Ephraim (or a portion of it), which inhabited 
central Palestine, was ' in 'Amalek, 5 i.e. we must infer that they dwelt 
in the midst of the 'Amalekites. Yet elsewhere, in enumerations of 
the foreign races inhabiting Canaan, we find no allusion to the 
'Amalekites ; though, in view of the bitter hostility which existed 
between Israel and them (cf. Ex. 17 1516 E ; 1 Sam. 15 2 - 3 ), it is scarcely 
possible that they should have been unmentioned if they had inhabited 
Cana'an in any considerable numbers. It is true that they are pictured 
in ch. 6 3 - 33 , 7 12 as invading the land together with the Midianites and 
' children of the East ' ; but here they appear in their normal char- 
acter as roving nomads, making periodical forays at the time when 
the Israelites' crops were ready for reaping, and bringing their camels 
and tents with them, as Bedawi tribes would naturally do. The only 
passage which can be adduced as possibly supporting the allusion to 
'Amalek in our passage, is the reference in ch. 12 15 to Pir'athon 
(probably the modern Far'ata) as situated 'in the land of Ephraim, 
in the hill of the 'Amalekite.' How this locality obtained its name is 
unknown to us. It may have been so named as the scene of an 
encounter with Amalekite clans which had entered Cana an upon 
such a foray as is described in the story of Gide'on. But even on the 
supposition that it was so named as the settled abode of 'Amalekites, 
the very nature of the reference compels us to regard it as a very 
limited district in comparison with the whole territory occupied by 
Ephraim ; and though, upon this view, it might be possible to speak 
of 'Amalek as having his root in Ephraim, the converse statement, as 
we find it in p?, seems to be out of the question. 

In face of this difficulty, we may obtain help from (£ AL , e., which, 
in place of ptaya DKHB* 'their root in 'Amalek,' read irip-wp^aaro 

(<& L enacoprjo-avTo) avrovs iv KOiXddi. i.e. pW-1 DKHS? enacoprja-aTO 
s ' ' v •• t - t : !•• ' 

5. 14] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 133 

avrovs being doubtless a somewhat free rendering of the verbal form 
* rooted them out,'* which is rendered more literally by <& B ii-epifao-ev 
avrovs. Here pW2 ' m tne vale,' affords excellent sense (cf. v. xb )\ 

V •• T 

and though we can scarcely accept DKH£J it can hardly be doubted 

t :i--> 

that the translator is right in assuming that a verbal form is here 
needed.! DKHtt' may easily have arisen as a corruption of ^DD'D 

: it 

1 they spread out or deployed,' the verb which is actually used of the 
skirmishing advance of the Israelite tribes upon this occasion in 
ch. 4 6 (cf. note). Winckler (followed by Marquart, Bu., No., Kit., 
Zapletal) proposes YM? 'they travelled or passed along,' from the 

root "flfcjf, which is well known in Assyr. as sdru and in Ar. as sdra, 
but only occurs once in Heb., viz. Isa. 57 9 , and there very doubtfully.§ 

La.'s suggestion D^vtP 'captains' — 'From Ephraim (there were) 

captains in the vale ' — is opposed by the facts that it fails to supply 

the desiderated verb ; and that &Vr?W, so far as can be judged by 
the occurrences of the term, appear to have been a class of officers 
connected with chariots (cf. NHTK. p. 139), of which the Israelites 
possessed none at this period. 

''After thee, Benjamin!'* The words p£\32 ^p"ir"IK are viewed with 

suspicion by many recent commentators ; but, as it seems, without 
just cause. They occur again in Hos. 5 8 , where the prophet is 
describing the hasty preparations for battle, in face of the Assyrian 
invasion : — 

* Blow the horn in Gibe' ah, 
The trumpet in Ramah ; 
Raise the battle-cry, Beth-aven, 
" After thee, Benjamin ! " ' 

Here the sense which we attach to the verb wnn 'Raise the 


battle-cry,' is that which it possesses in Josh. 6 6 - 10 - 16 - 20 , 1 Sam. 1720^ 
Isa. 42 13 , 2 Chr. 13 15 ; cf. Judg. 15 14 ; and the natural inference is 
that the words ' After thee, Benjamin ! ' which immediately follow, 
represent the old Benjaminite battle-cry; both in Hosea', and also, 

* It can scarcely represent D?3K> {sic for D^3&?), as La. supposes. 

% D£Ht? is similarly treated as a verbal form by U, ' delevit eos in Amalec'; 
and apparently by the paraphrase of £, ' From the house of Ephraim arose 
Joshua' the son of Nun at the first— he made war with the house of 'Amalek ; 
after him arose king Saul of the house of Benjamin—he destroyed the house 
of 'Amalek.' 

§ Cheyne, Marti, Box emend s ^pP\) ' And thou didst anoint thyself to 
(the god) Melek with oil,' in place of nefrll ' And thou didst journey, 

134 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 14. 

by inference, in the Song of Deborah. So G. A. Smith, The Twelve 
Prophets, on Hos. 5 8 . If this be so, the meaning may be, 'Benjamin 
(the tribe) takes the lead; let others follow !' or, 'After thee, Benjamin 
(the eponymous ancestor), we (the tribesmen) follow!' For ^nx 

'after' used of following a leader in battle, cf. ch. 4 14 , 1 Sam. n 7 . 
As the battle-cry stands in the Song, the precise sense may be 
'(The cry) "After thee, Benjamin!" (was) among thy clansmen'; 
or, • Those from Ephraim spread themselves in the vale " after thee, 
Benjamin,"' i.e. the Benjaminites headed the Ephraimites, as their 
war-cry would have them do. 

Many scholars (Hollmann, Kohler, Justi, Ros., Stu., Kit, Ber.) 
explain "1 -pinx 'After thee (Ephraim) came Benjamin'; but, apart 
from the improbability that the same expression should occur here 
and in Hosea' in different senses, it is unlikely that the poet should 
address the tribe mentioned in the previous stichos (and there 
alluded to in the 3rd pers.), and not the tribe with which the present 
stichos deals. 

In place of ^"intf ffi AL al - offer the reading a8e\<poi> <rov (connected 

with KotXaSi in the preceding line), i.e. ^pritf ' Thy brother, Benjamin, 

among thy (Ephraim's) clansmen.' This is adopted by Bu., No., 
La., Kent, Cooke (Comm.), but is in no way preferable to f^.* 

thy clansmen. ^pDEy. The plur. form regularly denotes ' kinsmen ' ; 
as e.g. in the phrase 'he was gathered to his kinsmen' (VEW), 
Gen. 25 8 , al. Upon the view that TpDDJJ (for *pBjA is a mark of 
Aram, influence, cf. Additional note, pp. 171 ff. 

Machir. Mentioned in Josh. 17 lb - 2 R p as the first-born son of 
Manasseh, and in Num. 26 20 P as the only son — a description 
which implies that Machir was the predominant clan of the tribe of 
Manasseh. Both passages associate Machir with the land of Gile'ad 

east of Jordan ; in Josh, he is 'the father of Gile'ad' pS^-in i.e. clearly 

the district, and not a person), and is termed ' a man of war,' possess- 
ing 'the Gile'ad and the Bashan'; in Num. the fact that Machir 
inhabited this region is expressed by the statement that he 'begat 
Gile'ad.' In the same passage of Num. (vv. 20 "-) six grandsons (sons 
of Gile'ad) are assigned to Machir, of whom at any rate Shechem % 
and I'ezer, i.e. Abi'ezer (cf. Josh. 17 2 R p ) pertained to the territory of 
the western division of Manasseh. In Josh. I7 lb2 we find that the 

* Bu. supposes that "p/ltf came to be altered into "pIPIX owing to the 

influence of Hos. 5 8 . Winckler and Marquart reject '3 ^"iriK altogether 

(as a gloss from Hos.), much to the detriment of the poetry. 

± Vocalized D3K> whereas the city is always DDK> ; but the identity of the 
v v ' v : 

two cannot be doubted. 


six grandsons of Machir, according to P in Num., are set down as 
his younger brothers. 

Supposing that this late evidence were all the information which 
we possessed with regard to Machir, we should naturally infer that 
this predominant section of Manasseh settled first in Gile'ad, and that 
it was only subsequently that some of its clans made their way into 
central Cana'an west of Jordan. If, however, the reconstruction of 
the original J narrative of the tribal settlement in Canaan, which we 
have adopted from Bu., is substantially correct, and Num. 32 39 - 41 - 42 
forms the sequel of Josh. 17 16ff -, which certainly belongs to this 
narrative ; then Manasseh first of all effected a settlement in the hill- 
country west of Jordan, and it was only subsequently to this that 
the clan of Machir, together with Ja'ir and Nobah, finding their 
west Jordanic territory too exiguous, pushed their way to the 
east of Jordan and made settlements there (cf. Additional note, 
pp. 49 ff.). 

In our passage in the Song, it can hardly be doubted that Machir 
refers to west Manasseh. If this is not the case, there is no other 
allusion to this part of Manasseh ; and supposing that a tribe so 
intimately associated with the scene of battle had refused its aid, it 
would certainly have been bitterly censured in the Song. On the 
other hand, Gile'ad east of Jordan is mentioned, independently of 
Machir, and is censured for holding aloof {v. 17 ) ; the reference pro- 
bably being to the tribe of Gad, which inhabited the southern portion 
of Gile'ad. We seem therefore to have choice of two hypotheses : 
either the term 'Machir' is used in the Song, by poetic licence, of 
Manasseh as a whole, and here refers to west Manasseh to the 
exclusion of Machir in Gile'ad ; or, the Manassite settlements at this 
period were west of Jordan only; and the migration of Manassite 
clans (Machir, Ja'ir, Nobah) to the east of Jordan, which the J 
document already referred to supposes to have been carried out 
under the direction of Joshua', really only took place later than the 
victory of Deborah. This latter hypothesis seems to be preferable; 
since we have already noticed (p. 45) that the J document, as we 
know it, adopts the view that the whole tribal settlement of the 
Israelites took place under the direction of Joshua. 

Ultimately Machir was closely, and probably exclusively, associated 
with the east of Jordan. According to the genealogy of 1 Chr. 7 l416 ,* 
Machir is the son of Manasseh by an Aramaean concubine ; and 
Machir's son Gile'ad takes a wife named Ma'acah, i.e. the Aramaean 
clan of the Ma'acathites, which, together with the Geshurites, the 
children of Israel were unable to expel from Gile'ad (Josh. 13 13 J). 
This means, without a doubt, that ultimately the Machir-section of 
Manasseh became closely fused by intermarriage with the Aramaeans 

* The text of this passage, as it stands in ??, is somewhat confused and corrupt; 
but the solution is fairly transparent : cf. Curtis, ICC. ad. loc. 

136 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 15. 

who remained dwelling in the territory east of Jordan ; cf. the way in 
which the genealogy of 1 Chr. 2 includes North Arabian clans, such 
as Jerahme'el, among the descendants of Judah. 

the commanders. Heb. 7n e hok e kim, as in v. 9 (note). 

men wielding. The Heb. verb mo&kkim is here satisfactorily 
explained from Ar. masaka, 'to grasp and hold,' which is in like 
manner construed with the prep. 3, cf. Ges., Thes. s.v. 2. The ex- 
planation favoured by Mo., La., Smith, * drawing the truncheon' 
(cf. for constr. with 2, 1 Kgs. 22 34 , r\V\>2 ^D B^KI 'and a man drew 
a bow') is hardly so natural; and still less so the interpretation 
of Ges. (doubtfully), Cooke, No., Kit., ' marching along with the 
truncheon,' in supposed accordance with the use of masak noticed 
under ch. 4 6 . 

the truncheon. Vocalizing t33t?3 and omitting ngjb. Heb. sebhet 

here denotes the wand of office — a term which, in two other poetical 
passages (Gen. 49 10 , Num. 21 18 ), has for its parallel m e hokek (the 
word which, in the plur., is rendered 'commanders' in the parallel 
stichos), in the sense commander's staff. 

After sebhet % adds sdpher — ' the truncheon of the muster-master'* 
(lit. enumerator) — an addition which is correct as regards sense, but 
spoils the rhythm by the introduction of one beat too many ; and 
must therefore be regarded as a gloss. 

15. And thy princes, Issachar. Reading '&* ^"ib^ : cf. H ' Princi- 
pals tui, Issachar.' Such a direct address to the tribe imparts 
vigour and life to the description of the muster ; cf. vv. 14a /3. 16a . ffl. 
'B^>3 i*W) ' And my princes in Issachar,' is an awkward expression, 

: - t : 

and can scarcely be original. The force of ' my princes ' is obscure ; 
since it is unlikely that the poet, who elsewhere sinks his individuality, 
intends thus to identify himself specially with the tribe of Issachar. 
Ew., Ros., in defence of fH, treat Deborah as speaking ; but in this 
case the words 'with Deborah' which follow are superfluous ; since 
it is impossible that the prophetess should, in one breath, allude to 
herself both in the first and third persons. Ges. and Hollmann 
follow Kimchi in taking "HK> as a poetical plur. form for the ordinary 

- T 

D V "IK> • but the existence of such forms is more than doubtful, the 

• T 5 

cases cited being otherwise explicable (cf. G-K. § 87 g). <5r B , kcu 
dpxriyol iv Icraaxap, seems to presuppose the vocalization 'W2 v ")b , 1 ) 

a variant which is found in some Heb. MSS. teste Ginsburg. Such a 
use of the Construct State before the prep. 1 may be illustrated by 
JJ3^2Q *in 'Ye mountains in Gilboa,' 2 Sam, 1 21 ; VVpS nriDC? 'joy 

in harvest,' Isa. 9 2 : cf. G-K. § 130 a. This reading, which is 
favoured by Rabbi Tanchum, has been adopted by the majority of 

5. is.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 137 

moderns (Schnurrer, Justi, Stu., Ber., Miiller, Cooke, Oet., No., La., 
Kit., etc.). 

U 'duces Issachar,' & p ;nm .]? l-L£»o5, £ "OW WTft seem 
to have read 'W nfe^ simply, and this is adopted by Michaelis and 

••t : 

Mo. ; but it is hardly likely that so simple and obvious a reading 
should, if genuine, have suffered the alteration which we find in fH. 
Bu. connects 'W2 '"IKH with 1DD from the preceding stichos ; and 
thus obtains the reading '^2 v "lK> TiDD, ' Count the princes of 

Issachar' (sc. if you can !). This emendation (followed by Marquart) 
of course necessitates the taking of the words H131 DJJ into the next 
stichos (see note following). Such an emphasis upon the innumer- 
able princes or leaders of Issachar (not to speak of their followers) is 
scarcely, however, in accord with the poet's moderate assessment of 
the whole fighting force of Israel in v. s . Winckler's emendation of 
>m \W\ into y\&) 'and they journey' is altogether improbable; cf. note 

t : 

on the supposed occurrence of this verb in v. 14 , ' From Ephraim . . . 

with Deborah. Bu. reads DV in place of DJJ of |H — ' the people 

{i.e. clansmen) of Deborah,' comparing the use of OV in v. l8a - So 

and Nafthtali was leal to Barak. Reading p"D? J3 vflB31. 

1 TTJ " "T !"! 

Naphtali is here conjecturally restored in place of Issachar. That 
Naphtali, 'le nom le plus essentiel de cette histoire' (Reuss : cf. v. x% \ 
should be altogether unmentioned in the strophe which describes the 
heroic response of the patriotic tribes, appears highly improbable ; 
and it is equally unlikely that the poet should have been guilty of the 
prosaic inelegancy which is occasioned by the repeated mention of 
Issachar in the parallel stichoi. If the statement of the prose- 
narrative that Barak belonged to Kedesh of Naphtali is part of the 
original story, and not due merely to the combination of the Jabin- 
tradition (cf. p. 82), the mention of Naphtali in connexion with Barak: 
is what we should expect. The substitution of Naphtali for Issachar 
is also favoured by Stu., A. Miiller, Mo. (SBOT), D. H. Miiller, No., 
Driver, Kent, Cooke (Comrn.), Gress. 

}3 in the sense 'steadfast,' and so 'reliable' or 'honest,' is found 
several times in Heb. : cf. especially Gen. 42^ wne re Joseph's 
brethren say «n3K D^3 'we be honest' ; Prov. 15 7 , 'The heart of 

a fool is not reliable' (fp-*6 : || 'The lips of the wise disperse 

knowledge'); and the expression \2~vh 1K>'« Dnni 'things which 

were not right,' 2 Kgs. 17 9 . The adj. kenu is also very frequent in 
Assyr. in the sense 'reliable' or 'faithful,' and in Syr. kin has the 



138 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 15. 

meaning 'steadfast,' 'just.' On this interpretation of }3 we obtain, 

with no more serious alteration of the text than the addition of / 
before p"G, the sense 'leal to Barak' as an excellent parallel to 'with 
Deborah ' in stichos a. 
The view that p is the substantive which elsewhere in the O.T. 

has the meaning ' base ' or ' pedestal,' here used metaphorically in the 
sense 'support' or 'reliance,' is as old as the Jewish commentators * ; 
and has been adopted by many of the earlier modern commentators 
(Kohler, Herder, Hollmann, Justi, Stu., etc.). Schnurrer likewise 
regards p as a substantive ; but connects it with the Ar. verb 

kanna, 'to cover or protect' (cf. Heb. gdnan), and so explains in the 
sense 'bodyguard' or 'escort.' This root, however, is not otherwise 
known in Heb. (Ps. 80 16 is scarcely an instance). 

The explanation of p as the adverb * so ' or ' thus ' appears to be 

impossible, as iftfll now stands. R.V. renders 'As was Issachar, so 
was Barak'; but this meaning cannot be extracted from the Heb. 
without the addition of 3 before 13 1^' 1 ; and even so it is, as Mo. 

remarks, 'difficult to imagine a worse anticlimax.' Scarcely less 
feeble is the sense which is gained by No. through the insertion of 
Dy before p"i3 : ' and Naphtali was similarly with Barak.' fflr B omits 

"13B^1 ; and connecting P*Q p with the following stichos, offers 
the rendering ovtcos Bapa< iv noikacriv a7re<rreiAfi> ev ttoctXv civtov. 
Following this suggestion, von Gumpach, Gra., Grimme combine 
the stichoi and read V^"I3 rrW PM* P">3 P. Since, however, it 

t : - ; - •., v •• t t t ' •• 

is difficult to believe that V?J"Q has here any other meaning than 'at 
his heel ' (cf. 4 10 note), we may in this consideration find evidence for 
the view that the expression refers back to the mention of Barak in 
the preceding stichos, as in ifH. 

<Et L , & h , omitting all traces of stichos 6, represent stichos c by 

e£a7r€'o-reiXe Tre^ovs avrov eis ttjv KoiAaSa, i.e. VP2H T\^ pEV3, On 

the supposition that this is original, the active verb and the suffix of 
the object demand a subject, which might be found in pin p of JH 

(so La., but reading TTslS). Or it is conceivable that the letters 

T T 

P"l333 might conceal an original *hv\?ti\ • and stichos b would then 
run, 'And Naphtali despatched his footmen to the vale.' Such a 

* Cf. the statement of R. Tanchum {apud Schnurrer) ; ' Some think that p 
signifies those upon whom Barak relied, and whom he had as his followers; 
from that meaning of the word p which is found in Ex. 30 18 13D1 ^1*3' 
[' a laver and its base ']. 

5. is-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 139 

stichos, however, does not offer so good a parallel to stichos a as 
that which we have adopted with but little alteration of $? ; and 
we may reasonably doubt a reconstruction which involves the 
annihilation of the single stichos at the close of the strophe which 
appears elsewhere to be characteristic of the poem (cf. p. 102). 

he was loosed. The subject of the verb is the tribe mentioned in 
the preceding stichos, which we have assumed to be Naphtali, 
Barak's own contingent. The verb n?&JJ (used similarly in the 

active, of releasing a bird, Gen. 8 7 - 8 , Deut. 22 7 , or beast, Ex. 22 4 , 
Lev. 16 22 ; or pent up waters, Job 12 15 ) vividly describes the sudden 
onrush of the tribe at the moment when Barak's word of command 
unleashed it, as it were, from restraint. 

at his heel. Lit. ' at his feet ' : cf. 4 10 note. 

Utterly reft into factions, etc. Reading 

• • • • 

• •• ' • • • • 

|^ offers an isolated four-beat stichos, which may be rendered 
' In the clans (or districts) of Re'uben great were the resolves of 
heart.' As this stands, Heb. p e laggoth, lit. ' sections,' may be com- 
pared with the use oi P'luggoth in 2 Chr. 35 5 of the 'divisions' of the 
priestly families for the purpose of Temple-service. So & renders 
IVJTlD 'in the family.' The cognate Bab. fiulug[g]u and pulukku 
denote a ' division ' or ' district ' of a country ; Phoenician 3PQ id. 
This seems to be the meaning intended by (5r B in v. 16 els ras jxtpldas 
(v. 16 els SiaipeVeir, 'A. id., (& L V. 15 iv tchs diaipecreaiv are ambiguous), i£ P 

IZo-. , \ °\ \ Ar. <U*u« ^. R.V.'s rendering of p e laggoth by 

* water-courses ' depends on the use of the term in Job. 20 17 , and the 
meaning of the cognate p^laghhn, 'canals' (lit. 'cuttings'), which is 
found in Isa. 30 25 , Ps. 1 3 , al. This meaning, however, is not so likely 
in the present connexion as that given above. >ppr\ (which occurs 

again in this uncontracted form in Isa. io 1 ; cf. T!?EW f° r T^V V - U )> 
from an assumed sing, pn (Ar. hakk) = the normal pn ' statute,' ;'.*. 

'action prescribed,' must here be taken to mean actions prescribed for 
oneself i.e. resolves (so BDB.). Such a usage of the term is, however, 
unparalleled elsewhere. The stichos recurs in t/. 16c , where it is 
clearly a marginal note offering two variations, which has crept into 
the text. One of these variations is 'npn ' searchings ' or ' question- 
ings,' in place of '•ppn • and this is probably correct, and has been 

140 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 15. 

adopted above. ' Searchings of heart ' must be taken to mean, not 
(as we might use the phrase) anxious self-questionings, but the 
ascertaining of the views of others, or, as we should express it, inter- 
changes of opinion. The trait of indecision and ineffectually is noted 

as characteristic of Re'uben in Gen. 49 4a . The other variation fi1!l7Q7 
appears, as the text stands, to be less natural than nWED, though it 
is possible to explain 7 in the sense 'at' ; cf. D^D"* ^in?, 'at the shore 
of the seas,' in v. 17ba . 

It may be regarded as certain that this single stichos cannot origin- 
ally have stood by itself without a parallel, at the commencement of 
the strophe which deals with the tribes which failed to respond to the 
summons to arms : and if it was composed, as we now find it, as a 
four-beat stichos, we must suppose that a similar corresponding 
stichos, which originally preceded it, has wholly disappeared from 
the poem. The possibility that the stichos represents the remains of 
two parallel stichoi cannot, however, be overlooked : and since the 
characteristic rhythm of the other couplets of the strophe is clearly 
4 + 3 beats, it may be inferred that this measure was also employed 

in the opening couplet. 27 "Hpn (or 37 s ppn) forms a single beat ; 

but, if we add a suffix to 27, we obtain two beats — hikre libbo, lit. 
the searchings of his heart,' i.e. 'his searchings of heart.' Thus it is 

reasonable to suppose that 127 "Hpn OvHH may represent the three- 
beat stichos b ; and, if this is so, we have the last two beats of stichos 

a in plfcO nU7S7. Now, 'Great were his questionings of heart' 
suggests, as a parallel, divisions of counsel in regard to the summons 
to arms on the part of the clansmen of Re'uben ; and this is just the 

sense which may properly be attached to niJ7D7 ' into divisions] i.e. 
into divergent opinions, or into parties giving opposed counsels, or, 
as we should say, factions (so V renders ' diviso contra se Ruben ') : 
cf. Syr. pulaga 'division,' which may mean hesitation, and also 

What is desiderated, therefore, to supply the first part of the 
stichos is some verb meaning was divided or was rent asunder ; and 
this may very likely have been TlSJ which may well have been 

emphasized by a preceding Infinitive Absolute YiDJ. The emphatic 
T1Q3 I'lM supplies a suitable parallel to Dvi*13 in stichos b ; both 
statements laying stress upon the extent of Re'uben's fruitless discus- 
sions and differences of opinion. The use of the prep. 7 ' into ' after 
a verb expressing division can be abundantly illustrated (cf. 7 nvn 

'divide into,' Gen. 32 s ; 7 nm 'cut up into,' Judg. 19 29 ; 7 JHiJ 
'rend into,' 2 Kgs. 2 12 ; 7 H3H 'smite into,' Isa. u 15 ). rM7Q7 may 
therefore be regarded as the more original reading ; and JT07D3 may 

5. 16.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 141 

De thought to be a correction — as more naturally expressing the sense 
' in ' or ' among,' which seems to be required by $%. 

16. the folds. Heb. misp e thdyim. The meaning assigned to the 
word is purely conjectural. It suits the context here (cf. the stichos 
following), and in the one other occurrence, Gen. 49 14 , where the 
tribe of Issachar is compared to 'an ass of strength (lit. bone) lying 
down amid the misp a thdyim. And he saw rest that it was good, and 
the land that it was pleasant, etc' In Ps. 68 14 (apparently based 
upon our passage) a cognate term is used : — ' Will ye lie (or When ye 
lie) among the s e phattdyim ? ' Both forms are duals, and may refer 
to some kind of double pen, with an inner and outer enclosure : 
Roediger in Ges., Thes. 147 1, compares G e dherothdyim, used as a 
proper name in Josh. 15 30 , and meaning 'two fences,' or 'double 
fence.' G e dheroth is a term employed of sheep-folds (cf. Num. 32 16 - 36 , 
1 Sam. 24 4 , al.) constructed for permanent use out of solid material 
(cf. Num. 32 16 , ' We will build sheep-folds ') ; and it is possible, as 
Roediger suggests, that misfi^thdyim may have been the name applied 
to temporary folds made of hurdles. This explanation of the term, 
which is as old as David Kimchi, is adopted by the majority of 

The rival interpretation is ' ash-heaps,' such as are found in close 
proximity to modern Palestinian villages. This is based on the fact 
that there is a subs, 'aspoth, meaning 'ash-heap,' or 'refuse-heap,' 
occurring in 1 Sam. 2 8 , Ps. 113 7 , Lam. 4 5 , al., which is supposed to 
be cognate. The advocates of this interpretation do not seem, how- 
ever, to have explained the connexion of the village ash-heap with 
pastoral amenity and the tending of flocks ; nor the use of the dual, 
which appears, upon this view, to be quite anomalous. Were there, 
regularly, two ash-heaps to each village or encampment ? 

The Versions were puzzled by misp e thayim, and seem to have 
guessed at its meaning. (K B rrjs diyo/iiay ; (£ L transliterates twv 
aoa-cpadaifi ( A /ioo-</)ai0a/x) ; 'A. tuv icXrjpoiv (so (3r in Gen. 49 14 , Ps. 68 14 ; 
F in the latter passage ' inter medios cleros ') ; 2. tQv /ierai^iW ; 

V 'inter duos terminos'; & p jlvnt Ai * q 'between the foot- 
paths' (so in Gen.) ; Ar. j)A\ ^ id.; E ptMHTl p 'between the 
boundaries' (similarly in Gen.). 

the pastoral pipings. Heb. s e rikoth 'adharim, lit. ' the hissings or 
whistlings of (i.e. for) the flocks.' In Latin sibila, 'hissings' or 
' whistlings ' is used similarly of piping to flocks upon a mouth-organ 
of reeds : so Ovid, Met. xiii. 784/ ; 

* Sumptaque arundinibus compacta est fistula centum ; 
Senserunt toti pastoria sibila montes.' 

Cf. also ' sibila cannae,' Statius, Thebais vi. 338. The Latin term is 


also employed by Columella, De Re Rust., ii. cap. 3, of whistling to 
oxen to induce them to drink more freely after work: — 'Quern 
[cibum] cum absumpserint, ad aquam duci oportet, sibiloque allectari, 
quo libentius bibant.' Cf. the way in which whistling or music will 
cause cows which are difficult milkers to yield their milk more freely 
(a fact noted e.g. by Hardy, Tess of the U Urbervilles, ch. 17). 

These parallels suggest that Heb. Prikoth here refers to playing to 
flocks upon a mouth-organ or pipe — probably the 'ughdbh, which is 
explained by & 'abbubhd, U ' organon,' as a reed-pipe — the purpose 
being to conduce, in one way or another, to their physical well-being 
by the charm of the shrill music i^ughabh probably gains its name 
from its sensuous effect : cf. the meaning of the root in Heb. and Ar.). 
Thus the indolent Re'ubenite is pictured as charmed into inaction by 
the music of the shepherd's pipe. 

The Heb. root does not occur elsewhere in connexion with flocks ; 
but the verb sarak is used in Isa. 5 26 , 7 18 , Zech. 10 8 , of the employ- 
ment of hissing or whistling, as a signal. Hence some have thought 
that the reference in our passage is to whistling {not piping) in order 
to call the flocks together. But why should the sound of such 
shepherd's calls be represented as keeping Re'uben at home ? 

Heb. s e rikoth bears striking resemblance to the Greek o-0pry£, which 
has been supposed by Lagarde and Lewy (cf. references in BDB.) 
to be derived from the same Semitic root srk ; but it is more likely 
that both words are independently onomatopoetic from the sound 
which they describe. Cf. the English word shriek. 

17. Gili ad. The reference appears to be to the tribe of Gad, and 
not to East Manasseh (cf. note on ' Machir,' v. u ). The history of 
Jephthah (io 17 -i2 7 ) shows us Gile'adites, who presumably were 
Gadites, inhabiting the southern portion of Gile' ad, in proximity to 
the land of 'Ammon. On the use of the term 'Gile ad,' cf. ch. 10 17 
note. Gad is read in place of Gile' ad by & p , Arm., Goth., and a few 
codd. of (5r ; while Ar. interprets Gile ad as referring to Re'uben. 

And Dan abideth by the ships. Omitting nizh before the verb with 

"^ T T 

two Heb. MSS., U, &, Ar., and with 5 P as it now stands.* % which 
has the support of d&, offers a fine and vigorous line with its rhetorical 
query, 'And Dan — wherefore abideth he by the ships?' But else- 
where throughout the strophe the scheme of rhythm in the couplets 
appears to be 4 + 3 beats ; and, if we adopt the reading of %, we 
have here, exceptionally, a stichos b containing four beats instead of 
three, which is improbable. 

* &p reads ]i * ^ <*n 5 j . |j|V)\\ ^0 ' And Da# to the harbour 

draws ships ' ; but the resemblance of p|Vl ^ ' to the harbour ' to P- V)\ 
'wherefore?' suggests that this latter may have been the original reading, and 
that the alteration may have been induced by the context. 

5. i8.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 143 

The reference to Dan in connexion with ships may be taken tc 
indicate that clans of this tribe had already made their migration to 
the extreme north of Cana'an, as related in ch. 18, Josh. 19 47 J ; since, 
if the tribe was still dwelling only in the south, it is difficult to under- 
stand how they can have become seafarers (cf. note on ch. 1 34 ), 
Even the supposition that the Danites carried on trading by sea from 
their northern home (though supported, as Mo. notes, by the follow- 
ing couplet with regard to Asher) is not without its difficulties ; since 
ch. 18 7 - 28 , informs us that Laish, which they conquered, was isolated, 
not merely from Aram on the east, but from Sidon on the west ; 
though it is true that 18 7 at the same time compares the habit of life 
of the people of Laish with that of the Sidonians. It is reasonable, 
however, to suppose that the Danites, living on friendly terms with 
the Phoenicians, may shortly after their settlement have entered 
into close relationship with them, and taken service on board theii 
ships (so Stu.). It was probably the protection extended by the 
Phoenicians to the tribes of Asher and Dan (in return, we may infer, 
for service rendered) which made these tribes unconcerned to throw 
in their lot with the central Israelite tribes, and respond to the 
summons to battle. Bu., who formerly (RS. p. 16) proposed to emend 
ni s JK 'ships' into VflifcO 'his pastures,' now (Comm.) adopts the 

• t: t : 

view which we have advocated, and retains the reading of p?. 

Asher sat still, etc. Cf. note on ch. 1 32 , ' the Asherites dwelt, etc.' 
his creeks. Heb. mifihrasaw, which only occurs here in Heb., is 
elucidated by its philological connexion with Ar. furdah, 'a gap or 
breach in the bank of a river, by which ships or boats ascend ' ; 
firdd, 'the mouth of a river' (Lane). The verb farada means 'to 
make a notch or incision.' It is possible to explain the possessive 
suffix of miphrasaw as ' its creeks,' referring to ' the shore of the seas ' 
in the preceding stichos (so Mo.). 

18. that scorned its life, etc. The expression is unique, and must 
be regarded with suspicion. The verb hereph elsewhere properly 
denotes verbal taunting or reproach (cf. BDB. : properly, 'to say 
sharp things about ' ; connected with Aram, harreph, ' sharpen ') ; 
though it is true that there are passages in which it is used meta- 
phorically of insulting God by injustice to the poor (Prov. 14 31 , 17 *), 
or idolatry (Isa. 65 7 ). This latter usage, however, hardly supports 
the conception implied in 'insulting' one's own life by exposing it to 
risk of death. The Ar. parallels cited by Ros. are not very apposite 
('We count our lives of light value (lanur^isu) in the day of battle,' 
Hamasa, p. 47, ed. Freytag ; tahdwana nafsahu, 'he held his life 
of light worth')-, since the expressions there used, so far from 
appearing forced and strange, are familiar all the world over. 

Phrases used elsewhere in O.T. of risking one's^life are ' he cast 
his life in front ' pjjp i^Srnx ^\hw) ch. 9 17 ; 'I placed my life in 

144 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 19. 

my hand' paaa ^BJ IWbKV) ch. 12 3 , cf. 1 Sam. 19 6 , 28 21 : 'he 
poured out his life unto death' (S&Q) nitpi n ^n) Isa. 53 12 . It is 
conceivable that this latter phrase (T\\ts!? i^BJ Hiyn) may have been 
the original reading in our passage ; cf. the use of the Pi'el of the 
same verb in Ps. 141 8 , 'Pour not out my life' (^BJ "lyri"^), i.e. 

'Give me not over unto death.' So Ball, who, as an alternative, 
suggests the emendation D"Hnn for tpn — ' devoted his life to death' 

(on heh e rim 'devote' to a deity, usually by destruction, cf. note on 
ch. I 17 ) — a striking and vigorous expression which may very well 
have been employed, though no close parallel can be cited. Cf., 
however, the words of St. Paul in Rom. 9 3 : rjvxoprjv yhp dvddepa 
€ivai avros iyoi anb tov Xpicrrov vnep ra>v d8e\<peov pov, ktX. 'Avddepa 
is the regular rendering of (5r for Heb. herem 'devoted thing,' and 
dvaBepari^etv for the verb heJfrlm. 

to the death. Lit. ' (so as) to die.' 

on the heights of the field. Cf. note on ' the field of Edom/ v. 4 . 
The use of the expression here is somewhat enigmatical, in view of 
the fact that the scene of the battle was the low-lying plain of 
Esdraelon (called 'emek, 'vale,' lit. 'depression,' in vv. 1415 ). It can 
hardly mean (Cooke, Comm.) that 'the two tribes came fearlessly 
down from their mountain-homes prepared to sacrifice all for the 
cause,' because it was not on the heights of their mountain-homes that 
they risked their lives. Mo. thinks that the phrase ' may perhaps be 
employed here of the mounds and hillocks in the plain, which, 
however inconsiderable, were positions of advantage in the battle, 
especially as rallying points for the hard pressed Cana'anites before 
the rout became complete. These elevations, where the enemy 
fought with the ferocity of desperation, Zebulun and Naphtali with 
reckless hardihood stormed and carried.' It may be doubted whether 
any part of the plain itself would have been described as sddhe' 
(v.* note): yet it is quite likely that the battle may have raged round 
about the cities of Ta'anach and Megiddo on the edge of the hill- 
country ; or that many of the Cana'anites, finding their escape to 
Harosheth barred by the flooded Kishon (cf. note on 4 16 ), may have 
been driven into the hills of Galilee, which come down to the right 
bank of the river, and there made their last desperate stand. 

19. the kings of Canaan. I.e. the petty chieftains of the fortified 
Cana'anite cities such as Ta'anach and Megiddo, who appear as a rule 
to have been mutually independent (cf. the condition of affairs in 
earlier times as gathered from the T.A. Letters ; Introd. pp. lxx rT.) ; 
but are here united for action under the leadership of Sisera, who 
was, presumably, the king of Harosheth. Cf. the alliance among the 
Amorite city-kings of the south against Joshua', as related in Josh. 10. 


The use of the term 'king of Canaan' as applied to Jabin in ch. 4 2 
by R E2 is different ; in that it pictures him as overlord of northern 
Cana'an as a whole — a conception which gains no support from the 
older narrative. Cf. note ad loc. 

In Tdanach, etc. On the sites of these cities cf. ch. 1 27 note. 

the rills of Megiddo. Lit. 'the waters of M.' The reference 
doubtless is to the numerous small tributaries of the Kishon which 
flow down from the hills to the south-east of Megiddo. The modern 
Ar. name for the Kishon is Nahr el-Mukatta', i.e. 'River of the fori 
or shallow.' While there is no philological connexion between 
Megiddo and Mukatta', we are probably right in inferring that the 
modern name was bestowed owing to its assonance with the old city- 
name of unknown meaning. So Smith, HG. p. 387, n 1 . A similar 
phenomenon is noted as regards the Heb. name Harosheth compared 
with the modern Ar. el-Haritiyyeh (ch. 4 2 note). 

The gain of money they took not. Most commentators interpret 
this statement as meaning that they were baulked in their expectation 
of spoil. So Mo. : ' it was a most unprofitable campaign for them ; 
a sarcastic meiosis. The gains of war were in the ancient world one 
of the principal causes of war; cf. Ex. 15 V This explanation is 
described by La., not unjustly, as 'pensee tres banale et qui devance 
le cours des evenements ' ; and it may be added that, if the reference 
is to hoped-for spoil, the description of this spoil as ' money ' or 
'silver' simply is not very natural : contrast ■z/. 30 . La. himself adopts 
the explanation offered by Rashi and Levi ben-Gershon, that the 
kings did not fight for payment like mercenaries, but with the whole- 
heartedness of men who are protecting their own interests. This is 
more probably correct. A third explanation, which is not impossible, 
is given by Kimchi, viz. that they did not accept money as ransom 
from the Israelites who fell into their hands, but slew them without 
quarter — the statement thus emphasizing the fierceness of the combat. 
Cf. the way in which Trojan combatants, when vanquished, are 
pictured as offering the Greeks a price for the sparing of their lives. 
Thus, in Iliad, vi. 46 ff., Adrestus addresses Menelaus : — 

£o)ypa, 'Arpe'o? vie', crv S' a£ia 8e£ai airoiva. 
rroXXa §' ev acpvetov narpos KeiprjXia kcItcu, 
XoXkos re xpvaos re 7ro\i>KfxrjT6s re (ridrjpos' 
rcov k4v tol ^apio-airo Trarrjp airepeicri anoivctf 
ei Kcv e/xe £o)6v ttcttvOolt' iirl vtjv(t\v 'A^aieov. 

77. x. 378 ff., xi. 131 ff. are similar. 

Several commentators follow Tanchum in understanding be'sd in 
the sense 'fragment,' or, as we should say, 'bit' of money (cf. At. 
bad'a, Aram, bissud) ; primitive money taking the form of uncoined 
ingots, the value of which was tested by weight. Since, however, 


146 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 20. 21. 

there is no parallel for such a meaning elsewhere in the Heb. of the 
O.T., in which be'sa occurs with frequency in the sense ' gain made 
by violence, unjust gain, profit' (BDB.), it seems preferable to 
acquiesce in the ordinary meaning, which is quite suitable to the 

20. From heaven fought the stars, etc. The break between the 
stichoi is obviously to be placed upon D^'DH, which gives 3 + 3 

beats to the distich ; and not, as by |H, on 1DTO (so R.V., ' They 
fought from heaven, The stars in their courses fought, etc.') ; since 
this offends against rhythm by offering 2 + 4 beats. 

From their highways. Winckler proposes to emend Dri?DI30 into 

t • : • 

Dri/Wft 'from their stations.' The term proposed, mazzdldth (cf. 

2 Kgs. 23 6 ), is elucidated from Bab., in which manzazu denotes a 
\ place of standing,' from nazdzu ' to stand ' ; and a fern, form 
manzaltu ( = manzaztu) is found, e.g. in iii. R. 59, 35a: 'The gods 
in heaven in their mansions (manzaltisunu) set me.' These heavenly 
mansions or stations are identified by Delitzsch {Prolegomena, p. 54) 
with the zodiacal stations ; while Jensen (Kosmologie, pp. 347 f.) thinks 
that they denoted rather the stations of certain fixed stars and 
planets, lists of which are found in the Bab. inscriptions. In Ar. 
manzil denotes a ' lodging place ' or ' mansion ' ; and the plur. 
al-mandzil is used of the twenty-eight mansions of the moon. Thus 

the occurrence of DJIPMSD in our passage would be appropriate to 

t : - • 

the context ; and it is possible that the reading of $? may represent 
the easy substitution of a common term for the more unusual word : 

but since Dri^DftD of "% yields a good sense, the alteration is 

t • : • 


21. The torrent Kishon, etc. Cf. Thomson's description of the 
probable circumstances of the rout, as cited under ch. 4 16 . A 
description of the Kishon is given under ch. 4 7 . 

swept them off. The Heb. verb garafih does not occur elsewhere ; 
but the meaning which it bears is elucidated by the usage of the Ar. 

****-£ ^Gy^ ^ 

verb garaj a. Thus Ar. says JyuJ! *XJ/^ ' the torrents jw^/ 1/ 

away' ; JjuJl£l£ ^AiM t-Jj>- '** swe P t awa y men like 

the sweeping away of a torrent' (Lane). The sense attached to 
Aram. g 6 raph (here employed by <S P ) is similar. ffi B e£e<rvp€v ai/rovs, 
<£ AL ei-efidkev avrovs, U 'traxit cadavera eorum,' render with 
approximate accuracy. GT, more freely, fmnn ' shattered them.' 

5. 21.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 147 

It faced them, the torrent Kishon. Reading jit^p 7113 Dft'lp. As 
3^ stands, D^EHp ?nj is a source of great difficulty. The root kdm 
in Semitic has the meaning ' to be in front or before.' Hence, in 
Heb., the subst. kcdhem means, locatively, what is in front (opposed 
to 'ahor, that which is behind), Ps. 139 6 , Job 23 s ; and, especially,' the 
East, this being the region which (possibly as the direction from 
which the sun rises) was regarded as in front in reckoning the 
quarters of the compass * ; or, temporally, what is before, i.e. ' ancient 
or former time' (Bab. kudmu is employed in both these senses). 
From ke'dhem comes the denominative verb kiddem, which means 
to be in front and also to confront in a hostile sense (cf. the Ar. 
'akdama, 'cause to advance against the enemy'). 

The substantival form k e dhiimhn only occurs in our passage ; and, 
in accordance with the sense of the root, the main explanations of 
nahal k e dhumim are two: (1) ' torrent of antiquity'' (lit. of ancient 
times) is adopted by <2r B x ei l JL< *PP 0VS apxaicou (perhaps ' men of old 
time '), % (' the torrent at which signs and mighty acts were wrought 
for Israel from ancient times'), Kimchi ('the torrent that was there 
from ancient times'), R.V. ('that ancient river'), Michaelis, Justi, 
Boettger, Bach., Reuss, Oet, Vernes, etc.; (2) ' torre?it of {hostile) 
encounters] suggested by Abulwalid, and adopted by Schnurrer, Kohler, 
Hollmann, Ros., von Gumpach, Donaldson, Ber., Kit, etc. 

Why the Kishon, rather than any other stream, should be spoken 
of as an ancient torrent is not clear. The only obvious explanation is 
that in the mind of the poet it had a long history behind it ; and this 
explanation is also demanded by the rival rendering 'torrent of 
encounters,' which would seem to imply that many historical battles 
had taken place in the neighbourhood of the Kishon. At the present 
day such a title as ' torrent of battles ' would be appropriate to the 
Kishon ; since we know that, as a matter of fact, the vale of Esdraelon 
is the historical battle-field of Palestine : cf. Smith, HG. pp. 391 ff. 
But the inference that the Hebrew poet knew of traditions of ancient 
battles in this locality, such as that of Thutmosi III. against the 
prince of Kadesh and his allies (cf. Introd. p. lxvii), appears some- 
what precarious. 

Other explanations of nahal kedhumim have been offered. Thus 
Meier, Cooke, Grimme, Driver render ' the onrushing torrent] and, 
similarly, Smith, Segond, 'the torrent of spates.' It is doubtful, 
however, whether such a sense can be maintained. The verb kadama 
in Ar. may mean ' to advance,' and ' to be bold in attack ' ; but always 
with the implied idea of going in front of (leading), or coming in 
front of (meeting), some one else ; and the transference of this idea to 
an onrushing stream is somewhat remote. Still less probable is the 

* Similarly, me ahor, ' behind ' = ' on the west,' Isa. 9 12 , f^ 11 ; ydtnin, 'the 
right '= ' the south," Ps. 89 12 , 8 13 , al. 

148 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 21. 

sense, ''winding {i.e. self-confronting) torrent] adopted by Herder. 
The fact (noted by Mo.) is, however, worthy of observation that in 
Ar. kadum (identical with our form) means a man who is first in 
attacking the foe, and so, brave, courageous. Thus the Heb. phrase 
would mean ' the torrent of heroes] if, as might be the case, the 
word was employed in Heb. in the Ar. sense.* 

The Versions not already noticed are not helpful : 3J 'Cadumim' ; 
<S P _»_L0i_O5 (with 5 erroneously for 5), Ar. id. ; (5r A , 6. Kabrjaeifx ; (E L 
KaSrifMip • 'A. Kavawvcdv (connecting with DHp ' east wind '). 

The emendation adopted above follows the private suggestion of 
Ball ; and has been independently adopted, as regards DJD'Hp by Ehr.J 

It assumes that it is natural to find in the stichos a verbal parallel 

to DQ-13 of stichos a ; and that the first occurrence of pro is an 

t t: 

erroneous insertion, made to explain the substantive D^DVTp when 

this latter had taken the place of the verbal form DDTp. The form of 

the distich, with its identical term and inverted order in the parallel 
stichoi, may be compared with v. n . 

It is true that the sense obtained through the emendation involves 
something of a hysteron-proteron ; since, strictly speaking, the torrent 
' came in front of the Cana'anites in their flight before it ' swept them 
away ' in their attempt to cross it : yet we have no right to demand 
an accurately logical sequence from the poet ; and it is legitimate to 
explain the second verb as to some extent explanatory of the first — 
the torrent swept them away because it confronted them in their flight. 

The numerous other emendations which have been offered need 
not be noticed. 

Bless thou, my soul, the 7night of Yahweh ! Reading ^D3 ^Sfl 

mrr ty. |^ TV *B>D3 ^-nn is barely intelligible. The Imperfect 

^"lin has been taken as a pictorial description of past events (R.V. 

marg. * thou hast trodden down ' ; properly, ' thou treadest down ' : 
cf. the use of the Imperf. in Ex. 15 5 ^"•DD"' nbftn 'The deeps cover 

them ' ! — where the tense, in describing a past event, emphasizes 
'the process introducing it and preliminary to its complete execu- 
tion' : Driver, Tenses, § 27a); or as a Jussive in place of the Im- 
perative (so R.V. text 'March on'), f'y is taken either as the direct 

* On nouns of this form used in Heb. in an active sense, cf. G-K. § 84* m. It 
is worth while to remark that, in miphrds v. 17 , gdraph v. 21 , we have instances of 
words of which the meaning would be obscure, were it not for the clear elucidation 
offered by Ar. 

% So also (since the writing of the above note) Gressmann in Die Anfange 
Israels, p. 186. Rothstein adopts the same verbal form in the plur. ; but 
emends the remainder of the line beyond recognition — DJ"G3")D D^JO }D"Hp 

' The waters confronted their chariots.' 

5. 22.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 149 

accusative (R.V. marg.\ and explained as abstract 'strength' for 
concrete ' the strong ' (so U ' Conculca anima mea robustos ') ; or as 
an adverbial accusative 'with strength' (R.V. text, % SjIprQ : cf. G-K. 
§ \\%q). Upon either interpretation we have, if not 'simple bathos' 
(Mo.), at any rate a very weak conclusion to the strophe; and, as Mo. 
rightly remarks, 'most inappropriate as the conclusion of vv. 20il , 
which tell how heaven and earth conspired to destroy Sisera.' On 
the other hand, the sense offered by the stichos as restored above, 
viz. an ejaculation of thanksgiving to Yahweh as the controller of the 
powers of nature which assisted Israel, is very suitable to the context ; 
and may be compared with Ex. 15 6 , where, after allusion to the over- 
whelming of the Egyptian hosts by the Red Sea (as the Cana'anites 
were overwhelmed by the Kishon), the poet exclaims — 

'Thy right hand, O Yahweh, is glorious in power ; 
Thy right hand, O Yahweh, dasheth in pieces the enemy.' 

The use of the Jussive (^"On) in place of the Imperative is scarcely 
to be termed 'rare' (Mo., referring to 'OTin): cf. ch. 7 17a , Hos. 14 s , f§ 3 
(KBTl Juss. coupled with the Imperat. np) ; Ps. 51 s - 9 , |^ 9 - 10 (Juss. three 
times, alongside of the Imperat. four times in the two following 
verses); Ps. 7i 2a (Juss. twice; parallel to Imperat. twice in z/. 2b ) ; 
71 2o.2i a it i s possible, however, that the Imperative may have been 
originally written : cf. ^S3 *3"13 in Ps. 103 12 . 

The corruption of l| D"Qn into ^yUlT) is likely ; 3 and 1 being very 
similar in the old character. T\)tV Ty may have been written "• Ty, and 
the "• subsequently omitted through accident. That nifT 1 was some- 
times thus abbreviated into "• is proved by Jer. 6 n , where HIPP Hon 
of % is read as TlDn by <& ; and by Judg. 19 1S , where Jlffl 1 flftU is 
clearly an error for W\3. Cf. Driver, NHTS. 2 p. lxix. n 2 . 

Mo.'s suggestion, combining part of the preceding stichos, 

TV ^33 T|"n D^BVlp twii (similarly La.) is condemned, if by nothing 

else, by the monstrosity ^BJ.* The emendation of Ruben (adopted 

by Cheyne, JQR. x. p. 566 ; EB. 2652) is an example of how not to 
use the Assyr. dictionary. 

22. loud beat. Lit. ' hammered ' {sc. the ground). Cf. the English 
expressions, 'the hammer of countless hoofs' ; 'to hammer along the 
road,' used of pushing a horse to a fast pace on the hard road. R.V. 

and most moderns render 'did stamp.' The Versions treat xch\\ 

: it 
either as passive ((£ B eveTroSiaOrjaav, AL aireKOTr-qo-av, 0. dveKoirrjo-av, 

% KB7riK>K 'were drawn off,' i.e. possibly pulled or broken off) or 

* The fern, subst. fc^£3 occurs some forty-nine times in the O.T. in the plural 
with the fern, termination, and never with themasc. termination ; the form D^BJ 
in Ezelc. 13 2° being clearly an error for D^BTl 'free.' 


intransitive (V 'ceciderunt,' S p ^2U, Ar. LjjL.— all meaning 'fell,' 

or, as we should say 'stumbled' ; cf. the rendering of ffi B ). Similarly, 
Kimchi explains that the form is 'a stative ; as though he said, the 

horses' hoofs were battered (1E9nj) through excessive galloping in 
the battle.' The same view is taken by other Jewish interpreters, 
and is adopted by A.V., 'Then were the horsehoofs broken, etc.' 
Mo., who favours this interpretation, vocalizes the verb as a passive 

1C?PI (Pu'al not elsewhere found). Against it, we may remark that 

horses' hoofs are not very likely to be injured by excessive galloping,* 
more especially on a plain which must have been largely in the 
condition of a swamp owing to the heavy rain-storm (cf. ch. 4 14 note) ; 
and further, if the poet meant that they were broken or bruised, he 
would scarcely have expressed this by stating that they were hammered 
through themselves striking the ground. 

Probably a passive sense is given to 1D?n by the Versions and early 
interpreters owing to the prep. |D ' from ' or ' through ' of the suc- 
ceeding stichos as it stands in f^, which seems to denote the source 

of the action denoted by lD?n. Cf., however, the note following. 

Smith, who adopts the vocalization as a passive }D?n renders as 

an active * thudded ' ; but this term, which commonly denotes the 
dull, dead fall of a heavy body, is not very happy. 

the horses. Reading plur. D^DID with Bu., Kit. BH., Gress., by 

taking over the D from the commencement of the following stichos. 
Cf. <&\ £ h . 

off galloped, off galloped. Reading \*\T\ft nrvn, as suggested by 
Kit., BH. Cf. (5r B o-TTovhfj ea-nevaav. The verb "liTl occurs again of 
a galloping horse in Nah. 3 2 . % reads nnrtt nVin*!D 'through the 

galloping, galloping 5 (Suspended Construct State: cf. Gen. 14 10 ). 
It seems likely, however, that the 12 belonging to D^DID at the end of 
the preceding stichos came erroneously to be prefixed to nm Y")!T7, 
and this was then treated as "HiTl "II HID, i.e. as an abbreviated plur. 
substantive (on the use of such abbreviations, cf. footnote % p. 124). 
Adopting our emendation, the couplet offers two stichoi parallel in 
sense, and it may be noticed that such parallelism (either synonymous 
or climactic : cf. Additional note, p. 169) is characteristic of the poem : 

* The modern Syrian horse has particularly good legs and feet, and Is usually 
shod with plates ; but in ancient times horses appear to have gone unshod. 
Isa. 5 s8 refers to the hardness of the hoofs of the Assyrian horses ('like flint'), as 
a proof of their power to resist wear and tear ; but whether this implies that 
trouble was common with the feet of ordinary horses is doubtful. 

5. 23.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 151 

whereas the synthetic form of parallelism, which is offered by ^ in 
this distich, is comparatively rare (cf. w. 8bA6a - l9h ). 

The repeated daharu daharu is intended to represent the three- 
fold beat of a horse's gallop ; and does so most accurately with the 
main ictus on the third beat ; as in the final movement of the 
overture to Rossini's Guillaume Tell. Virgil represents the gallop 
by the familiar dactylic line, Aen. viii. 596, 

* Quadrupedante putrem sonitu quatit ungula campum ' ; 

and this dactylic rhythm is adopted by Charles Kingsley in My 
Hunting Song : 

* Hark to them, ride to them, beauties ! as on they go, 
Leaping and sweeping away in the vale below' ; 

but the dactylic measure is not quite so true as the anapaestic. In 
Ps. 68 n 3^ 12 we find the measure — — — ; yiddodhiln yiddodhiln, 
1 Kings of hosts are running, are running] which is again intended 
to represent the sound of a cavalcade galloping away in the distance. 
This reminds us of the rhythm of Browning's How they brought the 
Good News from Ghent to Aix : 

' I sprang to the stirrup, and Joris, and he ; 
I galloped, Dirck galloped, we galloped all three.' 

his chargers. Heb. ^abbirdw, lit. 'his strong ones.' The term is 
used elsewhere of horses in Jer. 8 16 , 47 s , 50 u . Horses at this 
period were employed in chariots, and not (so far as we know) for 
riding purposes ; but since the functions of chariotry in warfare were 
akin to those of cavalry in later times, the rendering ' chargers ' may 
be held to be justified. 

23. Curse ye, curse ye Meroz / Reading *ri-|tf fhE VII K in place 
of $ r\\Tf Titibto "»DK rt"l» Vita '"Curse ye Meroz"! said the 

t : ' - : - - t 

Angel of Yahweh,' which is plainly unrhythmical (five beats). Such 
an allusion to the Angel of Yahweh in this ancient poem is also 
somewhat unexpected (cf. ch. 2 1 note, end). Probably "inK became 
corrupted into "UDK 'he said 5 ; and the natural query 'Who said?' 
was answered by supplying a subject — 'the Angel of Yahweh.' 

Meroz is only mentioned here, and the site is unidentified. The 
modern Murassas, four miles north of Besan, which is doubtfully 
advocated by Buhl {Geogr. p. 217) after Guerin, is not philologically 
connected with the Heb. name ; and conjectures that Meroz is the 
corruption of some better known name (cf. the suggestions cited by 
Mo. SBOT.) are necessarily futile, since we have no guide as to the 

152 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 24. 26. 

locality of the city. It is highly probable that the curse took practical 
effect, and the city with its inhabitants was destroyed by the Israelites, 
and never subsequently rebuilt. Cf. the fate of Penuel {ch. 8 8 - 917 ) and 
Jabesh of Gile'ad {ch. 21 812 ) in similar circumstances. 

For they ca?ne not to the help of Yahwch. Possibly Meroz was 
situated somewhere upon the line of the enemy's flight ; and, like 
Succoth and Penuel on the occasion of Gide'on's rout of the Midianites 
closed its gates when it might have aided by cutting off the fugitives, 
or by supplying the pursuers with much needed refreshment. 

mid the heroes. Heb. bag-gibborim as in v. 13 . So R.V. marg. 
'among the mighty.' R.V. text 'against the mighty' is less probable. 

24. Most blessed of women be Jdel. |^'s addition of ' the wife of 
Heber the Kenite,' which spoils the balance of the couplet, is a prosaic 
gloss derived from ch. 4 17 . 

tent-dwelling women. Lit. 'women in the tent.' Cf. the phrase 'the 
tent-dwellers' applied to the Bedawin on the farther east of Jordan in 
ch. 8 H . Mo. compares the Ar. expression 'ahlu-lwabar, ' the people 
of the hair-cloth tents.' 

25. a lordly dish. Lit. 'a dish of {i.e. fit for) nobles.' Heb. sephel 
occurs once again in ch. 6 38 to denote the dish or basin into which 
Gide'on wrung the dew from the fleece. The word is used in the 
cognate languages in a similar sense. Cheyne's emendation {EB. 
2313) 'a bowl of bronze* (T"IX deduced from Bab. urudu) is 

curds. Cf. ch. 4 19 note. 

26. Her hand to the peg, etc. Against the view that this descrip- 
tion of Sisera's death is essentially different from that of ch. 4 21 ff -, cf. 
pp. 79 f. Cooke's contention {Cotmn.) that 'according to the paral- 
lelism of Hebrew poetry her hand and her right hand mean the same 
thing ; and so should nail and workmerts hammer] cannot be sub- 
stantiated. Cf. Prov. 3 16 : 

' Length of days is in her right hand ; 
In her left hand are riches and honour.' 

So also Cant. 2 6 , 8 3 . The only difference in our passage is that the 
poet has chosen to use yddhah 'her hand' instead of s e tnbldh 'her left 
hand.' <5r BA , 2L, U, Ar. explain correctly as ' her left hand.' 

she stretched forth. Heb. mn?K>n apparently a plur. form, but 
probably intended for a sing.* 

* The view that in this and a few other cases we have the remains of an 
emphatic form of the Imperfect, akin to the Ar. modus energicus I, yaktulanna 

5. 26.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 153 

the maul of the workmen. Heb. habnilth'dmelim. The expression 
has caused difficulty. The term halmuth, from hdlam ' to hammer,' 
should represent the implement described under the term makkebheth 
in ch. 4 21 , i.e. a hammer or heavy wooden mallet ; but elsewhere in 
Heb. substantives ending in -nth are secondary formations denoting" 
abstract qualities * ; cf. G-K. § 86 k. The real existence of a concrete 
derivative from hala,7ti is, however, a reasonable assumption ; and 
possibly the true form of the subst. should be halmath. The Heb. 
verb 'dmal, from which 'amelim is derived, commonly means to toil 
(i.e. to labour, with the accessory idea of weariness or painful 
endeavour) ; and all its occurrences are, with possibly one exception 
(see below), very late. The subst. 'drndl, which occurs both in early 
and late literature, usually denotes, in its earlier occurrences, trouble ; 
and the sense toil or labour is only found in the later literature, 
especially Ecclesiastes. The subst. ''dmel (of which our form is the 
plur.) means a labourer in Prov. 16 26 , and is coupled with the cognate 
verb: — 'The appetite of the labourer laboureth for him.' This 
passage occurs in the central section of Prov., which many scholars 
regard as pre-exilic ; though a considerable body of opinion views the 
whole book as the product of post-exilic times. The word occurs 
twice in Job in the sense sufferer ; and, in an adjectival sense, toiling, 
five times in Ecclesiastes f. Hence the occurrence of 'amelim in our 
passage is commonly regarded with grave suspicion. Mo. remarks, 

'DvDy does not mean artisans (smiths, carpenters), but men who 
are worn out, or wear themselves out, with toil and hardships ; 
"hammer of hard-working (or weary) men" is a singular metonymy 
for a heavy hammer ! ' 

Such a statement overlooks the fact that the cognate languages 
prove that the root can be used in the general sense of work, apart 
from the connotations noticed above. Thus Ar. 'atnila means 'to 

for the ordinary yaktulu, is rejected by G-K. § 47 k ; yet seems, at least in our 
passage, to be by no means improbable. Cf. the Phoenician form f.DplfS 
occurring in the inscription on the sarcophagus of Eshmun'azar king of §idon 

{CIS. I. i. no. 3, 11. 5f.):— W 33fc>D thv \ 25WZ2 JDDJT !>&« 'and let 
him not superimpose upon this resting-place the chamber of a second resting- 
place.' }DDJJV which recurs in 11. 7.21, may be compared with the Ar. modus 
energicus II. yaktulan. Cooke (NSI. pp. 34 f.) treats JDDJT as a suffix-form 

'carry me'; an explanation which involves a highly forced and unnatural treat- 
ment of the context. 

If fljrpfcjn be not an energetic form, the alternative is to vocalize it as a 

suffix-form i13fl?t^h and to treat iTV z& z.x\ accusativus pendens:— 'her hand. 

T V t : • ' xt 

to the peg she stretched it forth.' 

* The forms are mostly late. A complete list of them is given by Kbnig, 
Lehrgebdiide der hebrdischen Sprache, ii. i, pp. 205 f. 

154 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 27. 28. 

work or make,' 'awal 'work or occupation,' 'ami/ 'artisan'; Aram. 
■&mal 'to labour'; Bab. ntmelu* 'the produce of work,' i.e. 'gain 
or possession.' There is no difficulty, therefore, in supposing that 
% &?nelim may denote ' workmen ' generally, without the connotation of 
toil or weariness. 

The meaning of the phrase is correctly elucidated by <S P |A215|] 

li-yt-Jj 'to the carpenter's mallet,' At. id., € pnan Knantfi 'to the 

mallet of the smiths,' F ' ad fabrorum malleos ' (treating moSl as a 

plur.). (K B , 'A. us <r(f)vpav KoiriaivToiv interpret DvDJ/ in accordance 
with customary Heb. usage. (3r AL e?s djroro/i&s KaraKoirav ( L Kara- 
kotttgjv) misunderstands. 

she smote. Lit. ' hammered.' 

destroyed. Heb. mdh a ka, which only occurs here in the O.T., is 
explained from New Heb. and Aram. ' wipe out or erase,' Ar. mahaka 
' utterly destroy, annihilate.' 

pierced through. The Heb. verb halaph commonly means to pass 
on, or pass away ; but is here used transitively 'passed (i.e. pierced) 
through.' This usage is substantiated by Job 20 24 , ' The bow of bronze 
pierces him through ' {tahFphehu), where ' bow ' is used metonymically 
for the arrow which is shot from it. Mo. explains ' demolishes,' lit. 

'causes to pass away,' quoting Isa. 24 s ph }S7n in support of the 

: it 

causative usage. This, however, probably means ' they have passed 
by {i.e. overstepped) the ordinance' (cf. || T\\"\\T\ TQV 'they have 

transgressed the laws ') and not ' they have abolished ' it. 

27. ' Twixt her feet, etc. The passage is discussed on p. 80. 

undone. Driver's rendering. Heb. sddhudh means lit. 'treated 
with violence.' 

28. and exclaimed. Heb. 33VQ. The verb yibbebh, which only 

occurs here in O.T., is explained from Aram., in which yabbebh means 
'blow the trumpet,' and also 'raise a shout'; being used in this 
atter sense by & p to translate Heb. Jpn in ch. 7 21 , 1 Sam. 4 6 , 17 20 ; 

Ps. 47 2 , 66 \ al. In New Heb. the verb means 'to lament' over a 
corpse. Thus U renders 'et ululabat,' & p Ann >Q, Ar. t^jisy-, 
<£ AL , however, renders ko\ KarefxavOavev, & h ZoOl ]n j,V>, % NpHDI 

* With nimtlu with preformative n from \/?DV, cf. nimeku from \ZpBJN 
mmedu from JlDV. 

5. 29. 3o.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 155 

'and looked attentively'; i.e., apparently, D3ni or plaflflj. This 
latter verb is adopted by Klostermann, Marquart, No., La., Zapletal, 
and is favoured by Bu. and Cooke {Comm.). 

the lattice. Heb. ha-esnabh. The precise meaning of the term is 
uncertain. It occurs again in Prov. 7 C (|| hallon 'window,' as in our 
passage) ; and in Ecclus. 42 n f , where it is mentioned as a means of 
gazing on the street. The conventional rendering, which we have 
adopted, is that which is given by ffi AL , 0., Sta rfjs diKTvcorrjs (so, in 
Prov., U ' cancellos '). & NJVJJK, apparently ' wood-work,' perhaps has 
the same meaning. (5r B , however, renders cktos tov roi-iKov ' through 
the loop-hole'; while 3? 'de coenaculo,' j$ p .n « ^roran Vn 
think of an upper chamber or colonnade (£voror). 

tarrieth. On the Heb. form nnN (for nnN or VUlfett, cf. G-K. § 64^. 

v: iv V -if -:i"/ 

the clatter. Heb. fia^me, lit. 'strokes,' here no doubt refers to the 
hoof-beats of the chariot-horses. 

29. Her wisest princesses. As Mo. remarks, ' there is a fine irony 
in the allusion to the wisdom of these ladies, whose prognostications 
were so wide of the truth.' 

make answer. Reading plur. fU'oyn in place of IH nujypl 

t v-:r> tv-:i- 

'answereth her' (sing, with suffix), which is impossible after the 
plur. nTinb' niDDn An equally possible alternative is to emend 

tv t : - ' 

riD^n for niDDn 'The wisest one of her princesses answereth her.' 

.7 y 

So 7B ' Una sapientior ceteris uxoribus ejus ' ; J5 P AVo , n ^ > 


\£&Qi\\; Ar. id 

Yea, she returneth her reply. She tries to quiet her anxiety by 
making herself the most reassuring answer, pj adds n!? ' to herself,' 


which destroys the balance of the couplet by adding a fourth beat to 
the stichos. 

30. A damsel, two damsels. Heb. rdham (which elsewhere in O.T. 
means 'womb') occurs in plur. with the meaning 'girl-slaves' in the 
inscription of the Moabite stone, 1. 17. 

for every 7nan. Lit. ' for the head of a man ' ; i.e., as we might 
say, ' per head.' 

of dyed stuffs embroidered. Lit. ' of dyed stuffs, embroidery,' the 
two substantives being in apposition. 

Two dyed embroideries. Lit. 'a dyed piece of two embroideries. 
This may be understood as the dual of what would be in the sing, 'a 

156 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [5. 30. 

dyed piece of embroidery' (HEpI 5JD¥) 3 the dual termination of the 

second (genitival) subst. sufficing to throw the whole compound 
expression into the dual. Cf. sing. 3K rP3 'a father's house or 


family,' plur. DUX TV3 'families': G-K. § 124 r. R.V.'s rendering, 


1 of divers colours of embroidery on both sides ' (the explanation of 
Kimchi and Levi ben-Gershon), can hardly be correct. 

The manner in which the terms meaning 'dyed stuff' and 'em- 
broidery ' are repeated and combined in the three final stichoi of the 
strophe is somewhat strange ; and various alterations and omissions 
have been proposed. We need only notice the reconstruction sug- 
gested by Bu., which reduces the three stichoi to two, each containing 
three beats : — 

t : • : •- t : - v - : 

• t- : • - t : • t : • » • 

4 Spoil of a piece or two of dyed stuff for Sisera ; 
Spoil of a piece or two of embroidery for my neck.' 

Here '3¥ "y& and 'pi 'pi are brought into exact analogy with 
DTlDm Dm 'a damsel or two.' It may be questioned, however, 
whether this rearrangement is not too precise and formal to represent 
the original, ff?, as it stands, is susceptible of the rendering which 
we have given in the text ; and in its repetition, which may be 
paralleled by z/. 27 , it exhibits affinity to the climactic parallelism which 
is so marked elsewhere in the Song (cf. Additional note, pp. 169 f.). 
It may be intended to represent the way in which the women's 
thoughts run on in prospect of the spoil. Cf. the passage from 
Virgil, Aen. xi. 782, cited by Ros. and others : — 

' Femineo praedae et spoliorum ardebat amore.' 

for the neck of the queen. Reading hlW 'queen' (cf. Ps. 45°, f^ 10 , 
Neh. 2 6 ), after the suggestion of Ewald, in place of fH 7?W ' spoil.' 
So Ber., Wellh., Stade, Oet, Oort, Schlogl, Kit., Driver, etc. The 
reading of fft. can only mean ' for the neck of the spoil,' which fails to 
yield sense ; since it is impossible to follow Michaelis, Schnurrer, 
Ros., and several of the older commentators in explaining 'the spoil' 
as referring to the beasts of burden captured from the foe, which are 
to be led in triumph decked with the dyed raiment, etc. ; nor is it 
likely that Justi is right in suggesting (after Mendelssohn) that 'the 
spoil ' refers to the captured damsels previously mentioned. Levi 
ben Gershon explains as 7W 'vJD ' owners of spoil ' ; and similarly 
Hollmann supposes an ellipse of B^N before 7?W— 'man of spoil' 

5. 3 i.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 157 

(cf. A.V. 'meet {or the necks of them that take the spoil') : but such 
an ellipse is impossible. It would be easier to follow W. Green (i753) 

in vocalizing as an active participle \hw 'spoiler'; as is suggested 

by the rendering S p llOlib? )'JO^ ^L (Ar. id.). Kimchi explains 

'for the necks of the spoil' as equivalent to 'on the head of the spoil,' 
the sense intended being that ' the garments are placed on the head 
of the spoil to give them to the captain of the host.' He thus seems 
to regard ' the spoil ' as referring to the captives generally ; an ex- 
planation which is without analogy. R.V., 'on the necks of the 
spoil,' apparently assumes that the passage means that the garments 
are on the necks of the spoil (captives or slain ?) before they become 

a booty; but the explanation of/ as 'on' ('belonging to') is very 
harsh and improbable. 

<Hr R ry Tpayr\k<& avrov ( A irepl rpu^Aov avrov) o~Ki)\a ; 1L ' circa 

cervices ejus spolia' ; E iTntt bv f$V3i *iVX TO; i.e. 

hhti (\+X8xh\ \yffflh 'f° r his {i.e. Sisera's) neck as a spoil'; and 

this is adopted by Meier, Hilliger, Stu. ffi L rrepl rbv rpdj^Xov avrov, 

i.e. htmfe omitting hbti \ so No., La., Kent. The original of U, 

t - : ■' T T 

' supellex varia ad ornanda colla congeritur,' is not clear. 

Further, Donaldson, Reuss, Gra., Smith, etc., read ijjjjj '•"lfctttfp 'a 

spoil for my neck' ; while Bu., Cooke adopt the reading **1MW9 'for 

• t- ; 

my neck' simply. 

31. So perish, etc. The couplet is regarded by Meier, Winter 
(ZATW. ix. 223 ff.), Bu., etc., as an addition, in the style of the 
Psalms, made to the poem in later times. It cannot be doubted, 
however, that it forms a most effective conclusion. As Mo. remarks, 
the single word ' So ' brings the whole course of events .before our 
eyes again, culminating in Sisera's ' death by a woman's hand, dis- 
grace worse than death ; the anguish and dismay of those who loved 
him,' which the poet, with consummate art, leaves to the imagination 
of the reader. It is true that the idea embodied in the phrase 'thy 
friends ' (lit. ' those that love thee ') first comes into prominence at a 
later age (Ex. 20 6 , the explanatory extension of the Second Com- 
mandment, probably E 2 ; Hosea', and Deuteronomy) ; but it by no 
means follows that it was wholly un thought of in much earlier times. 

thy friends. Reading ^1T\^ with 3J, & p , in place of M mnk 'his 


An echo of the couplet is probably to be found in the first three 
verses of Ps. 68, which later on (vv. 7 - 8 - 13 ) shows traces of the influence 
of the poem. 



A more detailed presentation of the rhythmical scheme of the Song 
of Deborah, and the extent to which this scheme is reproduced in 
our English rendering, may be of interest, as illustrating the method 
of early Hebrew poetical composition. As we have already re- 
marked (p. 96), ancient Hebrew poetry, like English poetry, pos- 
sesses no regularly quantitative system of metre ; but is characterized 
by the occurrence of so many ictus or rhythmical beats to the line, 
the intervening unstressed syllables being governed by the possibilities 
of pronunciation rather than by any strict rule. It is feasible, how- 
ever, both in Hebrew and English, to divide the stichoi into 'feet,' 
with a view to a more accurate observation of the correspondence 
which may be obtained between the original and its translation ; and 
an attempt has been made to do this in the comparison which is 
offered below. 

Such a division of the Hebrew original into 'feet' also serves to 
illustrate the position of the ictus and its relationship to the accom- 
panying unstressed syllables. It may be noticed that the Song 
contains, in all, 298 ' feet.' Of these, by far the most frequent con- 
catenation of stressed and unstressed syllables is ^^-i, i.e. the 
anapaest,* this 'foot' occuring 115 times. Closely similar to this is 
the ' foot ' which contains an additional syllable as a weak (unstressed) 
ending, i.e. h^^-^; and this is found 13 times. Further, we find, 
with an additional unstressed syllable before the ictus, ^^±l~, 31 
times ; and, with a weak ending, ^ ^ ^ — ^, twice. Rarely, four 
unstressed syllables precede the ictus; ^.^.^^J-, 4 times ; but there 
is no instance of such a 'foot' with an additional syllable as a weak 
ending. Next to the 'anapaest,' the most frequent 'foot' is the 
* iambus,' ^ — , this occurring TJ times ; and, corresponding to this 
with a weak ending, h.!^, 25 times. Not infrequently, a word of a 
single syllable may bear the ictus, unaccompanied by any unstressed 
syllable ; — , 12 times. Such an ictus may be followed by a weak 
ending, — ^, 19 times.:}: 

It thus appears that, out of the 298 'feet' in the poem, 192, or 
nearly two-thirds, are either ^-^--L or ^- in form; and it will be 
found that this proportionate relationship of stressed to unstressed 

* The term 'anapaest' is used loosely to denote two unstressed syllables 
followed by the stress, and not necessarily two short syllables followed by a 
long] since it is possible in Hebrew for an unstressed syllable to be long 
by nature. 

X In this analysis, Furtive Pathah is not reckoned as a weak ending. Thus 
maddu a% is reckoned as ^ J., not as ^ JL isL. 


syllables is (speaking generally) characteristic of other examples of 
Hebrew poetry. The reason why an anapaestic or iambic 'foot,' 
with such variations as we have noted, is characteristic of Hebrew 
rhythm, depends upon the fact that the Hebrew tonic syllable is 
always either the ultimate or penultimate syllable of a word, the 
accented ultimate being by far the most frequent (in the Song 239 
instances, as against 59 instances of the accented penultimate) ; 
while the throwing of the accent farther back than the penultimate 
syllable is wholly unknown. It is thus impossible to find a dactylic 
'foot,' -^^; while the trochaic 'foot,' -i^, is, as we have seen, 
comparatively uncommon. In English, on the contrary, the accented 
penultimate or antepenultimate syllable greatly prevails over the 
accented ultimate ; and a dactylic or trochaic measure is therefore 
natural, and indeed, at times, unavoidable. The comparative 
prevalence of dactylic or trochaic ' feet ' in our English rendering of 
the Song will be found to be the feature which most markedly 
militates against close approximation to the Hebrew original. 
Fortunately, however, the English language is rich in weighty mono- 
syllables ; and the use of these enables us largely to reproduce the 
effect of the Hebrew rhythm by bringing the ictus down to the final 
syllable of the 'foot.'* 

The fact is familiar to students that the system of Hebrew vocali- 
zation, as known to us from fH, represents the artificial product of the 
synagogue-system of cantillation ; and only preserves the original 
pronunciation of living Hebrew in a very modified form. We are 
able, however, partly by the help of comparative philology, and 
partly by the aids to which reference has been made on p. 99, to 
infer with a fair approximation to certainty what the spoken pro- 
nunciation of the language must have been like ; and an attempt has 
been made to reproduce this pronunciation in the transliteration of 
the Hebrew original. It should be remarked that this transliteration 
only claims substantial accuracy in so far as it substitutes full short 
vowels in open syllables for the tone-long vowels and vocal sh e wa of 
iffl : but the evidence at our disposal is not sufficient to enable us to 
dogmatize as to the precise vocalization of many word-forms at the 
period represented by the Song ; and many of the forms which are 

* The conclusions here adopted assume that the practice of spoken Hebrew, 
as regards the position of the tone, is substantially preserved in jjffi. We must 
not, however, overlook the possibility that the synagogue-system of cantillation 
may to some extent have affected the position of the tone-syllable, tending to 
throw it forward to the end of the word ; and it is conceivable that, when 
Hebrew was a spoken language, the practice with regard to the tone conformed 
to that of Arabic, viz. that the accent was thrown forward till it met a long 
syllable, and if no long syllable occurred in the word, the accent rested on the 
first syllable. Such a system would to some extent modify our conclusions as to 
the different types of ' feet ' represented in the Song ; and, leading as it would to 
a multiplication of ' feet ' of the form JL^ and even _L^i£, would result in a closer 
approximation of the Hebrew rhythm to the English rendering. 


given must be regarded as only approximately accurate (cf. the 
philological remarks which are added at the close of this note). 

It is, however, the relationship of the unstressed syllables to the 
zV/z/j-bearing syllable, and not the precise quality of the vowels of 
such syllables, which is of importance to us in our presentation of the 
rhythmical form of the Song ; the latter question, though of supreme 
importance to philology, being only of subordinate interest as regards 
our present subject. 

Lastly, it may be observed that the short vowels which take the 
place of tone-long vowels and vocal sh e wa in our transliteration, 
though represented as full vowels, may very likely have been 
pronounced in some cases with extreme brevity (as in Arabic), and in 
others very possibly slurred together in utterance. The effect of such 
a slurring would be to diminish the number of unstressed syllables 
(making e.g. ^ ^ ^ — sound as ^ ^ — ), but would in no way essentially 
alter the character of the rhythm. 

It will be noticed that, in the four-beat stichoi, we have placed a 
double line of division, halving the stichos. This indicates the 
caesura, which is characteristic of this form of rhythm ; and which 
ordinarily marks a break in sense, sometimes considerable, as in 
vv. 3&AY)a , where the first half of the stichos is parallel to the second ; 
but at other times very slight, and amounting to little more than the 
taking of breath at the half-way point. Stichoi also occur occasionally 
in which the caesura is purely formal, sense requiring a connexion 
rather than a break. So in •z/. 10a (caesura between subst. and adj.), 
w# i7a<x.3ib (between Constr. St. and its following genitive). 

Lest it should be thought that the fact that the caesura is purely 

formal in z/. 10a , where we have re-arranged the text, is an argument 

against the arrangement, it may be remarked that the occurrence 

of such formal caesuras can be substantiated elsewhere. Thus we 

have Ps. 45 2b : , 


' My tongue is the pen | of a ready writer.' 

3. sumu'ii I malakhim || hdzinu j rozinim 
'anokht I lYahwdh || ^anokhi \ ^asira 
} azammer \ lYahwdh || *eldhdy \ Yisrddl 

4. Yahivdh \ basethikhd \ misSe'fr 
basddikhd \ missadhe \ ^Adhom 

'dras I ra'dsa \\ gam-samem \ namaghu 
gam-abhim \ nataphu \ mdyim 

5. harrttn \ nazalu || mippandy \ Yahwdh 
mippandy \ Yahwdh || y elahdy \ Yisrddl 


Ps. 89 16b : 

' Yahweh, in the light | of thy countenance shall they walk.' 
Ps. io 13a : 

D*r6« yvn | Y*u n»-?y 

'Wherefore contemneth | the wicked, God?' 

Similarly, Babylonian, which ordinarily marks the caesura very 
clearly, offers occasional instances of a formal kind merely. Thus, 
Gilgames-epic xi. 121 : 

ki dkbi ina ptihur \ Hani limittta 
' When I decreed in the assembly | of the gods an evil thing.' 

Id. xi. 182: 

dtta abkdl I Hani kurddu 

' Thou, O sdge j of the gods, thou wamor.' 

Creation-epic iv. 11: 

zananutum irsat \ pardk Hani-ma 
1 Abundance is the desire | of the sanctuary of the g6ds.' 

Id. iv. 31: 

alik-ma sa Tidmat \ napsdtus puriVtna 

' Go, and of Tidmat | her life cut off.' 

It may be noted that, in the English rendering, the ordinary 
English accentuation of proper names has been adopted, rather than 
that of the Hebrew, in cases in which the latter would appear scarcely 
tolerable in the conventionalized forms to which the English reader is 
accustomed. In other cases, in which this difficulty is less acute or 
non-existent, the Hebrew accentuation has been retained. 

Attend, | ye kings ; || give ear, | ye rulers : 

I — I to Yahweh || I | will sing, 

Will make melody | to Yahweh, || the God | of Israel. 
Yahweh, | in thy progress | from Se'ir, 
In thy ma>ch | from the field | of Edom, 

Earth | quaked, || yea, heaven | rocked, 
Yea, the clouds | dropped | witer. 

The mountains | shook || before | Yahweh, 

Before | Yahweh, || the God | of Israel. 



6. miyyam&y \ £a?ngdr \ ben- And th 

miyyamdy \ *oldm || hadhahi \ 'orahoth 
wholikhdy j nathlbhoth \\yelakhii \ 'akalkalloih 

7- hadhalu \ parazoth \ b Yisrdel 

'ddh | sakkdmti \ Dabhord 
Sakkdmti \ 'e'm \ b Yisrdil 

8. hasaru \ lahiim \ harraSim 

'azalu | hamuUm \ me'tr 
maghe'n \ 'im-yirrdd \ warumdh 
Varbdim \ 'dlaph \ bYisrddl 

12. 'uri | 'uri \ Dabhord 
'uri | 'uri | dabbari-sir 
kum | Bardk \ wasabhi 
sobhdyka \ bin \ ^Abhintfam 

9. lakhu I muhokakdy \ Yisrdil 

hammithnaddabhim \ bdd?n || barrakhu \ Yahwdh 

10. rokhibhdy \ 'athonoth \\ sahoroth \ yasihu 
wholikhdy \ l al-ddrakh \\yaszbhu \ 'al-lebh 

1 1. kol I musahhakoth |j beyn \ masfabbim 
sd?n \yutannu || sadhakoth \ Yahwdh 

sadhakoth \ zuroo \ bYisrael 

13. ^az-yaradhu \ lasdarim \ 'addirim 
f ani- Yahwdh \ yaradh-lo \ baggabborim 

14. viinni- Ephrem \ masakhu \ bdhnek 
*ahardyka \ Binyamin \ bdamamdyka 
minni-Makhir \ yaradhu \ muhohakim 
umizZabhiilun \ mosikhim \ basibhet 

15. wasardyka \ Yissakhdr \ Hm-Dabhord 
waNaphtdli \ kin \ laBhardk 
bdemek \ sulldh \ baraghldw 

naphrodh \ naphrddh || laphalaggoth \ Rtfubhin 
gadholim \ hekerdy \ libbo 

16. Idmma \yasdbhta \\ biyn \ hammaspatem 

lasamo a ' \ sarlkoth \ 'adharim 

17. GaVddh \ bdibher\\hayYarden \ sakhin 

waDhdn \ yaghur \ 'oniyyoth 
'A sir I yasdbh || lahdph \ yammim 
wddl I maphrasdw \ yaskun 

18. Zabhulun \ 'am-harrdph || naphso \ lamuth 

waNaphtali \ 'al-maromdy \ sadhe 


6. From the ddys | of Shamgar | ben-'Andth, 
From the chiys | of 61d, || caravans | ceased 

And they that went | along the ways || used to walk | by 
crooked paths. 

7. Villages I ceased | in Israel ; 

cedsed ; 
Till thou I didst arise | Deborah, 
Didst arise | as a mother | in Israel. 

8. Armourers | hdd they | none ; 
Armed men | failed from the | city: 
Was there seen | a shield | or a Mnce 
Among I forty thousand | in Israel? 

/2. Awdke, I awdke, | Deborah ! 

Awdke, I awdke, | sing paean ! 
Rise I Bardk, | and lead captive 
Thy emptors, | O son | of Abin6'am I 

9. Come, I ye commanders | of Israel ! 

Ye that volunteered | among the people, || bless ye | Yahweh ! 

10. Let the riders | on tawny || she-dsses | review it, 
And let | the wayfarers || recall it | to mind ! 

11. Hdrk I to the maidens || laughing at | the wells! 
Thdre | they recount || the righteous dcts | of Yahweh, 

The righteous d.cts | of his drm | in Israel. 

13. Then down | to the gdtes | gat the nobles ; 
Yahweh's folk | gat them down | mid the heroes. 

14. From Ephrdim | they spread out | on the vale ; 
* After thee, | Benjamin ! ' | mid thy clansmen. 
From Machir | came down | the commdnders, 
And from Zebuliin | men wielding | the truncheon. 

15. And thy princes, | Issachdr, | were with Deborah; 
And Naphtali | was leal | to Barak : 

To the vale I he was loosed I at his heeL 

ftterly | reft into || factions was | Re'uben ; 
Gredt were | his sedrchings | of hedrt. 
j6. IWhy sat'st | thou stilL|| amid | the folds, 

To hear | the pastoral | pipings ? 
7. J Gile'ad | beyond || the Jordan | dwelt, 
And Dan | abideth | by the ships, 
f Asher | sat still || by the shore | of the seas, 
Dwelling | beside | his creeks. 
Zebulun | is the folk || that scorned its life | to the dedth, 
And Naphtali | on the heights | of the field. 


19. bdu J malakhim \ nalhamu 

' az-nalhamu \ malakhdy \ Kami an 
baTdndkh \ 'al-mdy \ Magiddo 
bdsd I kdsaph \ lo-lakdhu 

20. ?nin-samem \ nalhamu \ hakkokhabhtm 
mimmasillothdm \ nalhamu \ 'lm-S/sard 

21. ndhal \ Kison \ garaphdm 
kaddamdm \ ndhal \ Kison 

Tubarrakhi \ naphsi\\ 'dz | Yahwdh 

22. y az-halamu \ 'akibhdy \ susim 
daharu \ daharu \ 'abbirdw 

23. Hirrii \ Meroz \ 'aror 
'tirrii \ 'aror \ yostbhdyha 
ki-lo-bdu I Idezrdth \ Yahwdh 
Idezrdth \ Yahwdh \ baggabborim 

24. tuburrdkh \ minnastm \ Yd el 
minnastm \ bduhul \ tuburrdkh 

25. mdyim \ sddl j| haldbh | nathana 
basephel \ 'addirtm || hakrtbha \ hemfd 

26. yadhdh \ lay at hi dh \ taslahdnna 
wyamlndh \ lhalmdth \ 'amiltm 

whalamd \ Sisard \\ mahakd \ roso 
umahasd \ wahalaphd \ rakkatho 

27. beyn-raghldyha \ kard || naphdl \ sakhdbh 

beyn-raghldyha \ kard \ naphdl 
bds/r I kard || sam-naphdl \ sadhudh 

28. bdddh J hahallon \\ naskaphd \ wattuyabbdbh 
'em I Sisard || bdddh \ hdesndbh 

maddu a< \ boses\\ rakhabhS j labho 

maddu a ' \ 'ahharu \\pdamdy \ markabhothdw 

29. hakhamoth j sarrothdyha \ tdndyna 
'aph-ht I tasibh \ 'amardyha 

30. halo I yamsu'ti \\yuhallaku \ saldl 
rdham \ rahmathem || laros \ gdbar* 

saldl I sabhdim \ laSisard 
saldl I sabhdim \ rikmd 
sdbd I rihnathem || lasawwardy \ seghdl 

31. kin I yobhadhu || kol- oyabhdyka \ Yahwdh 
w'ohabhdyka \ kaseih \\ hassdmas \ baggaburatho 

* Possibly this couplet should be regarded as consisting of trimeters ratnt-i 
than tetrameters : — 

halo-yamsu u \ yuhallaku \ saldl 

rdham \ rafymathem \ laros-gdbar. 


19. 6n came | the kings, j they fought ; 
Then fought | the kings | of Cand'an ; 
In Ta anach, | by the rills | of Megiddo ; 
The gain | of m6ney | they to6k not. 

20. From heaVen | fought j the stdrs ; 

From their highways | they fought | with Sisera. 

21. The torrent | Kishon | swept them off; 
It faced them, | the torrent | Kishon. 

Bless thou, I my soul, || the might | of Yah we'll 1 

22. Then loud beat | the hoofs | of the horses ; 
Off galloped, | off galloped | his cMrgers. 

23. Curse ye, | curse ye | Mer6z ! 
Curse ye, | curse ye | her towns-folk ! 

For they c£me not | to the help | of Yahweh, 
To the help | of Yahweh | mid the heroes. 

24. Most blessed | of women | be Jd'el, 

Of tent-dwelling | women | most blessed ! 

25. Water | he asked; || milk | she gaVe ; 

In a lordly | dish |j she prdffered | curds. 

26. Her hand | to the peg | she put forth, 

And her right | to the mdul | of the workmen ; 
And she smote | Sisera || — destroyed | his hedd 
Shattered | and pierced | through his temples. 

27. 'Twixt her feet | he bowed, || he fell down, | he lay prone ; 

'Twixt her feet | he bowed, | he fell down. 
Whdre I he bowed, || there he fell d6wn | undone. 

28. Out I through the window || she ledned | and exclaimed, 
The mother | of Sisera || out | through the lattice : 
'Wherefore | deldyeth || his ca> | to come? 
Wherefore | tdrrieth || the cldtter | of his chariots'? 

29. Her wisest | princesses | make Answer, 
Yea, sh£ | returneth | her reply : 

30. 'Are they not | finding || — dividing | the spoil? 
A damsel — | two damsels || for every | mdn : 

A spoil I of dyed stuffs | for Sisera, 
A spoil I of dyed stuffs | embroidered ; 
Two dyed | embroideries [| for the neck | of the queen.' 

31. So perish | dll || thy foes | Yahweh : 

But be thy friends | like the sun || going forth | in his strength. 


The following notes are offered in explanation of the Heb. forms 
adopted in the transliteration. 

3. himiii), for ftt sini-fi. Comparative philology points to such a 
form : cf. Bab. kutulti ; and Ar. uktulfi, where the need for the 
prosthetic vowel was the direct result of the slurring away of the first 
short u vowel. That Heb. fctol was once pronounced kutul may also 
be inferred from Origen's translit. of urb Ps. 35 l by \oofi (o in 
translit. answering to it}. 

malakhhn, with two a's in open syllables, for iflfl mHakhim. So 
throughout the poem, parazoth, hakhamoth, etc. 

hctztnft ; or possibly hctzanft. The origin of the i of the Hiph'll 
is obscure. 

rozinim. The o of the Act . Particip. (from an original d ; cf. Ar. 
kdtil)vt2iS of early development in Heb.: cf. the T.A. 'glosses''*' 
zdfa'ni=]3D Abil= ?2fi< where the *2 is the nearest approach to the 
representation of in cuneiform script. 

'anokhi; perhaps originally accented y anokhi. Cf. 1JN of the 
Moabite stone and Phoenician inscriptions. 

6. lYahwdh. It is here assumed that, before the weak letter \ 
the short vowel of the preposition is merged by crasis with the 
following short vowel. Cf. T.A. badiu—'wz, (gloss on Bab. ina 

t : 

kdtisu). A similar crasis is assumed before the weak H in wholikdy, 
etc. Whether such a crasis took place before V is perhaps more 
doubtful. A possible instance is to be seen in the Precative Particle 
s 3 if this really stands for '■JD ' supplication ' ; and, similarly, the 

name nvi is usually regarded as a contraction of mjn (cf. Syr. 

* The so-called ' Cana'anite glosses ' in the T.A. Letters (which might preferably 
be termed ' Amorite,' as relics of the language of Amurru : cf. Introd. pp. lx f.) 
are words and phrases in the language which is the prototype of Hebrew, 
occurring in the letters which were written in the cuneiform script and in the 
Babylonian language by the petty kings and governors of Cana'anite cities to 
their suzerain, the king of Egypt. We may infer that the scribes who were 
responsible for the writing of these letters were themselves Cana'anites, to whom 
the Babylonian was a foreign language, acquired (as evidence shows) not always 
very perfectly. Thus, they often employ a Cana'anite word as an explanation or 
gloss of the equivalent term in Babylonian which precedes it in the letter ; or 
even occasionally substitute a Cana'anite term for the Babylonian, for which 
they were probably at a loss. These 'glosses' are of great value, not only as 
forming the earliest relics of the Hebrew language which are known to us, but 
also because (inasmuch as they are written syllabically in the cuneiform script) 
they embody the vocalization as well as the consonants of the forms. A com- 
plete list of the T.A. glosses will be found in Bohl, Die Sprache der Amarna- 
briefe, pp. 80 ff. ; cf. also KA T. 3 , pp. 651 ff. 


2,0^5). The crasis is of regular occurrence in Bab., where e.g. bHu 
stands for the West Semitic b e< ef, bd'al. 

\izammer. The last vowel probably e or a. The e of the Pi'el in 
fH is a late and artificial development. So late as the time of Origen 
this vowel is regularly represented in translit. by e and not by ij (con- 
trast the Act. Particip. Kal, where // always appears : e.g. Noxrrjp). 

'eldhdy, for fitl ,e /oke. For d in place of 0, cf. Ar. ildh, Syr. 'eld Ad. 
That e was originally the diphthong ay is clear from comparative 

4. basUhikd) basddikhd. The connective vowel before the suffix is 
given as i, the Genitive case-ending after the preposition, as in 
Bab. and Ar. 

missadhe. That T\*V$ was originally HB> might be conjectured 

V T " T 

from the sporadic occurrence of the latter form in fH as a poetical 
archaism. The early existence of the more familiar form is, how- 
ever, witnessed by the T.A. sate— mi? as a gloss to the Bab. ugari. 

'Adhom. For the initial short vowel, cf. Bab. Adumu. 

'dras, for fH Vres. It must be regarded as an open question whether 
the segholate nouns were pronounced at this period with a helping 
vowel after the second consonant (as in iftfl, and in the form which we 
have adopted), or in the monosyllabic form (e.g. 'drs) which is assumed 
to be the original (cf. Ar. 'ard, the philological equivalent of p)K). 

Origen uniformly represents this type of noun as monosyllabic : e.g. 
aps=t*-)tf §epx == 71" , n etc.; the only exceptions being formed by- 
words which have a guttural as second or third radical ; e.g. 
taab— in 1 * p^ye-Wl, etc. On the other hand, the much earlier 

evidence of (8r exhibits a uniform representation of the helping vowel ; 
e.g. Ia(f)€0=r\& Aafx€x=^\u? et c. Among the T.A. glosses we find 
batnu—)^'^ su'ru=irM sahri—yyv segholate forms with case- 
ending, just like Ar. 'ard im . Taking, however, a Hebrew proper 
name of the classical period such as }n s pTn (meaning, apparently, 

t •: • 

'Yahu is strength, or my strength'), where the first element MzH 
must be assumed to be a segholate noun of the form hezek (for the 
normal hozek ; cf. fern, hezkd by the side of hozka), we find that the 
helping vowel after the z which appears in the (Or translit. Edemas is 
confirmed by the Assyr. translit. in Sennacherib's inscription,* where 
the name is spelt out as ga-za-ki-ia-u or Ha-za-ki-a-u. In face of this 
conflict of evidence, it appears preferable to retain the helping vowel in 

* The Taylor Cylinder, col. ii. 1. 71 ; col. iii. 11. 11, 29 ; cf. KB. ii. pp. 92,94. 


segholate forms,* vocalizing, as (5r suggests, form I as in 'dras ; form 
2 as in se'phel, v. u ; form 3 as in '#//#/, v. *-' 4 (cf. <& forms BapaS, 
E£ep, Zoyop). 

rdasa. The pausal form is retained, here and elsewhere {nalhamti, 
lakahfi, v. 19 ; nathana, v. 25 ), as probably characteristic of the original 
pronunciation. Origen recognizes such pausal forms in his trans- 
literations ; e.g. ida(B(Br)pov='!\-\2*l\ The existence of the pausal 

i„ . .• 

accent in Bab., as indicated by the doubling of the succeeding 
consonant, also seems to be clear ; cf. Delitzsch, Assyr. Gramm. 
§ 53 c. In Ar. the pause introduces certain formal modifications. 

samem, in place of ilH sdmdyim. For the dual termination -crn, 
cf. Phoenician DDLJ>. 

natafihu, in place of fH ndPphu, as in Ar. ; and so in similar verbal 
forms throughout the song. Possibly such a form may sometimes 
have been pronounced natphu : cf. T.A. gloss mahsu for majiasu 
(IVriO). The Bab. Permansive form is similar. 

tn&yim ; or possibly mem : cf. T.A. gloss mtma, mema (spelt out 
mi-ma and mi-e-?na). Moabitic, however, represents the * in fO, a 
fact which perhaps indicates a pronunciation such as we have 
adopted {i.e. the pronunciation of fH). 

5. harmm, for ilft hari?7i. Similarly, "1 is doubled in yirrde, v. 8 , 
barrakhu, v. 9 , etc. It cannot be doubted that ancient Heb. found no 
more difficulty about the pronunciation of double 1 than does Bab. 
and Ar. Cf. the T.A. gloss karri- in with Genitive case-ending ; 

and the <3r transliterations 'A/xoppaTo? = "HbK pronounced ^Amurri 

(native of the land of Amurru) ; Xappav= pn cf. Bab. Harrdnu. 

7. : em ; or possibly Hmm (Origen, e/i). Similarly, maghen, v. 8 , may 
have been pronounced maghtnn, 'oz, v. 21 , 'uzz (Origen, o£), etc. 

9 fif. muhokakdy, musahhakoth, yuiannu. The short preformative 
vowel of the Pi'el is represented by u, as in Ar. Cf. the T.A. gloss 
yukabid= "133 \ 

11. zurd'o. For vowel of first syllable, cf. T.A. gloss zurfify. 

13. baggabbonm ; or possibly baggabbdnm as in Ar. : but it is 
probable that original d had already in most, if not in all, cases 
become ; as it certainly had in the case of the Act. Particip. Ka! : 
cf. note on roziniin, v. 3 . The original a of the sharpened first 
syllable of the subst. was probably not yet thinned to z, as in fH. 

* It is, as a matter of fact, difficult to conceive that a form like 'ars can ever 
have been pronounced without a helping vowel under the r, supposing this r to 
have been trilled ; and, in the same way, siphl cannot be pronounced as a true 
monosyllable, but naturally becomes Hphel. 


Many instances may be drawn from (Sr showing that the thinning of 
an original a in a toneless closed syllable into i is a late develop- 
ment : cf. Mapiap= D"niD Max/ias = ^'ftlDD TrtXaaS= 1^2, etc. 

1 5. naphrddh naphrddh. On the analogy of the fact noticed in the 
preceding note with regard to substantives, it may be assumed that 
the original a of the preformative of Niph'al was unthinned to i (so 
xialhamu, v. 19 ; naskaphd, v. 28 ; cf. the T.A. glosses naksapu, 
\na\aksapti) ; and the same inference may be drawn with regard to 
the preformative vowel of the Perf. Hiph'il (hakribha, v. 25 ), and the 
sharpened first syllable of the Perf. Pi'el (harraph, v. 18 ; kaddamdm, 
v. 21 ; 'aMarif, v. 28 ). In the case of the preformative vowel of the 
Imperf. Kal we have evidence from the T.A. glosses that the original 
a of the preformative was, at that period, preserved as in Ar., yazkur 
standing for ibp. Hence, in v. 17 we vocalize yaskun for fb^" 1 of $${ 

and in v. w yamsu'4 for W¥p\ 

26. taslahanna, vocalized upon the analogy of the Ar. modus 
tnergicus I. Cf. footnote, p. 1 52. 

roso. That an original rds (as presupposed by the Ar. rc?s) had 
already developed into ros in Heb. is proved by the T.A. gloss 
rusunu ' our head,' where the u of the syllable ru represents 0. 



The purpose of this note is to call attention to a characteristic of 
the Song which is somewhat infrequent in Hebrew poetry, viz. the 
recurrence of a form of parallelism which has been not inaptly termed 
Climactic. In this form, stichos b of a distich does not offer a more 
or less complete echo of stichos a in different words (Synonymous 
parallelism) ; nor, on the other hand, is it merely formally parallel to 
stichos a, while in matter it offers an advance in thought (Synthetic 
parallelism). Instances of such forms of parallelism are to be found 
in the Song ; but do not call for special comment.* In Climactic 
parallelism, however, stichos b is partially parallel to stichos a, but 
adds something further which completes the sense of the distich, 
thus forming, as it were, a climax. In the following examples this 
principle is carried out to a varying extent, in a manner which adds 
to the vigour and movement of the poetry. In order that the method 
may be the more clearly observed, the stichoi are divided into sec- 
tions upon the basis of parallel and non-parallel parts ; and the 

* On the various forms of Hebrew parallelism, cf. Driver LOT. 9 pp. 362 ff. 



parallel parts are placed one beneath the other, while the non-parallel 
sections stand separately. It may thus be observed that the non- 
parallel portion of stichos b is intended to round off and complete the 
whole distich. 

5. The mountains shook | before Yahweh, 

Before Yahweh, | the God of Israel. 

6. From the days of Shamgar ben-'Anath 

From the days of old, | caravans ceased. 

yb. Till thou didst arise, 
Didst arise 



I as a mother in Israel. 

9. Come, I ye commanders of Israel, 

Ye that volunteered among the people, | bless ye Y. 

11. There they recount | the righteous acts of Y., 

The righteous acts of his arm | in Israel. 

1 2a. Awake, awake, | Deborah ; 

Awake, awake, | sing paean ! 

12b. Rise up, Barak, 

O son of Abino'am, 

and lead captive 

thy captors ! 

18. Z. is the folk I that scorned its life to the death, 

And N. 

19^. On came the kings, 
the king's 

on the heights of 
the field. 

they fought 

Then fought | of Cana an. 

20. From heaven fought 

From their highways they fought 

the stars 

with Sisera. 

23. For they came not | to the help of Y. 

To the help of Y. | mid the heroes. 

28. Out through the window ] leaned and exclaimed 
out through the lattice I 

30. A spoil of dyed stuffs 

A spoil of dyed stuffs 

Dyed stuff 

for Sisera, 

for the neck of the queen 

the mother 

two embroi- 

Cf. also z/. 27 , where the single word THE* 'undone' in stichos c forms 
the climax to the description of Sisera's death and humiliation. 

Driver (LOT. p. 363) remarks that 'this kind of rhythm is all but 
peculiar to the most elevated poetry'; and quotes, as instances oc- 
curring elsewhere, Ps. 29 6 , 92' $ 10 , 93 s , 94 s , 96 13 , 113 1 . 'There is 


something analogous to it, though much less forcible and distinct, in 
some of the "Songs of Ascents" (Ps. 121 -134), where a somewhat 
emphatic word is repeated from one verse (or line) in the next, as 
Ps. 121 lb - 2 (help); v. 3hA ; v. ibM ; v. 7 - Sa ; I22 2b3a , etc.' 

Observation of this structural device cannot fail to suggest that the 
emendations and excisions proposed by some scholars, merely for the 
sake of removing repetitions, should be received with the utmost 
caution. Thus, e.g. when Rothstein emends IDrpj in v. i9aa into 
*D"iy[Y) ( [and] they set the battle in array,' on the ground that ' das 
natiirliche rhythmische Empfinden straubt sich dagegen, in beideu 
Halbversen das gleiche Verbum zu lesen,' he is proceeding upon 
an assumption which belies the most salient characteristic in the 
parallelism of the Song. 


In considering the language of the Song, one broad general prin- 
ciple has first to be laid down; viz. that, since Hebrew literature, 
as known to us from the O.T., is extremely exiguous, the Hebrew 
vocabulary which we possess doubtless represents only a somewhat 
limited part of the vocabulary which must have been in regular, if 
not in common, use in the written and spoken language. This is a 
consideration which is substantiated by the large number of a-rra^ 
Xeyopeva which occur throughout the O.T. ; and its importance is 
enhanced when it is applied to one of the very few monuments of the 
earliest period of the literature which happen to have survived. In 
discussing the text of the Song, we have noticed a number of words, 
the meaning of which can only be elucidated by recourse to the 
evidence supplied by the cognate languages. Thus, "Jfc^D 'grasp,' 
v. l \ D^V-120 v. 17 , spa v. 2 \ priD v. 26 3 and possibly D*DVTp ta 21 , are 

explained from the Arabic ; HUPD v. 15 possibly from Babylonian and 
Phoenician usage, but more probably from Aramaic; DvftJJ v.- 6 in 
a sense common to Arabic, Aramaic, and Babylonian, but not to 
early Hebrew as otherwise known to us; 22* 7/. 28 from Aramaic and 
New Hebrew; and Dm v. 30 from Moabitic. D^X^O v. 11 is eluci- 
dated only by our knowledge of the meaning of the verb in Hebrew; 
while the signification of QTlSCD v. 16 can only be vaguely guessed. 
These facts do not, of course, imply that e.g. the list of words which 
are explained from the Arabic are to be regarded as Arabisms, i.e. that 
their use in the Song is due to the influence of Arabic \ but simply that 
Hebrew and Arabic being from a common stock, and our knowledge 
of the Arabic vocabulary being much more extensive than our know- 
ledge of the Hebrew, Arabic helps us to explain some of the otherwise 
unknown Hebrew words, which may have been, and very likely were, 
in common daily use at the early period represented by the Song. 


Further, the fact urged by Vernes, in his argument for the late 
date of the Song, that a number of the words employed in it occur 
elsewhere, mainly or exclusively, in the third division of the Hebrew 
Canon — the KHhubhim, is really destitute of significance as bearing 
upon the date. Hebrew poetry, like the poetry of other languages, 
has its choice words and expressions which are not commonly 
employed in prose ; the great bulk of the Hebrew poetry known to 
us in the O.T. is contained in the K*thubhim (Pss., Job, Cant, Lam.) ; 
and at least two-thirds of the words cited by Vernes in proof of his 
thesis are cited because they occur in these poetical books.* 

There are, however, a few forms in the Song which are to be 
regarded as dialectical. Of those which have frequently been cited 
by scholars in time past, the termination p in p?]D v. 10 , and the 

supposed Absol. plur. termination i in *nj»> v. 16 , have disappeared 

- T 

under our criticism of the text; but there remain the Relative w v. 7 
for the ordinary -jb?k • TilDp ^. 7 , if rightly regarded as 2nd fern, sing., 

for the normal fl£p . the form spoioy v. u (cf. Neh. 9 22 - 24 ) with dis- 

: : - ' v t -; 

similated D, for ^psy • and, most remarkable of all, W\ v. n , where 
comparison of the cognate forms in Arabic and Aramaic, and the 
actual occurrence of the normal form in Hebrew (T13B> 'to do a second 

\ T T 

time '), lead us to expect ty& m It should be observed that the Song 

is not the only example of pre-exilic literature in which these forms 
occur. The Relative y; is found again in ch. 6 17 , 7 12 , 8 26 , in 2 Kgs. 6 11 
(if the text is sound), and throughout Cant, (which, however, may be 
post-exilic). Instances of forms resembling '•nop for fi£p have been 

quoted in note ad loc. from Mic. 4 13 , Jer. 2 20 . Forms from verbs V 
doubled exhibiting dissimilation, like ^pBDj; are seen in "»ppn Isa. io 1 

(as in the variant for "npn in the Song, v. 16 ); mn Num. 23 7 , JE, a/., 
**nfl Jer. i7VVnn Deut - 8 °» "^ J er - 6 ** ^ is substantiated 

• t-: •.• t-: •• : • - : 

by ni^np in ch. 1 1 40 (if original ; cf. note). 

The claim that these forms are ptCT'fs of the late date of the 

* Most of the remainder occur in the prophets, who also naturally at times 
employ terms which would not be used in plain prose. In citation of his 
references to various books, Vernes frequently does not state all the facts, or 

states them incorrectly. Thus fejtyl which is assigned to Pss. and Ezek., occurs 

- t' 

also in the pre-exilic prophets Am. 9 1 , Nah. i 5 , Jer. 4 2 *, 8 16 , io 10 , 50 46 , 51 29 ; 
P£ assigned to Pss., Prov., Chron., is, needless to say, very frequent also in 

the earliest literature; 2QD assigned to Chron., Neh., Pss. (where it does not 
occur), is only found again in Judg. 6 38 E ; and so on. 


Song (Vernes), and the assertion that they are late alterations of the 
text, (Rothstein), are, therefore, equally unwarranted ; and scholars 
generally recognize the fact that the Hebrew of northern Cana'an 
must have exhibited certain dialectical peculiarities — as indeed is 
seen to be the case in the lengthy narratives in Kings which must 
have emanated from the prophetic schools of the Northern Kingdom: 
tLNHTK. pp. 208 f. 

Many scholars, however, while admitting the existence of such 
dialectical forms, express their doubts as to the possibility of so 
marked an Aramaism as ^un" 1 in an early poem, and are inclined to 

regard it as a textual corruption ; and it is somewhat surprising to 
find so learned and judicious a scholar as Mo. asserting roundly 
that 'as equivalent of Heb. H3^ the word is not conceivable in 
old Hebrew.' 

Such a statement appears to imply a preconceived conclusion as to 
she sharp differentiation between early Hebrew and early Aramaic 
which, in default of evidence, we are scarcely justified in drawing. 
Indeed, it may be claimed that such evidence as we do possess as to 
the relationship between the two languages at a later period (and 
therefore, a fortiori, at this period) tends all in the other direction ; 
i.e. it is more likely that, if we possessed ample evidence as to the 
character of the Hebrew or Cana'anite,* and the Aramaic, which were 
spoken at this period, we should find that both languages existed in 
dialectical forms exhibiting so many common characteristics that we 
should (at any rate in some examples) find it difficult, if not impos- 
sible, to draw a distinction between the two, and to say, 'This is 
Hebrew (Cana'anite), and this Aramaic' 

The discoveries of recent years have given us some insight into 
the character of the language spoken, at about the eighth century 
B.C., by some of the small Aramaean states which lay to the north 
of Israel. Thus, we have the Hadad-inscription of Panammu, king 
of Ya'di in northern Syria, dating from about the middle of the 
eighth century B.C., and the two inscriptions of his son Bar-rekub 
(towards the end of the same century), who seems to have been king 
of Sam'al as well as of Ya'di (unless the two places are to be regarded 
as identical). These were discovered near Zengirly in the years 
1889-91. % Next, an inscription of Zakir, king of Hamath and 
La^sh, dr. 800 B.C. or a little earlier, was discovered in 1903 by 
Pognon, and published by him in I907.§ And, most recently, an 

* The fact is well recognized that Hebrew is 'the language of Can'aan' 
(cf. Isa. 19 18 ); and that Phoenician, Moabitic, etc., are examples of the same 
language, with dialectical variations. 

% Cf. E. Sachau in Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, 1893, D. H. Miiller, Die 
altsemitischen Inschriften von Sendschirli, 1893 ; Cooke, NSI. pp. 159-185. 

§ Pognon, Inscriptions Simitiques de la Syrie, de la Mtsopotamie, et de la 
rdgion de Mossoul, 1907, pp. 156-178 ; cf. also Driver in Expositor, June 1908, 
pp. 481-490; Lidsbarski, Ephemeris, iii. pp. 1-11. 


inscription of Kalumu, an earlier king of Ya'di of the latter half of the 
ninth century B.C., has also been discovered in the neighbourhood of 

The language of the inscriptions of Panammu and Bar-rekub, 
kings of Ya'di during the eighth century B.C., is clearly Aramaic of a 
kind, though distinguished by certain marked characteristics which 
connect it with Hebrew (Cana'anite) rather than with later Aramaic. 
Into these characteristics we cannot here enter in detail ; but it 

may be noticed that, in the three ordinary equations, Ar. j = Aram. 

l = Heb. T; Ar. Cj = Aram. n = Heb. tf> ; Ar. k = Aram. D = Heb. V, 
it is to Hebrew and not to Aramaic that the Zen^irly dialect conforms. 
The use of W where Aramaic ordinarily employs T\ {e.g. 365^ for 2JV, 

?p£> for Ppn) is, we may observe, the converse of the employment of 
fhe form }3JV in the Hebrew of the Song, where we should expect 

»*, % 

Turning, however, to the inscription of Kalumu, who may have 
preceded Panammu as king of Ya'di by nearly a century, § we find 
that his language is Cana'anite throughout, closely resembling Phoe- 
nician as known to us from inscriptions of the fourth century B.C. and 
later, though marked by a few Aramaisms such as the use of 12 'son' 
in place of |2. 

The language of Zakir's inscription associates itself most closely 
with Aramaic, though offering points of contact with Cana'anite 
similar to those which are found in the inscriptions of Panammu and 
Bar-rekub ; and in addition so remarkable a Hebraism as the use of 
the Imperfect with 1 consecutive, a construction which is elsewhere 
only found in Biblical Hebrew and in the inscription of Mesha', king 
of Moab. 

These facts — and more especially the remarkable alteration in the 

* First edited by F. von Luschan in Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, 1911 ; cf. 
also E. Littmann, ' Die Inschriften des Konigs Kalumu,' in Sitznngsberichte der 
K'dnigl. Preuss. Akad. der Wiss., 1911, pp. 976-985; M. Lidsbarski, ' Eine 
phonizische Inschrift aus Zendschirli,' in Ephemeris fur Semit. Epigraphik, iii. 
pp. 218-238 (he gives a list of other writers on the inscription, p. 220 «.). 
Kalumu is mentioned in the shorter inscription of Bar-rekub, in a passage 
which, prior to the discovery of his inscription, was not unnaturally unintelligible 
jo editors. Bar-rekub says (11. 15 ff. ), ' And a good house my fathers, the kings 
of Sam'al, did not possess ; they had only the house of Kalumu, and it was 
their winter-house and their summer-house : so I built this house.' 

X Cf. further on the dialect of these inscriptions, Cooke, NS7. pp. 184 f. 

§ Kalumu's father, £Jayan the son of Gabar, paid tribute to Shalmaneser III. 
in B.C. 854 (cf. KB. i. pp. 170 f.) ; and seems to have been succeeded by his son 
Sha'il, before the accession of Kalumu. Bar-rekub states that his father 
Panammu, as well as himself, was a contemporary of Tiglath-Pileser, who 
reigned from 745-727 B.C. 


language used by the kings of Ya'di in the course of a century or so 
— are sufficient to make us surmise that, if the characteristics of so- 
called Aramaic in the 8th and 9th centuries B.C. were such as we 
have noticed ; in the 12th century B.C. (i.e. at about the period of the 
Song of Deborah) Aramaic may scarcely as yet have been differen- 
tiated from Hebrew as a separate language, but the two may have 
appeared as somewhat closely related dialectical forms of the one 
language which was known to the Assyrians as 'the tongue of 

Before, therefore, we pass an opinion as to the possibility or 
impossibility of 'Arama'isms' in the Song of Deborah, we have to 
take account of the following facts : — 

(1) Evidence shows that even so much as three hundred years 

later than the date of the Song, the 'Aramaic' spoken 
by states in northern Syria was more nearly related to 
Cana'anite or Hebrew than was the Aramaic of later times. 

(2) The northern, or, more accurately, central, Palestinian Hebrew 

of some three hundred years later, albeit that we know 
it as the literary language of the prophetic schools (1 Kgs. 
17 — 2 Kgs. 10), offers certain dialectical peculiarities akin 
to Aramaic. 

(3) The Song is probably the only existing instance of a piece 

of literature belonging to this early period which emanates 
from the extreme north of Palestine, and was perhaps 
composed by a member of a tribe (Issachar?) which may 
have been in Canaan without a break from its earliest 
settlement in the west ; and had not, like the Joseph- 
tribes, undergone the segregation from external Semitic 
influences involved in the sojourn in Egypt (cf. Introd. 
pp. cvi ff.\ 

(4) In any case, the northern tribes of Israel dwelt in close 

association (cf. ch. i 30 **-) with the Cana anites of the north, 
who may have been considerably influenced linguistically 
by their Aramaean neighbours, just as these latter were 
doubtless influenced by them. 

(5) There were Aramaean clans closely contiguous to Israel not 

only on the north, but east of Jordan — the Geshurites and 
Ma'acathites — clans which ultimately became united to 
East Manasseh by intermarriage (cf. note on ' Machir' 5 14 
at end). Some of these clans may already have used the 
later Aram. H for Heb. W in cases in which the Ar. equi- 
valent is c^j, and may have passed on some of their 
terms as loan-words to the Israelites. 

(6) Judg. 12 6 is actual proof that there existed dialectical pecu- 

liarities among the Israelites in regard to the pronunciation 
of the sibilant B> (sibboleth for shibboleth). 


Bearing these facts in mind, we may recognize the existence of 
'Aramai'sms' in the Song as a natural phenomenon, and may well 
pause before we condemn a form such as }j)n v as impossible in a very 
early example of northern Israelite literature. 

6. 1-8. 28. Gideon. 

Besides the Commentaries, etc., quoted throughout the book, cf. W. Bohme, 
Die til 'teste Darstellung in Richt. 6 1124 und 13 *- 24 , und ihre Verwandtschaft mit 
der Jahveurkunde des Pentateuch, ZATW. v. (1885) pp. 251-274 ; H. Winckler, 
Die Quellenzusammensetzung der Gideonerzahlungui, AF. i. (1893) pp. 42-59. 

The narrative of the oppression of Midian and the deliverance 
effected by Gideon is highly composite throughout. In no other 
section of Judges is the existence of two documents bearing the 
characteristics of J and E more clearly evident, and the criteria for 
determining the main lines of analysis are fairly decisive ; though in 
details there remains considerable scope for difference of opinion. 

6 16 . Here R E2 , whose regular introductory formulae occur in 
vv. 1 ®*, opens the narrative with a statement of facts derived from 
his old sources. We notice certain similarities to the narrative of J 
in 1 Sam. 13 6 - 6 , to which ch. 7 12 J ('like the sand which is upon the 
sea-shore for multitude') is also related. The fact, however, that 
there is some duplication of statement (cf. v. 3 'there would come up 
Midian' with v. 6 , 'For they and their cattle used to come up'; 
v.\ 'And they encamped against them, and destroyed the produce 
of the land' with z/. 5 , 'with their tents, . . . and they came into the 
land to destroy it'), and the somewhat curious combination of tenses 
in the Heb.,* suggest that elements from more than one source have 
been combined; and these it is useless to attempt to unravel, j 

* After *5>jn . . . nbv) . . rWll in v.* we should expect Wn#m . . . «m 
t: tt: tt: , •:•: t : 

in v. 4a , more especially as these statements are continued by VVKB^ N?1 

in v. 4b . The frequentative construction continues the narrative in v. 5 * 

^Kir^l # . , vV and this is followed in v. 6b by an imperfect with ) con- 

secutive }N3 S 1 'and they came into the land, etc.', which, as summarizing in 


brief the result of these repeated raids, might stand in the same narrative in 
continuation of preceding frequentatives ; but at the same time is just as likely 
to have been taken from another narrative which spoke of a single invasion, or 
viewed the repeated invasions as a single fact (cf. MVn&?*1 . , , ^rW ? ^. 4 ). 

% It is possible (cf. Bu. RS. p. 107) that the narrative may contain later glosses. 
Thus D1"iyDn DfcO 'and the caves' may be explanatory of niinjOn J"1X 
'the crevices,' or erroneous dittography of it. In v. 3b it is not unlikely that 

the text originally ran IvV fHft i"6jtt ' then would come up Midian against 
them' simply, and that later insertion of Dip ^31 p?DJJ1 necessitated the 


6 710 . The retrospect of Israel's past history and the polemic 
against their idolatry are in the style of the later strata of E which 
closely approximates to the style of R Ea , and, indeed, appears to have 
formed its model (cf. Introd. pp. xli ff.). We may compare generally 
Josh. 24, 1 Sam. 10 17 * 19 , 12. Cf. especially the phraseology of 
V7/> 8bo.»» w jth i Sam. 10 18 . The phrases 'bring up or bring out from 
Egypt,' 'from the house of bondmen,' 'oppressors,' 'Yahweh your 
God,' ' Amorite ' used as a general designation of the inhabitants of 
Cana'an, are characteristic of the school of Hosea'; cf. Introd. p. xlv. 
Possibly v. 7 may be due to R Ka ; cf. v. 7& with v. 6h : still, the phrase, 
'cried unto Yahweh,' is originally due to E a ; cf. 1 Sam. 12 10 , Josh. 24 7 . 

Moreover, the expression nilX b]3 'on account of* in v. 7 * is charac- 
teristic of E: cf. CH. E in* 

6 11 * 24 . This section clearly stands in no original relationship to 
the foregoing. Contrast, in v. 13 , Gide'on's unconsciousness of any 
apparent cause for Israel's misfortunes, with the unnamed prophet's 
denunciation of Israel's idolatry as the crying cause of these mis- 
fortunes. The narrative generally has close affinities with ch. 13 
and Gen. iS 1 ^, which belong to J. Special J phrases are 'the 
Angel of Yahweh,' vv. "-12.21.22 (< the Angel of God ' in v. ,0 is pro- 
bably an accidental variation : cf. note ad toe); ' If now I have found 
grace in thy sight,' v. 17 ; 'Oh, my lord' (>J1K U), v. 16 : cf. CH. J 4, 
31a, 56b. 

It is probable (as supposed by Bu., Mo., etc.) that this narrative 
may have undergone some later modifications and additions, the 
main purpose of which was to imply that the divine character of 
Gide'on's visitor was evident from the first, and was at once recog- 
nized by Gide'on: cf. notes on the text. The precise extent of these 
secondary additions being highly debatable, no attempt has been 
made to indicate them in the text. Winckler's theory that two 
distinct narratives are here combined throughout does not com- 
mend itself. 

525-32 j s c i ear iy distinct in source from the foregoing. In 6 24 
Gide'on builds an altar to Yahweh, which is still, when the narrator 
writes, to be seen in 'Ophrah of the Abi'ezrites, and was, we may 
certainly infer, the only altar to Yahweh there. In t/. 26 , however, he 

awkward resumption vJJV Adoption of this conclusion does not, however, 
oblige us to suppose that the similar detailed description of the foe in v. ,3 », 712*0 
is likewise due to later interpolation ; though it is possible that this may be so. 

* Stade (GVI. i. p. 182) remarks that the introduction of anonymous persons, 
such as the prophet of this section, into the narrative, is always a mark 6f late 
date. This consideration has weight as regards the lateness of the narrative in 
comparison with the earlier parts of E ; but by no means compels us to regard 
the section as later than E 2 , in face of the evidence connecting it with E 2 which 
is noticed above. 



is commanded to build an altar to Yahweh in place of the Ba'al-altar, 
as though no other Yahweh-altar existed in the place, though (if 
vv. Kti - are really the sequel of 6 1124 ) he had only just previously 
built such an altar to Yahweh. Since 6 11 ' 24 belongs to J, we may 
infer, therefore, that 6 2532 comes from E; and with this agrees the 
polemic against Ba'al-worship which characterizes it, and which per- 
haps justifies us in regarding the section as belonging to the same 
stratum of E as 6 711 , i.e. E a . In addition to the phrase 'Yahweh 
thy God' in v. 26 (cf. v. 10 ), Bu. notes as an E phrase, 'rose up early 
in the morning' pp22 , ID*3tJ' v l), t/. 28 . The name Jerubba'al, which 
first appears here, seems to belong to E: notice 7 \ 8 29 , c; 1 * 6 ! 610 - 24 - 67 , 
1 Sam. 12 }}. R Ea combines Jerubba'al Gide'on 8 35a : cf. R JE, s gloss, 
'that is, Gide'on' in 7 la . 

6 s3 , describing the incursion of Midian, etc., as in v. zh (cf. footnote), 
7 12a , belongs in all probability to E: cf. note on 7 1 . J's narrative, 
in 6 n ' 24 , presupposes that the Midianites are already on the spot, and 
ravaging the country, at the time of Gide'on's commission. 

6 34 , describing Gide'on's muster of his small force from the clan of 
Abi'ezer only, is to be assigned to J; while 

6 36 , which pictures the muster of a large force from all Manasseh, 
Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali, presupposes the narrative of 7 2 ' 7 (on 
which see below), and must therefore, in its present form, be assigned 
to E 2 . It seems likely, however, that the verse is composite (cf. the 

repeated nfe D^DK^ 'and he sent messengers'); and that the 

- t • t : - 

first half, which speaks of a muster from the tribe of Manasseh, 
belongs to the original narrative of E, which may have been closely 
akin to J in assuming that Gide'on drew his force from purely local 
sources. The Kin~D3 'it also' (the tribe of Manasseh) is R JE 's link 

with the preceding v. 3i . 

6 3640 , which gives an account of a request by Gide'on for a sign of 
God's favour, can scarcely belong to the narrative 6 1124 which con- 
tains the account of the Theophany. This latter also narrates the 
request for and the granting of a sign (vv. 17tt ) ; and in face of this 
the second sign appears less marvellous and also superfluous. Pro- 
bably it belongs to a narrative in which the call of Gide'on was 
related as taking place in a different manner, perhaps through the 
medium of a vision. Since 6 1124 belongs to J, we shall scarcely err 
in assigning 6 3640 to E, especially in view of the fact that throughout 
it uses 'God' {ha-'elohim vv. 36Z9 , 'elohim v. i0 ) and not 'Yahweh.' It 
may be observed, however, that Gide'on's words in 7/. 39a bear close 
resemblance to the words of Abraham in Gen. 18 30 - 32 , usually assigned 
to J.* 

• According to Bu. (KS. p. 111) the words are probably a gloss derived from 
this passage. La. remarks that the words ' and I will speak only this once ' are 
more appropriate to the Genesis-passage where the conversation is prolonged. 


7 1 appears to belong to E. Notice the connexion with 6 33 . The 
invaders arrive and make their encampment as specified; Gide'on 
then musters his force, and they make their encampment : it then 
remains to notice the relative positions of the two camps. 4 The vale' 
of 7 lb is * the vale of Jezre'el ' of 6 33b . 

7 2 " 7 . Looking at the account of the muster (6 35 ), and the methods 
employed to reduce the large force from 32,000 to 10,000, and finally 
to 300, and reading it in the light of the narrative which follows, we 
can scarcely fail to trace indications of discrepancy. Thus, in 7 23 we 
are informed that, on the flight of the Midianites, 'the men of Israel 
were called to arms from Naphtali, and from Asher, and from all 
Manasseh,' and joined in the pursuit. Yet these are the very tribes 
which, according to 6 36 , had already been mustered by Gide on, and 
the great bulk of whose representatives must, according to 7 2 " 7 , have 
been dismissed, and scarcely have had time even to reach their 
homes. It should be noticed, again, that in 8 2 , where Gide'on 
contrasts the achievement of his own small force with that of the 
Ephraimites, he speaks of his force as 'Abi'ezer.' It is of course 
possible that under this title he may be simply referring to himself as 
representative of the clan ; yet the allusion can scarcely fail to convey 
the impression that his army as a whole was composed largely if not 
solely of Abi'ezrites. Reading this in connexion with 6 34 which 
narrates the muster of the clan, the theory becomes plausible that 
the original narrative may have made Gide'on draw his force 
from his own clan only ; and that this may account for the smallness 
of its numbers, until reinforced, when the pursuit was taking place, 
by accessions from the other clans of Manasseh, as well as from the 
other tribes mentioned (cf., however, note on 7 23 ). Thus, the passages 
which narrate the first muster from Manasseh, Asher, Zebulun, and 
Naphtali (6 35 ), and the reduction of the large force to a very small 
one, must, upon this view, be supposed to belong to another and a 
later narrative. 

We have assigned 6 35 partly to the original E (the muster of 
Manasseh), and partly to E 2 (the muster of the other tribes men- 
tioned). The latter half of this verse, as narrating the muster of a 
large force from several tribes, is obviously intended to pave the way 
for the narrative of 7 27 , which is to be assigned in like manner to 
E 2 . That the narrative of E 2 has been fitted into, and is to some 
extent dependent upon, the older E, may be inferred from the echo 
of the phrase of v. 1 , l all the people that were with him,' in v. 2 , ' the 
people that are with thee.' 

7 8 . The first part of this verse (down to * their trumpets') is 
obviously intended to explain how Gide'on came to have so many 
trumpets and pitchers (if the emendation adopted in the text be 
accepted) as are presupposed by 7 16 ; and since, in the narrative of 
the night-attack, there is good reason to believe that the trumpets 


belong to one account and the pitchers to the other, this portion of 7 8 
must be regarded as due to the redactor of the two main narratives, 
i.e. R JE . The rest of the verse is to be assigned to E 2 ; the latter half 
being resumptive of the narrative of the older E which was broken at 
7 lb by insertion of the later intervening narrative. 

7 914 . The older narrative of E, resumed, as we have noticed, in 
7 8b , is here continued. The relative positions of the two camps having 
been defined, the Midianite camp as below that of Gide'on in the vale, 
the way is paved for the narration of Yahweh's command, ' Go down 
into the camp, etc.'* Cf. 6 26 for the introductory formula of v. 9 * 
4 And it came to pass the same night, etc.' 

7 16 " 22 . The account of the night-attack is very involved, and it is 
impossible to regard it as a unity. Bu. remarks, ' To carry a burning 
torch in a pitcher turned upside down over it requires two hands ; thus 
there is no hand left for the trumpet, or vice-versd. In the same way, 
it is impossible at once to blow a horn and to raise the battle-cry' 
(Comm. p. 60). These objections to the integrity of the narrative are 
to some extent answered by La. ; X yet the fact remains that through- 
out the narrative there occur repetitions which can only be accounted 
for by the supposition that two parallel accounts have been closely 
interwoven. Thus v. ll& is repeated by v. llb P ; <z/7/.wb a .20a a by yVi&o.^ 
v. 2lh gives an account of the effects of the night-alarm which differs 
from that which is given by v. 22a £ ; and v. 22b can scarcely be anything 
else than the combination of two variant accounts of the line of flight. 
Probably, therefore, the view is correct which regards the pitchers 
and torches as belonging to one account, and the trumpets to the 
other. The ruse connected with the pitchers and torches has about 
it an air of originality and verisimilitude, and Gide'on's small force 
(according to J's account) would be more likely to find pitchers or 

* The obvious transition from 7 lb , as noticed above, seems to be the only safe 
argument upon which this section is assigned to E. Bu. {Comm.), who takes 
the same view as to the source of the narrative, adduces as evidence the night- 
scene, the dream, and its interpretation ; though rightly remarking (against 
Winckler) that the use of ha-'elohim 'God' (not Yahweh) in the mouth of a 
Midianite in v. 14 is destitute of significance as a criterion. Such evidence, how- 
ever, is not very weighty. A night-scene from J immediately follows in one of 
the narratives of the night-attack ; and though it is true that E in the Hexateuch 
seems to display a fondness for the narration of revelations vouchsafed in nightly 
visions, this fact by no means renders improbable the occurrence of a like inci- 
dent in J. The section is assigned to J by Mo., though the majority of scholars 
appear to be of the opinion of Bu. 

X La. suggests that, if the pitcher had a hole in it, the torch could be passed 
through the hole and held by the hand underneath the pitcher ; and moreover, 
even if both hands were needed for this operation, the trumpet might at the same 
time be suspended from a bandolier. When the pitcher is broken, one hand is 
surely sufficient to carry the torch, and it is then that the trumpet is blown. 
Further, it goes without saying that it is possible to desist from blowing the 
trumpet in order to raise the battle-cry (p. 136). 


jars ready to their hand than a sufficient supply of trumpets (the 
statement of v. 8 must be regarded as the work of R JE ) : hence we 
shall probably be right in assigning the pitchers and torches to J, 
and the trumpets (perhaps under the influence of Josh. 6 12ff ) to the 
later narrative of E. We may then make the following allocation. 
To J belong v. 16 with the exception of 'trumpets and' inserted by 
R JE in joining the two narratives (notice as a J phrase 'three bands,' 
lit. 'heads' D^&O, as in ch. 9 3137 , 1 Sam. 11 11 , I3 17f -, all probably J) 
v. 17a , v. 20 (from 'and they brake,' etc.) with 'the modification which 

is due to the insight of Bu. (substituting yina for VSprf? nnsi^n, 

and omitting 3"in after }fcOp s 1 • cf. z/. 18b 0), 'and in their right hand 

the sword ; and they cried, "For Yahweh and for Gide'on ! "' This 
is directly continued by v. 21 ; and, possibly with some small inter- 
vening omission, by v. 22b £ which recounts the direction of the enemy's 
flight. To E must be assigned v. ls (continuing the previous E narra- 
tive), v. 17b , which is continued by v. 18 down to ' all the camp,' v. 19 
down to 'the trumpets,' and v. 22 down to ' Beth-shittah,' which relates 
in due sequence how all the three hundred took up the trumpet-call 

of Gideon's band (read nhBi#3 niKftH vhtf WpW, and tne effect 

which the demonstration had upon the foe. All that remains over 
appears to be the work of R JE in joining and harmonizing the two 
narratives. Thus, mention of the trumpets had to be inserted in v. 16 
and in v. 20 ('the trumpets to blow,' leading to the alteration of J's 
account above noticed) ; and mention of the battle-cry and the break- 
ing of the pitchers from J needed to come into w. 18 - 19 , which are 
otherwise derived from E ; just as mention of the trumpet-blowing 
by the three bands had to be duplicated from E's account in s/. 22a , 
and inserted at the beginning of v. 20 , which is derived from J. If 
this scheme be adopted, it will be found that the two accounts run 
parallel, and are each nearly continuous, as may be seen from the 
connected narrative of each which is given in the notes ad loc. This 
view of the combination of J and E assumes, as we have already 
noticed, that the statement of v. s , which (if the emendation adopted 
in the text be correct) mentions both pitchers and trumpets, is the 
work of R JE . 

7 23 . This mention of the call to arms of the neighbouring Israelite 
tribes is inconsistent with E's narrative in 6 35 , 7 2-7 ; since according to 
this narrative these are the tribes whose representatives had been 
summoned in the first place, and then, for the most part, dismissed 
(cf. under 7 2 " 7 ). This objection does not hold against assigning the 
verse to J ; though, as a matter of historical fact, it may be doubted 
whether Gide'on, who seems to have planned his attack in the first 
instance with the aid of his own clan of Abi'ezer only, would have 
been able, in the course of a hurried pursuit towards the south-east, 


to have summoned the tribes of Naphtali and Asher who dwelt to the 
north of the scene of action. Possibly, therefore, the verse may be 
a later gloss, or may have originally mentioned only ' all Manasseh.' 

7 ,4 -8 3 . The difficulty noticed under the preceding verse does not 
apply to the summoning of Ephraim which is here narrated ; since 
the position occupied by this tribe would enable them to intercept the 
fugitives in time, as is related. The source of the narrative seems to 
be indicated by Gide'on's allusion in 8 2 to his achievement as 'the 
vintage of Abi'ezer,' from which we are justified in assuming that we 
have the sequel of the account which pictures the rout of Midian as, 
in its inception, the unaided work of the clan of Abi'ezer; i.e. the 
account of J.* It is clear, however, that 7 25 is, in part at least, the 
work of R JE ; the statement that the heads of 'Oreb and Ze'eb were 
brought to Gide'on beyond the Jordan being obviously an attempt to 
harmonize the narrative with 8 4ff - which comes from a different source. 
Probably the statement 'and they pursued Midian' is also due to the 
same hand, with allusion to 8 4ff . According to J's narrative, the task 
of Ephraim seems to have been simply to hold the fords ; and there is 
no indication that the pursuit was pushed across the Jordan. On the 
other hand, z/. 25ba , 'and the heads of 'Oreb and Ze'eb they brought 
unto Gide'on,' appears to belong to J; more especially if the opening 
of 8 1 , 'said unto him'' (with back-reference to Gide'on's name in 7 25b ) 
is in its original form. 

8 4 " 81 . The impression which 8 13 leaves upon us is that the rout 
of Midian is completed and pursuit at an end. The capture and 
execution of 'Oreb and Ze'eb may be said to constitute the chief 
honours of the victory. A lull in the proceedings of victorious Israel 
affords occasion for the recriminations of the Ephraimites. Yet in 
8 4ff we find Gide'on crossing Jordan, and in hot pursuit of two 
Midianite kings, Zebah and Salmunna', previously unnamed. And 
not only so, but his chance of success appears so remote to the men 
of Succoth and Penuel, upon whom he calls for refreshment for his 
weary force, that they meet his request with a taunting refusal (v. 6 ). 
The conclusion is irresistible that the narrative of 8 4 ' 21 belongs to a 
different account from that of 7 24 -8 s , and that Zebah and Salmunna 
in the one account take the place of 'Oreb and Ze'eb in the other. 
If 7 24 -8 3 is rightly assigned to J, the assumption is that 8 in belongs 
to E ; and in favour of this conclusion there may be cited the 
incredibly large numbers in 2/. 10 , which accord with the narrative 
of 7 2 ' 7 where Gide'on's large force is reduced to 300 in order that his 
victory may partake of a miraculous character. J As a mark of E's 

* La. recognizes that this section belongs to J, but other scholars very strangely 
assign it to E. 

% It is not unlikely that the older narrative of E has been amplified by E a in 
this section also, though evidence decisive of such amplification is lacking. Cf., 
however, the E section vv. 2!2 ^ which follows. 


narrative we may notice the phrasing of ?/. 4 , 'And the three hundred 
men that were with him,' compared with 7 laa 2iU9 . The mention in 
v 2x of 'the crescents that were upon the necks of their camels' is a 
point of connexion with v 2 \ which belongs to a section which 
undoubtedly comes from E. 

As we read this section, we can scarcely fail to notice that it pre- 
supposes the prior narration of incidents which have disappeared 
altogether from the Gide' on-narrative as known to us. Gide'on's 
inquiry of the Midianite kings as to the fate of his brethren (v. 18 ) 
demands that some account of their murder must originally have 
existed in this narrative, and supplies a new motive for Gide'on's 
taking action against the Midianites, viz. the prosecution of the blood- 
feud which naturally devolved upon him. Such a motive, however, 
is by no means inconsistent with his role as the divinely appointed 
deliverer of Israel. Similar personal considerations enter into the 
actions of Samson which are ascribed to him as 'Judge' or vindicator 
of Israel; and may possibly have also influenced Barak, if, as seems 
likely, he was at one time a captive in the hands of the Cana'anites 
(cf. 5 12 , note). We have already noticed (cf. under 6 3640 ) that in E 
the account of Gide'on's call is missing, that which is derived from J 
(6 n * 24 ) having taken its place. Probably E's account of the call was 
closely combined with the account of the personal outrage which is 
presupposed by 8 18 fif. This is a further point which connects our 
narrative with E rather than J; since, if it belonged to the latter, 
we might reasonably expect to find some reference to the family-feud 
in J's account of Gide'on's call in 6 11 ' 24 ; and Gide' on would scarcely 
have professed to regard himself as the man least suited for the task 
entrusted to him (v. 15 ). It may be added that the obviously sincere 
description of Gide'on's kingly bearing given by the Midianite kings 
in 8 18 is hardly consonant with his position as we gather it from J's 
narrative in 6 1124 . 

g22-27 # This section seems clearly to exhibit the hand of E 2 in 
vv. 222 ™ 7 *^. In v. 22 , the fact that 'the men of Israel' {i.e. the tribes 
as a whole ; cf. note ad loc.) join in requesting Gide' on to become 
their king, invests his victory with a wider importance than it seems 
to have possessed in either of the older accounts. Cf., as a mark of 
E 2 , the use of the verb unjoin 'thou hast saved us.' In v. 23 , the 

idea that the appointment of a human ruler is inconsistent with the 
true conception of the Theocracy, is characteristic : cf. 1 Sam. 8 6 - 7 ,* 

* The view put forward in this passage, that Israel's request for a king amounts 
to a definite rejection ofYahweh's kingship — 'They have not rejected thee, but 
they have rejected me, that I should not be king over them ' — stands in striking 
contrast to the standpoint of the parallel and older narrative from J, where 
Yahweh Himself grants a king as a mark of favour and pity: cf. 9 16 , where 
Samuel is instructed with regard to Saul, 'Thou shalt anoint him to be leader 
over my people Israel, and he shall save my people out of the hand of the Philis- 
tines : for I have looked upon my people, because their cry is come unto me.' 


io 10 , 12 17 (all E 2 ) ; and passages in Hosea' in which the appointment 
of a king appears to be regarded as a wilful act, closely bound up 
with Israel's defection from Yahweh — Hos. 8 410 ,* io 3 , I3 10f . As a 
matter of fact, Gide'on's sons do seem to have become hereditary 
sheikhs of Shechem, by virtue of the office transmitted by their father: 
cf. ch. 9 ', where the verb mdsat, ' rule,' is the same as is employed in 
8 23 , 'I will not rule over you, etc.' The polemic against the Ephod 
in v.* 7 , with the special term employed to describe defection from ( 
Yahweh, ^p 'and they went a whoring,' is also characteristic of 

E' 2 : cf. Introd. p. xlv. 

There is no reason, however, to doubt that the main part of vv, 22rr i 
belongs to an older narrative : and since the verses which we assign 
to E 2 are based upon this older narrative, the inference is clear that 
the latter must be assigned to the older stratum of E. The connexion 
between v. 26b and v. 21b / 3 has already been remarked. 

8 2S . The concluding summary of R E2 , couched in his usual style 
and phraseology. 

6. I. REa (J E ) And the children of Israel did that which was 
evil in the sight of Yahweh : and Yahweh gave them into the 
hand of Midian seven years. 2. And the hand of Midian pre- 

6. 1. Midian. On the situation of the land of Midian, as lying 
to the east or north-east of the gulf of 'Akaba, in the northern part of 
the modern Hi£az, cf. footnote, p. no. The nomadic Arabian clans 
of Midian were regarded by the Israelites as related to themselves, 
though somewhat remotely. Midian is reckoned in Gen. 25 16 J as 
one of the sons of Abraham by his second wife, or concubine (t/. 8 , 
1 Chr. i 32 ), Keturah; just as Ishma'el is also Abraham's son by the 
concubine Hagar. The Midianites of our narrative are classed as 
Ishma' elites in ch. 8 24 ; and similarly, in the story of Joseph and his 
brethren, Gen. 37 25ff -, while the J narrative relates that Joseph was 
sold, at Judah's suggestion, to Ishma' elite traders, the E narrative 
makes him to have been kidnapped by passing Midianites. It thus 
appears that some amount of vagueness existed in the minds of 
Israelite historians in their definition of these Arab tribes: and with 
this inference agrees the fact that, whereas the land of Midian which 
formed the home of Moses during his exile from Egypt lay far to the 
south of Canaan (cf. also 1 Kgs. n 18 ), Gen. 25 s describes Abraham 
as sending away the sons of the concubines (including Midian) \ east- 
ward, into the land of the east'; and similarly, one of the Bala'am- 

* Hos. 8 10 should almost certainly be emended (after ffi) BJJft ^TW) 

■ • • • • • 

D*"!^ "nta nb^JD ' tnat tnev ma y ce ase for a little from anointing a king 
and princes. ' 

6. 2. 3- 4-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 185 . 

vailed against Israel : because of Midian the children of Israel 
made themselves the crevices which are in the mountains, and 
the caves, and the strongholds. 3. Now it used to be that, when 
Israel had sown, there would come up Midian, and 'Amalek, and 
the children of the East; they would come up against them. 
4. And they encamped against them, and destroyed the produce 
of the land as far as Gaza ; and they would leave no means of 
sustenance in Israel, neither sheep, nor ox, nor ass. 5. For they 

narratives embodied in Num. 22-24 (JE) pictures 'elders of Midian' 
as forming the retinue of Balak, king of Moab (22 4 - 7 ; cf. also the late 
narrative of P in Num. 3 1 1 " 12 ). See further, on this point, Skinner, 
Genesis {ICC), p. 349. 

2. because of Midian, etc. The limestone-hills of Palestine are full 
of caves of various shapes and sizes, which are partly natural and 
partly artificial. The writer of our narrative traces the origin of these 
caves to the Israelite refugees, for whom they formed welcome hiding- 
places. Cf. 1 Sam. 13 6 J. 

crevices. Heb. minharolh, a a.ira£ \ey6fievov, is explained from the 
Ar. minhara or minhar, lit. a place hollowed out by water. 

3. Now it used to be, etc. The Heb. tenses employed in vv. 3 * for 
the most part denote recurrence ; but there are some exceptions 
which probably point to a combination of two originally separate 
narratives, tt. footnote * p. 176. 

there would come up Midian, etc. The Arab tribes from the east 
of Jordan commit similar depredations upon the peasant-proprietors 
west of Jordan at the present day, pitching their tents in the Wady 
of Jezre'el and the Wady Serrar a little further north, as is described 
in our narrative, 7 lvi . Cf. Thomson, LB. pp. 447 f. 

and'Amalek, and the children of the East. Possibly a later inser- 
tion in the narrative : cf. footnote % p. 176. On 'Amalek, cf. ch. 3 12 note. 
The expression 'children of the East' is used again in 1 Kgs. 4 30 
$? 5 10 (cited for their proverbial wisdom), Isa. 1 1 14 , Jer. 49 28 (|| Kedar), 
Ezek. 25 410 , Job 1 3 , as a general description of the Arab tribes to the 
east of Jordan, extending as far as the Euphrates ; but in Gen. 29 l E 
'the land of the children of the East' is applied to the district of 
N. Mesopotamia in which Haran was situated. 

4. as far as Gaza. I.e., as far as the south-western extremity of 
the Philistine territory. According to this statement, the Midianite 
incursions must have extended over the greater part of Palestine. 
The remainder of the narrative, however, appears to confine them to 
central Palestine ; and Gide' on's exertions rid the country of them at 
one blow. Possibly, therefore, the reference may be due to a later 
editor, who was thinking of incursions of Arab tribes from the south 
('Amalekites ?) ; and it may have been this hand which was responsible 

186 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [6. 5. 8. 11. 

and their cattle used to come up, with their tents, fand 1 would 
come in like locusts for multitude; and both they and their 
camels were without number : and they came into the land to 
destroy it. 6. And Israel was brought very low by reason of 
Midian ; and the children of Israel cried unto Yahweh. 

7. E a And when the children of Israel cried unto Yahweh by 
reason of Midian, 8. Yahweh sent a prophet unto the children 
of Israel : and he said to them, * Thus saith Yahweh, the God 
of Israel, "/ brought you up from Egypt, and I brought you 
forth from the house of bondmen, 9. and I rescued you from the 
hand of Egypt, and from the hand of all your oppressors ; and 

1 drave them out from before you, and gave you their land. 
10. And I said to you, 'I am Yahweh your God; ye shall not 
fear the gods of the Amorites in whose land ye are dwelling ' : 
but ye have not hearkened to my voice."' 

11. J And the Angel of Yahweh came, and sat under the 

for the allusion to ' ' Amalek and the children of the East, 5 in addition 
to Midian, in the earlier part of the verse. 

5; with their tents. Lit. 'and their tents.' In the verbal form 
which follows, 'and would come in,' we adopt the reading of K e re 

ism ffi AL , <S h , ©., & presuppose J|N3^ which would govern DrvtafcO 

T * • T» V •• t; T : 

' and their tents they would bring in, etc' Since this reading, how- 
ever, seems to make the following ' like locusts for multitude ' refer to 
the tents and not to the Midianites (as in 7 12 ), it must be regarded 
as inferior to that which is adopted above. It is possible, however, 
that Kt. may indicate the Kal 1N3" 1 * they used to come in,' the 

asyndeton being due to careless piecing together of the parallel 

8. a prophet. Lit. 'a man, a prophet' or 'a prophet-man.' Cf. 'a 
prophetess-woman,' ch. 4 4 . 

/ brought you up, etc. It is characteristic of E 2 to base admonition 
and rebuke upon a retrospect of God's mercies as vouchsafed to 
Israel in their past history. Cf. Josh. 24 2ff -, Judg. io llf -, 1 Sam. 

2 27.28* I0 17ff -, 12 7 ". This method is further developed in Deute- 
ronomy ; probably owing to the influence of the school of thought 

. represented by E 2 . Cf. Introd. p. xlv. 

11. the Angel of Yahzveh. Upon the conception involved in this 
title, and its alternation with 'Yahweh' simply in vv. 1416 - 23 , cf. note 
on ch. 2 *. 

* 1 Sam. 2 2736 is commonly regarded, as later than E 2 , though without 
adequate reason. 


terebinth which was in 'Ophrah, which belonged to Joash the 
Abfezrite ; and Gide'on his son was beating out wheat in the 
wine-press, to save it from Midian. 12. And the Angel of 
Yahweh appeared unto him, and said unto him, 'Yahweh is 
with thee, thou mighty man of valour.' 13. And Gide'on said 
unto him, ■ Oh, my lord, if Yahweh is with us, why, then, hath 

the terebinth. Heb. ha- eld; possibly 'the (sacred) tree,' without 
specification of its species : cf. note on 'the palm-tree of Deborah,' 
ch. 4 6 . The terebinth or turpentine-tree {Pistacia terebinthns, L.) is 
frequent in Palestine, where it often grows to a large size ; and, since 
it usually stands in isolation, it forms a prominent landmark. Many 
of these trees are regarded as objects of veneration at the present 
day. Cf. Tristram, Nat. Hist. pp. 400 f. 

' Ofihrah. The site is unknown. It maybe inferred from ch. 9 12 
that it was not far from Shechem. Neither Far'ata, six miles west- 
south-west of Shechem (S WP. Mem. ii. p. 162), nor Far'ah as preserved 
in the* name of the wady to the east of Shechem (Bu.), are philo- 
logically probable ; the former name accurately corresponding to the 
Biblical Pir c athon. The designation ''Ophrah of the Abi'ezrites' 
(v. 2i , 8 32 ) is perhaps intended to distinguish the city from the Benja- 
minite 'Ophrah mentioned in Josh. 18 23 P (so Kimchi). 

which belonged, etc. The reference is to the terebinth, and not to 
the city of 'Ophrah. 

the Abiezrite. Abi'ezer is named in Josh. 17 2 as a clan of 
Manasseh — a fact which also appears from v. lb of our narrative. 
The clan is referred to the Machir-division of Manasseh in Num. 
26 30 P, 1 Chr. 7 18 : cf. note on ' Machir,' ch. 5 14 . 

was beating, etc. The Heb. hdbhat 'beat out' (with a stick) is 
similarly used of threshing grain in a small quantity in Ru. 2 n . The 
ancient wine-press (Heb. gath) was a trough hewn out of the solid 
rock, in which the grapes were trodden by the foot ; the expressed 
juice flowing down a channel into another trough at a slightly lower 
level, the wine-vat (Heb. yekebh). The use of a wine-press in a 
sheltered situation for the beating out of wheat was less likely tc 
attract the attention of marauding Midianites than the ordinary pro- 
cess of threshing with a wain drawn by oxen (or an ox and an ass), 
upon a threshing-floor in an exposed situation open to the wind. 

13. If Yahweh is with us. Heb. «tsy '* \fa The use of ) before 

W* — lit. ' And is Y. with us'— imparts a touch of sarcasm to 

Gide'on's response which it is difficult adequately to reproduce in 
English. Cf. 1 Kgs. 2 22 , ' Why, pray, askest thou Abishag the 

Shunammite for Adonijah?' (JIDTI, lit. l And why') ; 2 Kgs. 7 19 , 
* Pray, if Yahweh were to make windows in heaven, could this thing 

l88 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [6. 14. 15. 

all this happened to us ? and where are all his wondrous works 
which our fathers recounted to us, saying, "Did not Yahweh 
bring us up from Egypt ? " But now Yahweh hath cast us off, 
and given us into the hand of Midian.' 14. And Yahweh turned 
unto him, and said, 'Go in this thy strength, and save Israel 
from the hand of Midian : have not I sent thee?' 15. And he 
said unto him, 'Oh, my fpord, whereby can I save Israel? 

come to pass?' (rum, lit. ' And lo'). Other instances are cited in 
NHTK. p. 20. 

which our fathers recounted to us. Cf., for the phrase, Ps. 44 l 
(3^ 2 ), 78 3 . The injunction is laid upon Israelite fathers to recount to 
their children the facts of the deliverance from Egypt in Ex. 12 2627 , 
13 8 - 14J6 (R JH ?), Deut. 6 20ff . It is possible that Gideon's speech, as it , 
stood originally in J, may have been expanded by a later hand in 

14. Yahweh. (Sx BAL 6 ayyikos Kvpiov. Cf. v. 16 note. 

have not I sent thee f Since these words embody a direct|com- 
mission from Yahweh, it is supposed by many scholars that Gide'on 
must at once have recognized that he was being addressed by 
Yahweh or His Angel ; and that the passage is therefore inconsistent 
with v. 22 , where it is stated that it was only after the miracle of v. 21 
that Gide'on recognized who his visitor was. The whole section, 
w. lh2i , having clearly undergone some amount of re-editing (cf. notes 
following), it is quite likely that this passage may be due to the later • 
hand ; as also the words ' I will be with thee ' in v. 16 , which recall 
Ex. 3 12 E. While, however, the narrative assumes that Yahweh, in 
order to appear visibly to Gide'on, clothes Himself in human form, it 
does not necessarily follow from this that He should dissemble His 
presence by couching His commission in the form in which it would 
be delivered by an intermediary, such as a prophet (' Hath not 
Yahweh sent thee?'). On the other hand, even though Yahweh 
should give His commission directly, as He is represented as doing, 
here and in v. 16 , by the narrative as it now stands, it would obviously 
require something more surprising than this direct commission (viz. 
the portent of v. 21 ) to convince Gide'on that he was actually the 
spectator of a Theophany. 

While, therefore, we may suspect conflation of the narrative in the 
passages under discussion, it is a mistake to speak dogmatically and 
to say that they cannot originally have stood alongside of v. 22 . 

15. my lord. Vocalizing ^"IK in place of 'OIK of Hfl, i.e. 'my 

-. } t -; 

(divine) Lord.' The vocalization of $&, is intended to indicate that 
Gide'on by this time recognized that his visitor was Yahweh Himself; 
but it is clear from v. 22 that this was not the case until the occurrence 
of the events narrated in v. 21 . The form which we have adopted is 

6. 16.) THE BOOK OF JUDGES 1^9 

behold my family is the weakest in Manasseh, and I am the 
least in my father's house.' 16. And Yahweh said unto him, 
' I will be with thee, and thou shalt smite Midian as one man.' 

the ordinary title of respect (like our ' sir '), and is so vocalized by 

behold, my family, etc. Mo. compares i Sam. 9 21 ; and remarks 
that ' the protestation is, no more than that of Saul, to be taken too 
literally. Both the following narratives imply that the hero's family 
was one of rank and influence in the clan.' The word rendered 
'family' properly means 'thousand' (Heb. 'eleph) ; and occurs in con- 
nexion with tribal organization in 1 Sam. 10 I!) ('by your tribes and 
by your thousands'), the following vv. 20 - 21 showing it to be synony- 
mous with mispahd, the ordinary term for a clan ox family within the 
tribe. Cf. also the use of the word in Mic. 5 2 (' the thousands of 
Judah,' among which Bethlehem is a small 'thousand' or 'clan'). 

the weakest. Heb. 71T] which R.V. renders ' the poorest.' The 

adj., however, suggests not merely poverty, but also paucity of 
numbers and lack of influence in the affairs of the tribe as a whole. 

16. And Yahweh .'. . ' 1 'will be with thee? ffi BA xai elirev npos avrov 
6 ayyeXos Kvpiov, Kvpios i'arai pera (tov. If this had originally stood in 
the Heb. text, it is very unlikely that it would have been altered into 
the reading of |^ ; and we should rather regard the readings of (Sr, 
here and in v. u , as due to the harmonizing tendency which is else- 
where frequently manifested in this Version. (5r L B h agree with |^ in 
the present passage. As we have already remarked (eh. 2 l note), it 
is not unlikely that the original narrative spoke throughout of 
Yahweh Himself as appearing to Gide'on and holding intercourse 
with him ; and that the introduction of ' the Angel ' represents an 
early attempt to modify the text which has not been thoroughly 
carried out in p?. 

' / will be with thee? Cf. note on ' have not 1 sent thee ? ' v. 14 . 
The precise words *PV JITIX '•D are found in Ex. 3 12 , E's narrative 
of the Theophany to Moses at Mount Horeb : cf. also josh. 1 5 R D . 
In each of these passages, the writers, in using the verbal form *ehyeh 
' I will be,' probably have in view the significance of the name 
Yahweh as denoting progressive revelation, as is explained in Ex. 3 14 
in the formula 'ehyeh 'dser ^ehyeh ' I will be {or become) what I will 
be.' While, however, the latter formula refers to the revelation as a 
whole, as it is to be unfolded throughout the history of the chosen 
people, and the course of this revelation is intentionally left unde- 
fined,* in the former expression we have a particular phase of the 

* Cf. the similar phrase 'I will have mercy upon whom I will have mercy,' 
Ex. 33 16 J, which implies that God refuses to define beforehand a course of 
action which will be determined by his sovereign will. Similarly; ' ehyth 'dler 

190 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [6. 17. 

17. And he said unto him, 'Prithee, if I have found grace in 
thy sight, make me a sign that thou art speaking with me. 

1 8. Depart not hence, prithee, until I come unto thee, and 

revelation clearly stated — Yahweh promises that He will be with each 
of three chosen servants, Moses, Joshua', and Gide'on. 

R.V. renders 'Surely I will be with thee' (so in Ex. 3 12 , 'Certainly, 
etc ') ; but it is preferable to regard the *3 as simply introducing the 

direct narration, like on recitativum in Greek. Such a use of "»3 is 

frequent: cf. examples collected in NHTK. p. 6 ; BDB. s.v. ib. 

as one man. For the expression, cf. ch. 20 1 - 811 , Num. 14 15 , 
I Sam. 1 1 7 , 2 Sam. 19 14 , f^ 16 , Ezr. 3 \ Neh. 8 > f. 

17. Prithee, if I have found, etc. Here 'prithee' represents the 
Heb. precative particle na, which comes in the protasis of the sentence 
after the conjunction 'if,' and is rendered 'now' by A.V., R.V. — 'If 
now I have found grace, etc' Such a rendering, however, can 
scarcely be held adequately to represent the precative force of the 
particle * ; and the rendering ' prithee ' has therefore been adopted, 
the fuller ' I pray thee,' sometimes employed as a rendering by A.V., 
R.V., (cf. v. 39 , 8 6 , al. \) being less suitable as making too much of 
the monosyllabic particle. It is obvious that, so far as the particle 
expresses entreaty, it properly refers to the request which is formu- 
lated in the apodosis ; but its use at the commencement of the 
protasis is probably intended to place the speaker in the attitude of a 
suppliant from the moment that he opens his mouth. 

make me a sign that thou, etc. As the narrative stands, the request 
seems to indicate Gide'on's dawning consciousness that his visitor is 
a supernatural being, and his inability (owing to his uncertainty) to 

'ehyeh implies that God is absolutely self-determined, and that what He will be 
is to be revealed at His own good pleasure. Cf. the'present editor's criticism of 
Dr. Davidson's interpretation of the two phrases ( Theology of the O. T., p. 56), in 
JTS. vi. p. 466. 

* For the use of 'now' in the rendering of A.V., R.V., cf. the illustrations 
collected in the Oxford New Eng. Diet., vi. s.v. 11. 9, where the adverb is used 
* In sentences expressing a command or request, with the purely temporal sense 
weakened or effaced ' : e.%. Shakespeare, Love's Labour's Lost, II. i. 124, 'Now 
faire befall your maske' ; Tempest, in. i. 15, 'Alas, now pray you worke not so 
hard . . . pray now rest yourselfe.' The usage is similar in modern colloquial 
speech, in such a form of request as ' Now, don't forget ! ' 

J In v. 39 A. V., R.V. the rendering ' I pray thee' stands side by side with the 
rendering ' now ' — ' Let me prove, I pray thee, but this once with the fleece ; let 
it now be dry only upon the fleece.' In 7 s A. V., R.V. na Is rendered 'Goto,' 
as in Isa. 5 6 , Jer. 18 u (on the use of this obsolete expression, cf. DB. ii. 194a); 
apparently because the rendering ' I pray thee' was felt to be unsuitable in the 
mouth of Yahweh. There is no reason, however, why 'prithee' should not be 
employed in these passages also as the conventional introduction of a request 
(or a command couched as such), which is what na amounts to in Heb. 

6. i8. 19.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 191 

bring my present, and set it before thee.' And he said, ' I will 
abide until thou returnest' 19. And Gide'on went in, and made 
ready a kid of the goats, and unleavened cakes of an ephah of 

express himself clearly through fear of giving offence. He desires 
confirmation of his surmise, but does not quite know how to phrase 
his request, or what kind of sign to expect, because he is not yet clear 
as to the character of the stranger. 

In what follows, however, in 7/. 18 there is no reference to a sign, 
the sign of v. 21 being clearly unexpected by Gide'on ; and the act of 
grace which is asked of the stranger is to stay while a meal is pre- 
pared for him, the conversion of which into a sacrifice does not seem 
to be anticipated. It is likely, therefore, that, as Mo., Bu., etc., think, 
2/. 17b may be an editorial addition,* and that originally v. 17& was 
directly connected with 7/. 18a — an arrangement which would make 
the passage closely parallel to Gen. 18 3 J, ' Prithee, if I have found 
grace in thy sight, prithee pass not away from thy servant.' 

18. my present. The Heb. minha frequently denotes a gift volun- 
tarily offered (cf, note on ' tribute,' ch. 3 16 ) ; but it is somewhat strange 
to find it applied to hospitality offered in the form of a meal. It is 
possible, therefore, that the term is intended to denote {sacrificial) 
offering (so (Sr tx\v 6vaiav, U ' sacrificium '), and that its employ- 
ment is due to editorial alteration in view of the fact that the 
meal actually did become a sacrifice : cf. note preceding. Bu. con- 
jectures that, in place of ' and bring my minha] the original narrative 
may have used the words ' and bring unto thee a morsel of bread ' : 
cf. Gen 18 6 . 

19. made ready, etc. If we regard this description as referring to 
the preparation of an ordinary meal, we must suppose that the cakes 
are unleavened as necessarily prepared in haste ; and that the broth 
is probably the liquid in which the meat was boiled (Kimchi), which, 
as containing much of its nutritiousness, would not be wasted. Bohme, 
however, finds in the ingredients of the meal the three forms of 
sacrificial offering — flesh-offering, meal-offering, and drink-offering, — 
and therefore regards v. 19 *P ('the flesh . . . pot') and v. 20 as a later 
addition to the narrative, inserted for the purpose of giving to the 
meal the character of a religious offering. This view is also favoured 
by Bu. Against it, Mo. remarks, 'if the object was to convert 
Gide'on's hospitality into a sacrifice, it would have been done unmis- 
takably. In no ritual that we know was meat presented in a basket 
(as unleavened cakes were) or a libation made of broth. It is con- 
ceivable that such rites existed in this early time ; but not that such 
a description proceeds from a later edition. I find in the words, how- 

* The unusual relative particle C> as in 8 26 , is thought to mark the passage 
as a gloss. 

\ql THE BOOK OE JUDGES [6. 20. it. 

meal : the flesh he put in a basket, and the broth he put in a 
pot ; and he brought it out unto him under the terebinth, and 
presented it. 20. And the Angel of God said unto him, 'Take 
the flesh and the unleavened cakes, and set them on yonder 
crag, and pour out the broth': and he did so. 21. And the 
Angel of Yahweh stretched forth the end of the staff which was 
in his hand, and touched the flesh and the unleavened cakes; 
and fire went up from the rock, and devoured the flesh and the 

ever, no certain evidence of a sacrificial intention; even WW ['and 

presented it'] is properly used of bringing food to one, putting it 
within his reach (Gen. 27 26 ).' The question must be held to be 
doubtful ; cf. note following. 

an ephah. A dry measure, corresponding to the liquid measure 
called bath, each containing the tenth part of a homer : cf. Ezek. 45 n . 
Its content was probably about a bushel. Such a quantity of flour— r 
weighing some 45 lb., and sufficient to make about twenty-three of 
our ordinary loaves — is hugely in excess of the needs of the occasion ; 
and possibly this consideration should be held to weigh in favour of 
the opinion that the writer has in view a religious offering rather than 
an ordinary meal prepared for a single individual. 

20. The Angel of God. The expression is that which is commonly 
employed by E (cf. ch. 2 l note) ; J's phrase, which is elsewhere em- 
ployed throughout this narrative, being ' the Angel of Yahweh ? (so 
here ffi AL , <£ h , 2L L ). Probably the present variation is merely due to 
transcriptional accident (Mo.), and does not indicate a difference 
of source. 

' Take the flesh, etc? This ritual as here prescribed can scarcely 
fail to suggest to us the ancient rock-altar with cup-marks on its sur- 
face for receiving libations, such as have been discovered in the 
excavations of various ancient sites in Palestine : cf. Driver, Schiveich 
Lectures, pp. 66 f. ; Vincent, Canaan, pp. 94 ff. ; TB. ii. pp. 2 f, 
Possibly, therefore, the origin of the legend should be traced to the 
fact that such a rock-altar existed at 'Ophrah in later times, and that 
its consecration as such was popularly ascribed to the occasion here 
related. If this is so, however, why are we told in v. u that Gide'on 
subsequently built an altar to Yahweh on the site ? Perhaps we 
should find in these facts (as Wellh. thinks) an indication of the com- 
posite character of the narrative. 

21. stretched forth . . . in his hand. We may note the verbal 
similarity to 1 Sam. 14 27 — also J. 

and fire went up, etc. The supernatural fire is a token of the 
Divine acceptance of the offering as well as of the power of the 
Deity: cf. 1 Kgs. i8 22ff -, Lev. 9 24 , 2 Chr. 7 1 . In the similar narra- 
tive of ch. 13 1 *- 20 it seems that Manoah kindles his sacrifice in the 
ordinary way. 

6. 22. 23. 24-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 193 

unleavened cakes : and the Angel of Yahweh departed from his 
sight. 22. And Gide'on perceived that he was the Angel of 
Yahweh j and Gide'on said, ' Alas, Lord Yahweh ! forasmuch as 
I have seen the Angel of Yahweh face to face.' 23. And Yahweh 
said to him, ' Peace be to thee ; fear not. Thou shalt not die.' 
24. So Gide'on built there an altar to Yahweh, and called it 
Yahweh shalom. Unto this day it is still in 'Ophrah of the 

from the rock. The fact that 'the crag' ihas-sdld) of 7/. 20 is here 
called ' the rock ' (has-sur) is noted by several commentators ; but it 
scarcely seems necessary to infer diversity of source from this small 

and the Angel of Yahweh departed, etc. Cf. ch. 13 20 , where the 
Angel ascends in the flame from the altar, and disappears. 

22. And Gideon perceived, etc. Here we have a clear indication 
that it is only after the portent related in v. 21 that Gideon recognizes 
the supernatural character of his guest. Cf. note on ' my lord,' v. 15 t 

'A/as, etc' For the idea that no human being can see God and 
survive, unless through an exceptional manifestation of the Divine 
favour, cf. ch. 13 «*, Gen. 16 13 J,* 32 30 % 31 J, Ex. 24 ^ J, 33 1823 J. 
E in Ex. 20 19 extends the danger of death to the hearing of the voice 
of God : cf. Deut. 4 33 , 5 25 ' 26 . We may notice also the words of Isa'iah 
in Isa. 6 6 . On the other hand, Ex. 33 n E states that 'Yahweh used 
to speak unto Moses face to face (D'OSTPK D*03 as in our passage), 

V • T V • T ' 

as a man speaketh unto his friend.' 

23. And Yahweh said, etc. It is rather strange to find Yahweh 
again speaking after the departure of His visible representative 
(v. 21h P); and there is no indication that the voice is to be understood 
as coming from heaven, as inferred by Kimchi and Levi ben-Gershon. 
It seems likely, therefore, that vv. 22 ' 2 ^ may be due to a later hand, 
in explanation of the name of the altar, Yahweh shalom. Cf. the 
inference already drawn, in the note on 'Take the flesh, etc.' v. K t as 
to vv. w - 21 in relation to vv. 22 ~ u . 

24. Yahweh shalom. The meaning is 'Yahweh is peace,' i.e. 
'is peaceful 1 or ' well-disposed.' For this use of salom (substantive 
in place of adjective), cf. Ps. 120 7 , 

' I am peace ; but when I speak, 
They are for war.' 

* In this passage we ought probably to follow Wellh. in emending Hagar's 
words, "6TI nrifc? TIN! VPfcO D^K DJH 'Have I actually seen God and 

• : t ••-: - • v:t • • t • v: ~~: 

lived after my vision ? ' 


194 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [6. 25. 

25. E 2 And it came to pass the same night, that Yahweh said 
to him, ' Take hen men of thy servants 1 , and a bull [ ] of seven 

25. And it came to pass the same nigJtt. Cf., for the exact phrase, 
ck. 7 , 2 Sam. 7 4 , 2 Kgs. 19 35 . 'The same nig"ht,' if the expression 
is an integral part of the source (E 2 ; cf. the same phrase in 7'. 40 E), 
probably refers to the night following the day on which the unnamed 
prophet uttered his denunciation {vv. 7 ' 10 ). It is possible, however, 
that the phrase may be the redactional formula of R JE , and may refer 
to the Theophany which immediately precedes in the narrative as it 
at present stands. 

' Ten men . . . yeai's old. The text of |^ is here incomprehensible, 
and can only be naturally rendered ' the bull of the ox which belongeth 
to thy father, and the second bull of seven years old.' Only one bull, 
however, is mentioned in vv. 26 - 28 ; and apart from the difficulty involved 
in the expression 'the bull of the ox,'* it is impossible to divine why 
Gide'on should be ordered to take this first mentioned animal, seeing 
that it is not utilized in any way in the narrative which follows. R.V. 
(in agreement with Ew., Stu., Ke., etc.) explains the conjunction 1 
'and' in the sense 'even,' thus making the reference to be to one 
animal only ; but it is more than doubtful whether such a rendering 
is legitimate. I 

Clearly the text of |^ must have suffered corruption ; but the 
Versions seem to have had practically the same text before them, 
and thus afford us little or no help. 

(5r B , tov jiocr^ov tov ravpov 6s eo~Tiv t$ irarpi aov nal p.6o~)(Ov devrepov 
eirraerri, agrees in all respects with |^. The only important variations 
offered by d& AL are tov p-oa^ov t6v airevrov in place of tov ploo~xov tov 
ravpov, and the omission of <al before the second p,6o-xov. This at 
any rate yields an intelligible sense ; 'the second bull of seven years 
old ' being taken as a further definition of ' thy father's fatted bull,' 
and the reference thus being to one animal only; though why the 

* A somewhat similar collocation is seen in Ps. 69 31 , f§ 32 , "|Q 1)$D 'more 

T • 

than an ox-bull.' Here, however, parallelism and rhythm compel us to divide 
the stichoi at li$D and, probably, to read *"|£)D in place of "|£> • — 

• ' T • T 

' And it shall please Yahweh more than an ox ; 
<More than> a bull that hath horns and parted hoofs.' 

J A few cases can be cited in which the conjunction 1 appears to have such 
an explicative force ; but they are rare, and in most cases the text is open to 
suspicion. Cf. 1 Sam. 17 40 , 'and he put them into the shepherd's bag which 

he had, even into the scrip' (LDIpp^Tl) • 1 Sam. 28 3 , 'and they buried him in 

Ramah, even in his city' (tW2R.) See further BDB. s.v. ),lb; G-K. 
§ iS4. » lb . 

6.25.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 195 

years old, and pull down the altar of Ba'al which belohgeth to 
thy father, and cut down the Ashera which is by it. 26. And 

animal in question should be described as ' the second,' with assumed 
reference to an unnamed 'first' bull, remains obscure. It should be 
noticed, however, that tov jjloo-xov tov <tit€vt6v simply represents the 
rendering- of (& AL in -z/. 28 , i.e. >j$n "1BH 'the second bull' read as 

... - T - 

TD$n "iQn 'the fatted bull.' It seems obvious, therefore, that the 

text of (5 AL has suffered correction after v. 28 , and that we have no 
real elucidation of f§'s "l1$n— \B 'the bull of the ox.' Some MSS. 

of (3x represent '31 '0&> , n "121 by ical fioaxov eTrraerrj with omission of 
bevrepov ; and this word is marked with an asterisk in <S h . 

V 'taurum patris tui,' 5 P ^aCLo]? ]5oZ 'the bull of thy father,' 

omitting either IS or Tl^Tl ; or possibly rendering the difficult com- 
pound expression by a single term, just as is done by R.V., 'thy 
father's bullock,' cutting the difficulty. K simply represents the text 

In face of this difficulty, the most satisfactory course seems to be 
to follow Kue. (in Doom., p. 70 n.) and to restore the text after ■z/. 27act , 
WW V2V "IB1 ^piajJO CBOK mfeW np omitting Wn 'the second' 

• T - V " ¥T -;•• ■ T -; TT"j '—* 

as an insertion made subsequently to the textual corruption which 
introduced apparent mention of two bulls : cf. for this latter point, 
the evidence from the Versions above cited. Gide'on is commanded 
to take ten men of his servants, and in v. 27 it is stated, with no more 
than the necessary variation in wording, that he took them. Such 
detailed repetition is characteristic of Heb. story-telling, as of Baby- 
lonian ; and is a feature which, so far from appearing tautologous, 
adds a certain vivid picturesqueness to the narrative. It will be 
sufficient here to compare ch. 7 10bllb : 4 " Go down, thou and Purah 
thy lad, unto the camp" ... So he went down, he and Purah 
his lad, etc' 

Kue.'s emendation is favoured by Bu., Oort, Mo. (Comm.), Kit., 
Gress. ; but Mo. (SBOT.), La. prefer to read simply }io$n "iBiTTIK np 
'Take the fatted bull.' 

the Ashera. The 'ashera (plur. usually 'asherim ; in two late 
passages, 2 Chr. 19 3 , 33 s \isheroth; Judg. 3 7 probably a textual 
error for 'ashtaroth ; cf. note ad loc.) was an idolatrous object, the 
precise character of which is very doubtful. The most lucid refer- 
ence is Deut. 16 21 , where it is enjoined, 'Thou shalt not plant an 
Ashera— any kind of tree {or wood) beside the altar of Yahweh.' 
We thus gather that the Ashera was a wooden object (cf. v 2Q of the 
present context), possibly a tree-trunk or pole, which was 'planted,' 
or, as 2 Chr. 33 19 has i', 'set on end' in the ground beside an altar 
(cf. the present passage). This inference is borne out by the various 

196 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [6. 25. 

verbs which are employed to describe the destruction of the Ashera, 
e.g. it might be 'cut down' (v. 2G , 2 Kgs. 18 4 , 23 14 ), 'chopped down' 
(Deut. 7 5 , 2 Chr. 14 3 , & 2 , 31 1 ), 'plucked up' (Mic. 5 14 , $ 13 ), 'pulled 
down' (2 Chr. 34 7 ), or 'burnt' (Deut. 12 3 , 2 Kgs. 23 15 ). It is com- 
monly supposed, upon this evidence, that the Ashera was a symbol 
of, or substitute for, the sacred tree which was regarded by the early 
Semites as the abode of a deity ; much as the ?nassebha or standing 
stone preserved the idea that the deity was accustomed to inhabit 
stones or rocks. Upon the unsatisfactory character of this inference, 
cf. Mo. in EB. 331. 

There are passages in the O.T. in which Ashera seems to be used 
as the name of a Cana a.n\te goddess. Thus, in 2 Kgs. 21 7 mention is 
made of 'the graven image of the Ashera' placed by Manasseh in 
the Temple. 2 Kgs. 23 7 perhaps speaks of women weaving ' shrines ' 
(bdttim, lit. 'houses') for the Ashera ; and the Ba'al and the Ashera 
are coupled together as the objects of idolatrous worship : 1 Kgs. 18 19 , 
2 Kgs. 23 \ 

We find the name Asirtu or Asratu in Babylonian as the name of 
a goddess, who was doubtless of Amorite origin. In an inscription 
dedicated to Asratum on behalf of Hammurabi, in which this king 
is specially designated as king of Amurru (the west land), the goddess 
appears as ' bride of the king of heaven ' {kallat sar same), and as 
'mistress of sexual vigour and rejoicing' (be/it kitzbi u ulsi) : cf. 
Hommel, Aufsatze and Abhandlungen, ii. p. 211. The name Abd- 
Asirta = ' servant of Ashera ' is borne by the chieftain of Amurru 
who figures prominently in the T.A. Letters (cf. Introd. p. lxxii ff.) ; and 
the name (ilu) Asratum-ummi = '(the goddess) Asratum is my mother' 
is found three times as a feminine name on contract-tablets of the 
First Babylonian dynasty : cf. Thureau-Dangin, Lettres et Contrats dc 
Pepoque de la premiere dynastie Babylonienne, p. 16. Special interest 
attaches to a passage in one of the Bab. tablets discovered at 
Ta'anach, which runs, ' If the finger ( = omen) of Asirat point, then let 
one mark and follow' : cf. Rogers, CP. p. 282 ; TB. i. p. 128. The S. 
Arabian goddess Atirat is doubtless the same as Ashera, and appears, 
according to Hommel, to have been consort of the moon-god (cf. op. 
tit. pp. 207 ff.). In an Aram, inscription from the N. Arabian Tema 
her name is Asira (Cooke, NSI. pp. 195 ff. ; La., EBS. 2 pp. 122, 
502 f.). 

The relation of the Ashera-cult to Yahweh-worship, and the con- 
nexion of the Ashera as a wooden symbol (pole or tree-trunk) with 
the goddess of this name are very obscure questions ; but the follow- 
ing theory may be advanced. Evidence goes to prove that the God 
Yahweh was known and worshipped by the 'Amorite' immigrants 
into W. Syria (Amurru), whose original home was probably S. Arabia, 
and who founded the First Dynasty at Babylon (cf. Additio?ial note, 
p. 243). The presumption is at any rate very strong that Yahweh was 

6. 25-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 197 

identified with the moon-god Sin, whose predominance at this period 
is -attested by the preponderance of proper names compounded with 
Sin in the First Dynasty tablets (cf. Additional note, p. 249). But, 
as we have just observed, Atirat seems to have been the consort 
of the moon-god in S. Arabia ; and the same conclusion may be 
drawn as to Asratum from her title ' bride of the king of heaven ' in 
the inscription of £Jammurabi above quoted. Quite possibly, there- 
fore, Ashera may have been worshipped among the Amorites in- 
habiting Cana'an as the consort of Yahweh ; and this fact would 
account both for the setting up of her symbol beside the altar of 
Yahweh, and also for the bitter hostility with which her cult was 
regarded by the prophets as exponents of the true (Mosaic) Yahwism. 
The use of the normal expression mtjten l the Ashera' in O.T. is 

T •• "IT 

strange as applied to a goddess ; but the explanation probably is that 
it was employed to designate the symbol of the goddess (the pole or 
tree-trunk), which was perhaps not usually carved to represent her 
features ; though this may occasionally have been the case (cf. ' the 
graven image of the Ashera,' 2 Kgs. 21 7 , noticed above), as with the 
stone pillars of Hathor at Serabit (cf. Petrie, Researches in Sinai, 
plates 95, 101, 102, 103, in), and the totem-poles of certain savage 
tribes at the present day. * Possibly the 'horrible object (Heb. ?niph- 
le'seth) for an Ashera' erected by the queen-mother in the reign of Asa 
(1 Kgs. I5 13 ) was a pole carved with certain features which were more 
than usually revolting to the exponents of the purer form of Yahwism. 

Whether the Amorite m&5>K 'Ashera stood in any connexion with 
the originally Babylonian T\1T)WV 'Ashtart (I star), or was quite distinct 
from her, is a question which cannot at present be settled. The two 
names are unconnected.! The name Ashera probably designates the 
goddess as the giver of good fortune : cf. the sense attaching to the 
root I^K in Heb. In this connexion it is worth while to recall 
the passage above cited from the Ta'anach tablet, where the finger of 
Ashera points the way to the right ox prosperous course. 

There can be little doubt that, as has often been remarked, the 
tribal name Asher was originally connected with the deity of good 
fortune (a masc. form of Ashera ?), just as the name Gad is derived 
from a similar deity. Indeed, it seems highly probable that, just as 
the latter name is explained by njn 'with (the help of) Gad! 5 in 

t : 

Gen. 30 n J, so the somewhat strange expression "n^N3 'in my good 
luck ! ' {i.e. by somewhat forced inference, ' I am in luck ! '), Gen. 30 13 J, 

* The reason why no example of an Ashera has been unearthed in excavation, 
whereas the occurrence of massebhoth, or standing stones, has proved very 
frequent, doubtless is that the former was always made of wood, which necessarily 
perishes in the damp climate of Palestine. 

X Haupt's attempt to connect the two names [JAOS. xxviii. pp. 112 ff.)does 
not commend itself. Cf. the criticisms of Barton {/A OS. xxxi. pp. 355 ff.). 

198 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [6. 26. 

build an altar to Yahweh thy God upon the top of this stronghold 
in due form, and take the bull [], and offer it up as a burnt 
offering with the wood of the Ashera which thou shalt cut down.' 
27. So Gide'on took ten men of his servants, and did as Yahweh 
had spoken unto him ; and, because he feared his father's house- 
hold and the men of the city, so that he could not do it by day, 
he did it by night. 28. And the men of the city rose up early 
in the morning, and, behold, the altar of Ba'al was broken down, 
and the Ashera which was by it was cut down, and the bull | 
was offered up upon the altar which had been built. 29. And 
they said one to another, ' Who hath done this thing ? ' And 
when they had enquired and searched, they said, ' Gide'on the 

is an intentional alteration of an original m$X3 ' with (the help of) 

T •• -; - 

Ashera ! ' * : cf. Ball ad loc, SBOT. p. 84. This passage, then, would 
suggest that part of the ' good fortune ' brought by Ashera was con- 
nected with success in child-bearing ; a characteristic which connects 
the goddess, at least in function, with I star under the aspect of 
Mylitta, i.e. muallidat : cf. p. 59 note. J 

26. this stronghold. The Heb. maoz (from the root l uz ' to take 
or seek refuge') seems here to denote a natural fastness, i.e. an 
inaccessible crag, rather than a fortification. Cf. stir maoz, ' rock of 
fastness,' Isa. 17 10 , Ps. 31 2 , |^ 3 . 

in due form. Heb. bam-ma <a rakha, i.e., apparently, lit. ' in the 
(proper) arrangement.' The verb 'drakh, from which the substantive 
is derived, when used in a sacrificial connexion, may mean to arrange 
the logs of wood upon an altar (Gen. 22 9 ), or the portions of the 
sacrificial victim upon the wood (Lev. 1 812 6 6 ). The altar-pyre thus 

* Or possibly "lt^XB 'With (the help of) Asher!' i.e. the masc. form of Ashera. 

Hommel (op. cit. p. 209) is inclined to think that traces may be found in O.T. of 
Asher as a surname of Yahweh in several old poetical passages, especially in 
Deut. 33 2*, which he renders, 

'[Yahweh] is the shield of thine help, 
And Asher the sword of thine excellency.' 

Such an explanation certainly relieves the difficulty of ^niNS 3*111 ICPfcO 
where "t&J'tf as vocalized in ffl, is taken for the relative pronoun ; R.V. 'And 
that is the sword, etc.' — a very awkward and unpoetical construction. 


X The view that the name Ashera is connected with Bab. asirtu 'temple,' 
perhaps so called as a 'place of favour,' and that the Ashera was simply a pole 
which marked the precincts of such a sanctuary, does not seem to be probable. 
If this was the only significance which the Ashera possessed, why should it have 
excited so much animosity upon the part of the adherents of the purer form of 
Yahwism ? 


son of Joash hath done this thing.' 30. And the men of the 
city said unto Joash, 'Bring forth thy son, that he may die; 
because he hath broken down the altar of Ba'al, and because he 
hath cut down the Ashera which was by it.' 31. And Joash 

arranged is termed md a rakha in Ecclus. 50 12ff -, where, in speaking of 
Simon the son of Onias, the writer says : 

1 When he received the pieces from the hand of his brethren, 

While himself standing by the pyres ; 

Round about him a crown of sons, 

Like cedar-plants in Lebanon ; 

And they encompassed him like poplars of the wady, 

All the sons of Aaron in their glory, 

With the fire-offerings of Yahweh in their hand? 

Before all the assembly of Israel ; 

Until he finished serving the altar, 

And setting in order the pyres of the Most High. 

Here the first phrase italicized is ITDIJJD ?V, and the second 

In Num. 23 4 , 'The seven altars have I arranged] the verb may 
be used as in the cases noticed above, of setting in order the altar- 
pyres ; but it is possible that it refers to the arranging of the stones 
of the altars, i.e. to the building of them. 

In our passage, the context forbids us to interpret md a rdkha of the 
altar or pyre as duly arranged ; but it is natural and legitimate to 
understand the word as denoting the act of arrangeinent (whether of 
the altar-stones or the pyre), as prescribed by custom. 

The explanation of bam-md a rdkha here adopted is that which is 

offered by 31 'in ordinatione,' £> v ")5,£Q.£3, & KT1D3 'in order' ; and 
is probably intended by <& iv 777 Trapardgei. U paraphrases ' super 
quern ante sacrificium posuisti " — a rendering which seems to accord 
with the view put forward by Kimchi, who, having explained the maoz 
as the crag upon which Gide'on offered the flesh and the unleavened 
cakes, then goes on to interpret md a rdkhd as the level place on the 
top of the crag upon which it was possible to arrange the stones of 
the altar. Levi ben-Gershon explains similarly. 

take the bull. Omitting ^n 'the second'; here and in v. 2S t as 

a later gloss. Cf. note preceding. 

30. ' Bring forth, etc.'' The voluntary surrender of Gide' on by his 
father would have obviated the blood-feud which must have been 
entailed if the townsmen had slain him without such consent (Mo., 
Cooke). Mo. quotes a parallel from the life of Mohammed : — ' So 
*he Qoreish at Mecca tried to persuade Mohammed's uncle, Abu 
Talib, to withdraw from him his protection, that they might kill the 

zoo THE BOOK OF JUDGES [6. 31. 

said to all who stood by him, ' Will ye contend for Ba'al ? or will 
re save him ? Whosoever will contend for him shall be put to 
death at morning : if he be a god, let him contend for himself, 
because he hath broken down his altar.' 32. So they called him 

pestilent agitator without incurring the vengeance of his family' 
(Ibn Hisham, ed. Wustenfeld, pp. 167-169). 

31. ' Will ye, etc.* The pronoun is very emphatic in the original, 
the contrast being between the assumed power of the god as con- 
trasted with his would-be avengers. Mo. appositely cites 'deorum 
injuriae dis curae,' Tacitus, A finals i. 73. 

Whosoever . . . at morning. These words interrupt the connexion 
between the first and last parts of the verse (cf. note preceding) ; and 
are probably, as Bu. thinks, the insertion of a zealot for Yahweh who, 
not satisfied with so mild a method of procedure as is suggested by 
Joash (the leaving of the god to take care of himself if he can), puts 
into his mouth the statement that the service of a false god deserves 
the death-penalty (cf. Deut. 13). 

at morning. I.e., we may infer, the morning of the next day. The 
outrage perpetrated upon Ba'al's altar was discovered in the early 
morning (^. 28 ), but the investigations implied by v. 29 must have 
taken some time ; and it was possibly not until the evening that the 
deed was brought home to Gide'on. 

The phrase "ip'arny commonly means 'until the morning' (ch. 19 25 , 

Ex. 16 23 - 24 , 29 34 , al.) ; but since this sense is here unsuitable, we 
must take the force of the pref. *1V to be at (lit. up to) the time indi- 
cated — much as we speak of arriving up to time in the sense at the 

fixed time. Cf., in a spatial connexion, the use of the prep. ?X 'unto' 
where we should expect 'at' ; 1 Kgs. 6 18 , 2 Kgs. 10 14 , Ezek. 31 7 , 47 7 
(cf. note in NHTK. on 1 Kgs. 6 18 ). This explanation of 1$ seems 
more probable than the view that it should be taken in the sense 
1 while the morning (lasts) ' ; cf. DHDnonn ly ' whilst they delayed,' 
ch. 3 26 . tii-i- 

If, however, such passages as ch. 16 2 "IpSfl "liN"""^ 1 Sam. 1 

"W3n bwiy really imply an ellipse of some such word as ' wait,' and 
— .. T . - > 

should be rendered 'Till the morning dawns!' 'Till the lad be 

weaned ! ' (cf. note on the former passage) ; it would be possible 

in the present passage to treat ")p3H IV similarly as an independent 

sentence, placing a break on T1DV preceding :—' Whosoever will 

contend for him shall be put to death. (Wait) till the morning! 

If he be a god, etc': i.e. if Baal is really a god, he will at any 

rate have taken action to avenge himself by the next morning ; 

therefore it is reasonable to ask for a suspense of judgment until 

that time. 

6. 32.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 201 

Jerubba'al on that day, saying, ' Let Ba al contend with him, 
because he hath broken down his altar.' 

32. Jerubbdal. The meaning, as explained by the narrator, is 
'Let Ba'al contend,' an Imperf. HIT /Jussive irv)* being employed 

for the normal yr» (Jussive 3*V) which would yield the form 
^yil"V Jeribba'al. Why, in face of the explicit statement of v. 32 \ Mo. 

should say that 'by an ingenious etymology the name is made to 
signify, Adversary of Ba'al,' is not clear. 

It is probable that, while the meaning of the name may really be 
'Let Ba'al contend,' or 'Ba'al contends,' Ba'al is here, as often elsewhere 
(see below), a title of Yahweh ; and the original purpose of the name 
was to place the bearer of it under the guardianship of the Deity :-- 
'Let Ba'al contend,' sc. for the bearer of the name, i.e. be his 
advocate. Such a meaning appears to attach to the name Merib- 
ba'al (1 Chr. 8 34 , 9 40 ), which is compounded with the participial form 
of the verb: — 'Ba'al is an advocate,' sc. of his nominee; and, 
similarly, we have the name Jeho-yarib, i.e. 'Yahweh contendeth,' 
1 Chr. 9 10 , al. Cf. passages in which the verb ribh is used of 
Yahweh's taking sides on behalf of His servants, or pleading their 
cause : so in 1 Sam. 25 39 , David, on hearing of the death of Nabal, 
says, ' Blessed be Yahweh, who hath pleaded the cause of my 
reproach pDQin 3*TOK 21 1BW) from the hand of Nabal' ; Mic. 7 9 , 

\ • t : v • v t v -;/ 

'Till He (Yahweh) shall plead my cause' ny\ yp) ; Jer. 50 34 , 

'Their Avenger is strong ; Yahweh Sebha'oth is His name ; He shall 
surely plead their cause ' (Dl'HVIX ^V l" 1 *")). 

Wellh. (TBS. p. 31) suggests that the name should properly be 
PiUVP Jeruba'al, which is supposed to mean 'Founded by Ba'al,' or 

'Foundation of Ba'al' (the first element from the root FTP : for form, 

cf. ?K1i3 Penuel, ' Face of God ') ; and with this he compares ^>NVP 

Jeruel, 2 Chr. 20 16 ; i^V Jeriel, 1 Chr. 7 2 . This suggestion has 

been favoured by several scholars (Mo., Bu., No., etc), but is in no 
way superior to the explanation adopted above. J 

That the title Ba'al, i.e. ' Master' or ' Owner,' was actually applied 
to Yahweh in early times cannot be doubted. Thus we have the 
name Esh-ba'al or Ish-ba'al, i.e. 'man of Ba'al,' a son of Saul, who 
always appears as a loyal worshipper of Yahweh (1 Chr. 8™, 9 39 ); 
Merib-ba'al, son of Jonathan, noticed above ; Ba'al-yadha', i.e. 'Ba'al 
knows or takes notice' (sc. of the bearer of the name ; 1 Chr. 14 7 ), a 

* Cf., for this form, Prov. 380 Kt., and Tnfin. Constr. 1\~\ Judg. 22™ Kt. 
X As a matter of fact, the sense to be attached to the element y e r& in Y*rti'cl 
is highly uncertain. 

2o2 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [6. 33. 

33. E And all Midian and'Amalek and the children of the East 
assembled themselves together; and they passed over, and 
encamped in the vale of Jezre'el. 34. J And the spirit of Yahweh 

name borne by one of David's heroes; Ba'al-hanan, i.e. 'Ba'al is 
gracious ' (1 Chr. 27 28 ), one of David's officers; and — most striking 
instance of all — Ba'al-ya, i.e. ' Ya or Yahweh is Ba'al' (1 Chr. 12 6 , f^ 6 ), 
one of David's heroes. These names, where they occur in Sam., 
have been disguised by a later hand in order to remove the reference 
to Ba'al which was (wrongly) taken to refer to a false god. Thus 
we find, in Ish-bosheth for Esh-ba'al, Mephibosheth for Meribba'al, 
the substitution of boseth — ' shame ' or ' shameful thing ' ; cf. Hos. 
9 10 , Jer. 3 24 , 11 13 , where allusions to the Ba'al have been similarly 
disguised. Ba'al-yadha' appears in 2 Sam. 5 16 as El-yadha', i.e. 'God 
takes notice.' Hos. 2 1617 , ffi 181 °, is a passage which witnesses to 
such an application of the title Ba'al to Yahweh ; and also to a dislike 
of it on the part of the prophets of the higher form of Yahwism, which 
was doubtless ultimately instrumental in bringing about a discon- 
tinuance of the usage :— ' And it shall be in that day, saith Yahweh, 
that thou shalt call me Hsi (my husband) ; and shalt call me no more 
bd a li (my Ba'al or Master). For I will take away the names of the 
Ba als out of her mouth, and they shall no more be mentioned by 
their name.' 

The reason why the name Jerubba'al was not similarly disguised by 
later scribes doubtless was because it is essential to the point of the 
narrative, which is polemical to idolatry. In 2 Sam. n 21 , however, 
we find the altered form Jerub-besheth. Cf. further the present 
editor's Outlines of O. T. Theology, pp. 27 ff. 

33. And all Midian, etc. Cf. v. 3 note. 

Passed over. I.e. crossed the Jordan. 

the vale of fezre el. The name of Jezre'el is preserved in the 
modern Zer'fn, situated upon an outlying spur of the Gilboa' -range 
overlooking the plain (for the termination -in for -el, cf. footnote p. 21). 
According to Macalister, however, the modern site cannot actually 
represent the ancient city, since the strata do not exhibit an antiquity 
so remote as O.T. times (cf. PEF. Qy. St. 1909, p. 175). 

'The vale i^emek) of Jezre'el' here denotes (as is clear from 
ch. 7 18612 ) the part of the great plain immediately to the north of 
Gilboa', where it begins to narrow down before its descent into the 
Jordan valley. There are two other occurrences of the term in O.T. : 
Josh. 17 16 J, where the children of Joseph state that the Cana'anites 
inhabiting the vale of Jezre'el are too strong for them, owing to their 
possession of iron chariots ; and Hos. 1 6 , where the vale is mentioned 
as a battle-field : ' I will break the bow of Israel in the vale of 
Jezre'el.' In these passages 'the vale of Jezre'el' seems to mean the 
whole extent of the modern Merg ibn 'Amir, just as 'the great plain 

6. 34-35-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES tt>3 

clothed itself in Oide'on, and he blew a trumpet; and Abi'ezer 
was called to arms after him. 35. E And he sent messengers 

of Esdraelon ' * does in Judith i 8 ; cf. also 3 9 , 4°, 7 3 . 'The valley 
of Megiddo ' {bilcath M e giado) is a different designation for the same 
plain in 2 Chr. 35 22 , Zech. 12 u . % 

34. clothed itself in Gide'on. The same striking phrase occurs in 
1 Chr. 12 18 , p? 19 , 2 Chr. 24 20 . The meaning seems to be that the divine 
spirit took complete possession of Gide c on, so that he became, as it 
were, its incarnation, and was thus employed as its instrument. 
For the different terms used in this book to describe the access of 
the spirit of Yahweh upon a ' Judge,' cf. ch. 3 10 note. 

and Abiezer. Gide'on's own clan, 'the weakest in Manasseh 
{v. 15 ), musters the three hundred who form his sole force, according 
to the earlier and more authentic tradition preserved in J : cf. p. 1 79. 

was called to arms. Heb. pV^). The passive (Niph'al) form of 

the verb pJ?T or pJ7¥, meaning ' to cry out or call,' always denotes a 
summons to battle or armed resistance ; the original reference of 
the verb probably being to the loud, excited shout of a messenger 
who has little time to spare. R.V.'s rendering, ' was gathered to- 
gether,' is weak and inexpressive. 

35. And he sent messengers, etc. On the summoning of the tribes 
here mentioned, cf. pp. 178 f. 

* Esdraelon, the Graecized form of Jezre'el, is written EcropaTjXwv, EadprfXav, 
'EuprjXuv, with other variants which are doubtless due to textual corruption. Cf. 
the full list in EB. 1391, n 1 . 

X Smith {HG. pp. 384 ff.) would restrict the O.T. usage of ' the vale of Jezre'el' 
to the south-eastern portion of the plain denoted in our passage (see above) ; while 
supposing that the whole wide open plain was properly termed bik'd, as in the 
phrase biHath M e giddo. This view is based upon the assumption that, while 
bik'd (which he renders 'Plain or Opening') may denote a broad open valley 
surrounded by hills, 'emek (rendered ' Vale or Deepening ') is ' never applied to 
any extensive plain away from hills, but always to wide avenues running up into 
a mountainous country like the Vale of Elah, the Vale of Hebron, and the Vale 
of Aijalon.' Such a conclusion as regards 'emek (though quoted with approval 
by many scholars, e.g. Cooke here; Gray on Num. 14 2B , ICC. ; Driver in DB. 
iv. 846a) can scarcely be maintained. In ch. 1 19 (cf. note) 'emek denotes the 
whole of the maritime plain to the west of the hill-country of Judah ; and the 
usage in i 34 is similar, and can scarcely be restricted to the vale of Sorek or the 
vale of Aijalon. In the Song of Deborah, ch. 5 15c (and v. 14a as emended), 
'emek denotes the widest and most open part of the great plain, through which 
the Kishon flows. The words of the servants of the king of Aram, 1 Kgs. 20 23 , 
' Their gods are gods of hills ; therefore were they stronger than we : but let us 
fight against them in the plain (Heb. bam-misor, lit. 'upon the level ground') ; 
surely we shall be stronger than they ' (cf. also v. 25 ), are paraphrased by the 
man of God {v. 28 ), 'Because the Aramaeans said " A god of hills is Yahweh, 
and not a god of vales'" ^dmdkim). Here it would be absurd to say that the 
reference is to the valleys running up into the hills, and not to the low-lying and 
level country generally. Similarly, the' emek in which the horses are pictured as 

204 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [6. 36. 37. 39 

throughout all Manasseh, and they RJE also E were called to 
arms after him ; F - a and he sent messengers throughout Asher 
and Zebulun and Naphtali, and they came up to meet them. 
36. E And Gide'on said unto God, ' If thou art about to save 
Israel by my hand, as thou hast spoken, 37. behold, I am setting 
a fleece of wool on the threshing-floor : if there be dew upon the 
fleece alone, and it be dry upon all the ground, then I shall 
know that thou wilt save Israel by my hand, as thou hast spoken.' 

38. And it was so : he rose up on the morrow, and wrung the 
fleece, and squeezed the dew out of the fleece, a bowlful of water. 

39. And Gide'on said unto God, ' Let not thine anger be kindled 
against me, and I will speak only this once : let me make proof, 
prithee, but this once with the fleece ; let it, prithee, be dry 
upon the fleece alone, and upon all the ground let there be dew.* 

40. And God did so that night : for it was dry upon the fleece 
alone, and upon all the ground there was dew. 

36. ' If thou art about to save, etc.'' The emphasis on the ' arf 
(i.e. ' really art, etc.') is expressed in Heb. by the use of the substantival 
form ?[$* with the Participle used as a 'Futurum instans.' Cf. 

Gen. 24 42 *3-n pp^lD W^GT'DX 'Prithee, if thou art indeed about 

to prosper my way, etc' Where such emphasis is absent, the 
Participle alone suffices : cf. ch. II 9 , 'y\ ^nitf DfiN D^K>D DK ' If 
ye are going to bring me back.' 

37. a fleece of wool. Heb. gizzath has-semer denotes a shorn 
fleece ; therefore Cooke's suggestion that it was ' perhaps his sheep- 
skin cloak with the wool on it ' is excluded. 

39. ' Let not thine anger, etc.'' On the resemblance of this passage 
to Gen. 18 30 - 32 J, cf. p. 178 footnote. 

let me make proof etc. The threshing-floor, in all probability a 
flat rocky hill-top or prominence, would not collect much dew, and 
what little there was would soon evaporate ; whereas the fleece 
would naturally collect and hold the moisture. It thus occurs to 
Gide'on (after his first test) that the phenomenon may after all be 
nothing in the nature of a portent. The reversed condition of things 
— a dry fleece upon the wet rock — will be much more unexpected ; 
and therefore more reliable as a sign of supernatural intervention. 

pawing the ground, as they stand drawn up in line of battle (Job 39 21 ) is clearly 
to be regarded as an open plain, like the great Merg ibn 'Amir. 

While, therefore, it may be true that 'etnek (lit. ' depression ') ' is a highlander's 
word for a valley as he looks down upon it,' the further conclusion that the term 
is ' never applied to any extensive plain away from hills, but always to wide 
avenues running up into a mountainous country,' is, as the facts quoted above go 
to show, entirely unwarranted. 

7. i.] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 205 

7. 1. And Jerubbaal ( Rjl: that is, Gideon), E and all the people 
who were with him, rose up early in the morning, and encamped 
beside the spring of Harod : and the camp of Midian was to the 
north of him, <(beneath)> the hill of the Oracle-giver in the vale. 

7. 1. Jerubbaal {that is, Gideon). The original narrative, E, here 
employs the name Jerubba'al ; while the insertion of the hero's other 
name is due to the redactor of J and E. Cf. p. 178. 

the spring of Harod. Assuming that the description of the position 
of the two forces is from the same source as 6 33 E, which describes 
the encampment of Midian in the vale of Jezre'el (or that, if 7 la £ b is 
from J, both narratives describe the same scene of action), then we 
must look for the spring of Harod upon the southern edge of the 
vale, and somewhat above it. These conditions are satisfied by the 
\Ain Galud, which Rob. (B.R. Z ii. p. 323) describes as 'a very large 
fountain, flowing out from under a sort of cavern in the wall of 
conglomerate rock, which here forms the base of Gilboa'. The 
water is excellent ; and issuing from crevices in the rocks, it spreads 
out at once into a fine limpid pool, forty or fifty feet in diameter. . . . 
From the reservoir, a stream sufficient to turn a mill flows off eastwards 
down the valley. 5 Smith states that the spring ' bursts some fifteen 
feet broad and two deep from the very foot of Gilboa', and mainly out 
of it, but fed also by the other two springs, flows [in] a stream con- 
siderable enough to work six or seven mills. The deep bed and soft 
banks of this stream constitute a formidable ditch in front of the 
position on Gilboa', and render it possible for the defenders of the 
latter to hold the spring at their feet in face of an enemy on the 
plain' (HG. pp. 397 £). The name Harodh is susceptible of the inter- 
pretation ' trembling ' ; and there is thus no doubt a play upon the 
meaning in the narrative which follows : cf. v. 3 , ' Whosoever is 
fearful and trembling (haredh)? 

was to the north . . . in the vale. Reading finfiD JIQ^D i^TPn 

- - - ' T • T T 

pEV3 mton T\yyb, The text of p? cannot be original, it being 

v •• t v - " : • : 

impossible to attach any sense to misn njD3D. R.V. text, 'by the 

hill of Moreh ' is an unjustifiable perversion of the sense of }D ' from 5 ; 
nor does the gratuitous addition of 'onwards' by R.V. marg. — 'from 
the hill of Moreh onwards in the valley' — commend itself as at all 
probable. The emendation adopted supposes simply that DJDUB 
is a scribe's error for njDJ7 nnriD • and the reason for its adoption 

is connected with the probable site of ' the hill of the Oracle-giver,' on 
which see below. 

Bu. emends pom mton TWlh ttSVtt TWWfo i^im 'was beneath 

v •• t v - - : • : t • - - . T T 

him, north of the hill of the oracle-giver in the vale' (so Kit., No.). 
Mo., who supposes that combination with v. 8b is responsible for the 


2. r -' : And Yahweh said unto Gide on, ' The people who are 
with thee are too many for me to give Midian into their hand; 
lest Israel vaunt themselves against me, saying " My hand hath 

disorder of the passage, prefers to read pDjJH mlBPI T)V2lb \\E8to n*fl 

v • • T v " - : • : T • T T 

' was north of the hill of the oracle-giver in the vale.' This sense is 
given by 1 T (with omission of POJJ3), ' Erant autem castra Madian in 
valle ad Septentrionalem plagam collis excelsi'; and by & p (with 

retention of &) Al^L<t> ] t n^. ^k) oii> ZoCTI ^-»r^O? ]A >. - V>n 

JqLpo SO *|ALd5 (£, E offer the same text as % 

'The hill of the Oracle-giver'* is generally supposed to be the 
6ebel Neby Dahy or Little Hermon, to the north of mount Gilboa* 
across the vale of Jezre'el. If this location is correct, the name may 
be connected with the fact that 'En-dor, which in the time of Saul 
was the seat of a witch or woman with a familiar spirit (i Sam. 28 7 ), 
lies in close proximity to the north of Neby Dahy. Assuming the 
correctness of the reading either of Bu. or Mo. (as noticed above), an* 
objection to this identification may be found in the fact that we have 
already been informed in 6 33 that the Midianites were encamped in 
the vale of Jezre'el, i.e. if the ordinary assumption is correct (cf. note 
ad loc.\ in the Nahr Galud to the south of Gebel Neby Dahy; whereas 
the present passage would place the encampment to the north of the 
hill, perhaps not far from Nain or 'En-dor. This difficulty is not much 
helped by Mo.'s alternative emendation of our passage (followed by 
Cooke), which substitutes DV3J21 for njnaB and omits pDVB thus 

obtaining the reading, 'was on his north, on the hill of the oracle- 
giver ' ; since it is clear from vv. 8b n that the Midianites were not 
encamped upon a hill, but below the Israelites in the vale. The 
desiderated sense (making the reference to be to Neby Dahy and 
placing the encampment of Midian in the Nahr Galud) can only be 
obtained by the emendation offered in our text. Adopting this con- 
clusion, the positions of Gide' on and the Midianites exactly correspond 
to those of the two hosts in 1 Sam. 28 4 — Saul's army on Gilboa', and 
the Philistines at Shunem close under Neby Dahy. 

If, however, the present passage comes from J, it is conceivable, as 
Mo. points out, that the author of this narrative may have placed the 
scene of action, not in the vale of Jezre'el, but somewhere in the near 
neighbourhood of 'Ophrah,z>.not far from Shechem. The name Moreh 
is elsewhere found only in the neighbourhood of Shechem (Gen. 12 6 , 
Deut. 11 30 , ' the terebinth or sacred tree or trees of Moreh') ; though 
this is a point which does not carry great weight, since there were 
doubtless such 'oracle-givers' in other localities. It is, however, 

* Ham-more" ='\he giver of tdrd,' i.e. decision or counsel purporting to be 
dictated by divine or supernatural agency. 

7. 3-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 207 

wrought deliverance fur me." 3. Now, therefore, prithee pro- 
claim in the ears of the people, saying, " Whosoever is fearful 
and trembling, let him return, and decamp from mount rGaludV ' 

worthy of note that the introductory narrative of J presupposes (6 u ) 
that marauding Midianites were in very close proximity to 'Ophrah 
(to which, all the same, they may have come up from their main 
encampment in the vale of Jezre'el) ; and that in ch. y n two different 
accounts of the line of flight appear to be combined, one of which 
may have been down the Wady Far c ah from the neighbourhood of 
Shechem — though, in our ignorance of the localities mentioned, this 
cannot be affirmed. Cf. note ad loc. 

3. ' Whosoever is fearful, etc? For the terms of the proclamation, 
cf. Deut. 20 8 . 

and decamp from mount Galud. Reading Ti?an iniD "ibVI The 

difficulty connected with f£ "jypjin IHO "ib^l is twofold. 

In the first place, if "iSVI is original, it stands alone in Heb. as 

• • • 

used in the present connexion ; and scholars have exhausted their 

ingenuity in attempting to assign the verb a suitable meaning under 
some one of the different roots "IS¥ which are known in Semitic. 
R.V. text, 'and depart,' seems to be guided by the rendering of 
(Gr kcu €Kxa>peiTV. R.V. marg. 'go round about' follows the ex- 
planation of Abulwalid, Tan chum, Kimchi (second alternative), etc., 
who connect the verb with the subst. n*VQ¥ 'chaplet' or 'fillet' 

(Isa. 28 6 ), upon the incorrect* assumption that this is so-called as 
going round the head. A.V., ' depart early,' goes back to Rashi, 
Kimchi (first alternative), and Levi ben-Gershon, who, connecting with 
the Aram, saphrd ' morning,' explain the verb as meaning ' to depart 
in the early morning.' The only really philological explanation is that 
offered by Siegfried and Stade {Hebr. Worterbuch, s.v.\ who make the 
verb the equivalent of the Ar. dafara, which may mean 'to go quickly, 
spring, leap in running'^ (Lane). This is plausible, and hasbeen adopted 
in our rendering ' decamp ' ; since the context seems to offer scope 
for an unusual word — perhaps a colloquialism which was calculated 
to cast ridicule upon the cowards (like our ' cut and run '). Failing 
this explanation, it is possible that ISVI may be a corruption of "Dyi 

'and pass on' (Gra.) : cf. <5r <al e/c^copeiro), U 'et recesserunt' 

Secondly, the reference to 'mount Gile'ad' as the spot upon which 
Gide'on's army was stationed is quite inexplicable. The name njJpan 

T ; • - 

'the Gile'ad' is elsewhere confined to the well-known district east of 

* The root-meaning of JlT'Eft? is seen in the Ar. dafara— ' to plait or braid. ' 
X Ji*£> is given as a synonym of jj^c and ««j by the Arabic lexicographists. 

208 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [7. 3. 

And there returned of the people twenty and two thousand, and 
ten thousand were left. 

4. And Yahweh said unto Gide'on, 'The people are still 

Jordan ; and though it is perhaps too bold to say that the same name 
could not have been applied to a mountain on the western side of 
the river, yet such a coincidence in nomenclature is at any rate 
highly improbable. Le Clerc suggests the substitution of $'-bl7\ "IHD 

' from mount Gilboa' ' ; but against this Stu. (who quotes Dathe) and 
Mo. argue with some reason that, since Gide'on's army was actually 
encamped upon Gilboa', the naming of the mountain by Gide'on in 
his command to depart would be extremely superfluous. Michaelis, 
by vocalizing "lilD 'quickly' (cf. ch. 2 1723 ) instead of *iriD and under- 
standing *iy?3n as an accusative of direction, seeks to obtain the 

t : • - 

meaning of 'flee quickly to Gile'ad,' i.e. escape across the Jordan: 
but this is directly opposed by vv. 7 - 8 (Mo.), where it is stated that the 
people were sent back to their own homes. 

In face of these difficulties, Mo. proposes to conclude Gide'on's 
proclamation with 3^" and to emend the words under discussion 

pyia DETl¥ s V The passage thus runs '"Whosoever is fearful and 

trembling, let him return." So Gide'on tested them' In support of 
DD~l¥ s 1 Mo. compares v. 4b , ' Bring them down unto the water, that I 

may test them A321VN1) for thee there.'* This suggestion is 

adopted by Bu. (Comm.\ No., La., Kit, Kent, Gress. Ingenious and 
attractive as it is, however, it can hardly be accepted as satisfactory. 
For, firstly, if the name of Gide'on had originally stood in the 
sentence, it is incredible that it should have become so illegible as to 
be mistaken for 'Mount Gile'ad'; and, secondly, though the verb 
Pp¥ 'test' is appropriate to the method adopted in vv. 4ft , where 
the men are selected and segregated in accordance with their 
different methods of drinking, the effect produced by Gide'on's 
proclamation can scarcely be termed a ' testing ' in the same sense, 
and it is very doubtful whether the verb *p¥ could be applied 

to it. 

The close resemblance between IV^ft ' the Gile'ad' and the modern 

t : • - 

Ar. name of the spring of Harod, 'Ain dalud, together with the 
stream which is fed by it — the Nahr dalud — can scarcely escape 

* It may be noticed that Rabbi Isaiah states that "1SV1 is a metathesis of 
PpVI (i.e. apparently, the Niph'al *\yP) ' and so be tested'), just as we get 
the alternative forms CQ3 3K>3. The view that the verb is a metathesis 
appears to explain the rendering of 2E, "iHDrP. 

7. 4- 5-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 209 

many : bring them down unto the water, that I may test them 
for thee there : and it shall be, of whomsoever I shall say unto 
thee, " This one shall go with thee," the same shall go with thee, 
and all of whom I shall say unto thee, " This one shall not go 
with thee," the same shall not go.' 5. So he brought the people 
down to the water : and Yahweh said unto Gide'on, ' Everyone 
who lappeth of the water with hi9 tongue, as the dog lappeth, 
thou shalt set him apart ; and everyone who bendeth down upon 

notice ; and suggests that ualud may be an ancient name, and may 
have been applied, not only to the spring and stream, but also to the 
mountain-spur from which the spring issues. If this is so, however, 
it is natural to inquire into the etymology of the name. According 
to Smith {HG. pp. 397 f. n 2 ), Boha-ed-Din ( Vit. Salad, ch. xxiv.) 
gives the name as c Ain el-Galut or 'well of Goliath,' with whose 
slaughter by David the Jerusalem Itinerary connects Jezre'el. This is 
obviously mere guess-work, and cannot be regarded as a serious 

Now it is worthy of notice that in Bab. the verb galddu means ' to 
be afraid ' ; * and, in default of other explanation of the Ar. Galud, it 
is by no means improbable that this preserves an old Heb. or 
Amorite name, the root-meaning of which was identical with the 
Babylonian. Thus 'Ain Galud may have some such meaning as ' the 
Coward's Spring'; and 'the Spring of Harod or Trembling' may 
have been a variant name with similar meaning. It is not too bold 
to assume that the mountain-spur from which the spring issues may 

also have borne the name *\hl7\ in 'the Coward's Mount,' and that 

T _ 

the story may have been woven round this name ; an archaic and 

possibly obsolete root being explained by the learned writer in the 

sentence Tim K'V'D ' Whoso is fearful and afraid.' If this is so, it 
.. T . .. T 

supplies adequate reason for the mention of the name of the mountain, 
viz. the play upon the meaning of Galud in the terms of the pro- 

4. thai I may test them. Heb. 13S1V&0 may be rendered as by 

Mo., 'and let me separate them.' The verb saraph is used of the 
smelting process which separates the fine metals from the dross. 

5. At the end of the verse, *ni> initf J^n 'thou shalt set him 

t ; * - 

apart,' is supplied upon the authority of (5r AL , <S h fieraor^o-eis avrbv koj* 
avrov. So <S P . Cf. also the rendering of U, ' qui autem curvatis genibus 
biberint, in altera parte erunt.' The words are necessary to complete 
the sense of the final sentence, the 'likewise' of R.V., inserted before 

* The cognate galatu has a similar meaning. 


210 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [7. 6. 

his knees to drink <(thou shalt set him apart>.' 6. And the 
number of those that lapped ] was three hundred men ; but all 
the rest of the people bent down upon their knees to drink 
water, ^putting their hand to their mouthy. 

4 every one that boweth down, etc.,' being unwarranted by the Heb. 

6. And the number of those that lapped, etc. fi| makes ' putting 
their hand to their mouth' to refer to 'those that lapped' ; but since 
the lapping is stated in the previous verse to have been ' as the dog 
lappeth,' it is clear that the words are out of place, since the dog 
laps by putting his tongue to the stream. The words are not found in 

<Br AL , £ h , H, which read instead D^K^S ' with their tongue ' ; and 

t : • ' 

this may be original : cf. v. 6 . Bu. (RS. p. 112, n z ) was the first to 
point out that the words 'putting their hand, etc.,' are out of place in 
3^, and should properly apply to those ' who bowed down upon their 
knees to drink.' He referred them to the end of v. 6 ; but Mo. is 
more probably right in placing them at the end of v. 6 . Very pos- 
sibly the statement was not part of the original narrative, but a later 
gloss, written upon the margin of a MS., which crept into f^ in the 
wrong place. 

Stade illustrates the posture adopted by those who lapped water 
from the spring by a quotation from K. v. d. Steinen : Unter den 
Naturuolkern Zentral-Brasiliens , p. 73. Here the writer remarks, 
' It was a comic sight to see how the rising generation and their 
sisters drank from the Kulisehu : their mouth in the water ; sup- 
ported upon both hands ; one leg in the air ; not unlike young 
monkeys' (ZATW., 1896, p. 186). On the other hand, the descrip- 
tion given by Moody Stuart {PEF. Qy. St., 1895, P- 345) of the man 
whom he observed drinking in Madeira, though he terms the method 
'lapping' (misled by the misplacement in v. G which has just been 
noticed), really illustrates the method of those who knelt down and 
scooped up the water in the palm of the hand : — ' One afternoon, in 
riding leisurely out of Funchal, there came toward the town a man in 
the light garb of a courier from the mountains running at the top of 
his speed ; as he approached me he stopped to quench his thirst at a 
fountain, in a way that at once suggested the lapping of Gideon's 
men, and I drew up my pony to observe his action more exactly, but 
he was already away as on the wings of the wind, leaving me to 
wonder and admire. With one knee bent before him, and the other 
limb stretched out in the same attitude as he ran, and with his face 
upward toward heaven, he threw the water apparently with his 
fingers in a continuous stream through his open lips, without bringing 
his hand nearer his mouth than perhaps a foot and a half, and so 
satisfied his thirst in a few moments.' Cf. further, Addenda, pp. xivff. 

7. 7-] THE BOOK OF JUDGES 211 

7. And Yahweh said unto Gideon, 'By the three hundred 
men who lapped I will deliver you, and will give Midian into 
thy hand j but let all the people go, every man unto his place.' 

7. By the three hundred . . . I will deliver you. The grounds upon 
which the three hundred were retained and the great bulk of the host 
rejected, have formed a puzzle for interpreters since the time of 
Josephus. It would be a fruitless task to tabulate the different 
suggestions which have been offered ; but, speaking generally, it 
may be said that the majority of explanations are vitiated (a) by the 
misplacement in v. 6 % which has led to a misapprehension of the 
two forms of drinking ; and (jb) by the presupposition that those chosen 
must have adopted a method which marked them out as more ready 
and alert, and therefore more suitable for Gide'on's undertaking.* 

Granted, however, that the two forms of drinking are correctly 
explained in the preceding note, it is obvious that (in so far as the 
test was a test of attitude) the main part of the army who knelt to 
drink, and raised the water in their hands, were the better suited for 
the enterprise, as adopting a method in the practice of which they 
were the less likely to be taken by surprise by a lurking foe than 

* A striking exception, as regards this latter point, is offered by Josephus, who 
explains that those who were chosen were marked out by their conduct as the 
greatest cowards, whom it would have been natural to reject : ' And so, in 
order that they might learn that the matter was one for His assistance, He 
advised him to bring his army about noon, in the violence of the heat, to the 
river, and to esteem those who bent down on their knees, and so drank, to be men 
of courage, but to esteem all those who drank hastily and tumultuously to be 
cowards and in dread of the enemy. And when Gideon had done as God 
suggested to him, there were found three hundred men who took water in their 
hands with fear in an agitated manner ; and God bade him take these men and 
attack the enemy ' {Ant. V. vi. 3). This explanation, in so far as it assumes that 
God made what was, from the human point of view, an unexpected choice, is in 
harmony with the explanation which is offered above. 

The way in which the two factors (a and b) noted above have operated in 
concert in leading an interpreter astray is illustrated by the explanation offered by 
Smith (HG. pp. 398 f.) : 'Those Israelites therefore who bowed themselves down 
on their knees, drinking headlong, did not appreciate their position or the foe ; 
whereas those who merely crouched, lapping up the water with one hand, while 
they held their weapons in the other and kept their face to the enemy, were aware 
of their danger, and had hearts ready against all surprise. The test in fact was 
a test of attitude, which, after all, both in physical and moral warfare, has proved 
of greater value than strength or skill — attitude towards the foe and appreciation 
of his presence. In this case it was particularly suitable. What Gideon had in 
view was a night march and the sudden surprise of a great host. . . . Soldiers who 
behaved at the water as did the three hundred, showed just the common sense 
and vigilance to render such tactics successful. 5 It will be obvious at once that 
this explanation exactly reverses the methods employed by the three hundred and 
the main body of the army, as stated in the narrative. Those ' who bowed them- 
selves down on their knees ' were not ' drinking headlong ' ; whereas ' those who 
merely crouched' obviously could not lap ' as the dog lappeth.' 

212 THE BOOK OF JUDGES [7. 8. 

8. R JE And they took r the pitchers 1 of the people in their hand, 
and their trumpets ; E 2 and all the men of Israel he sent every 
man to his home, but the three hundred men he retained. And 
the camp of Midian was beneath him in the vale. 

those who rested on their hands or lay prone upon the ground so as 
to lap like a dog by placing their mouths to the water. But if we 
take into account the fact that the whole narrative is obviously in- 
tended to emphasize the lesson that victory results from Divine 
assistance and not from the numbers or tactics of the human instru- 
ments employed (cf. v. 2 ), it seems likely that the lapping method, 
which, from the purely human point of view, might seem to amount 
to criminal carelessness in presence of the enemy, may have been 
taken by the narrator as exhibiting trust in the protection and assist- 
ance of Yahweh, as opposed to the anxious alertness of those who 
believed that their hope of success depended upon themselves. If 
this is so, a commentary on the narrative may be found in I Sam. 
i6 7 : man looks at the outward appearance of fitness; but God 
looks at the heart. 

8. And they took the pitchers of the People. Reading ^STIX ! inp s 1 
Dyn after Mo. $ Dyn m^TIK inp s 1 is rendered by R.V., ' So the 

T T T T T •• :•" 

people took victuals.' If this meaning were intended, however, we 
should expect rTPV DVH inp s 1 * €r, & offer the rendering 'And they 

t •• t t :•-* 

took the victuals of the people 5 (i.e. Dyn nTSVIK or Dyn TWIKV 

i.e. the three hundred took the victuals of the nine thousand, seven 
hundred, who were returning home. It is obvious, however, that 
Gide'on's little force, which was bent upon a hasty night-attack upon 
the Midianite camp, would not encumber itself with so large a quan- 
tity of useless provisions ; and it need not be doubted that Mo.'s 
suggestion, ^3 ' pitchers ' for nT¥ is correct. The statement is due 

to R JE , who explains how Gide'on's army came to have a sufficient 
number of pitchers (J) and trumpets (E) for the ruse which is to be 
described in vv. im - Bu. suggests the further emendations np s 1 ' And 

he (Gideon) took' for inp s 1 in agreement with the sing. n?K> i he sent' 
which follows ; and Dn s ft ' from their hand ' in place of DT'S 

t t • tt;' 

to his home. Lit. 'to his tents.' Cf. ch. 19 9 note. 

and the camp of Midian, etc. Resumptive of z/. lb , after the 
insertion of the narrative relating the reduction of Gide'on's army. 
Cf. p. 180. 

* The order verb, object, subject, though rare, is occasiona